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I 


THE 


INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON 


BY 

MORGAN  CALLAWAY,  JR. 

PROFESSOR  OF  ENGLISH  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  TEXAS 


WASHINGTON,  D.C. 

Published  by  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington 

1913 


CARNEGIE  INSTITUTION  OF  WASHINGTON 

Publication  No.  16? 


The  University  Press,  Cambridge,  U.  S.  A. 


4va 

W\ 


PREFACE. 

■  '  f  .•*  ...  f  .  t 

An  attempt  is  here  made  to  give  a  detailed  history  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  to  treat  some  substitutes  therefor.  The  study  is  based  upon  a  statis¬ 
tical  reading  of  the  whole  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature  with  the  exception  of  the 
glosses  and  of  a  few  out-of-prints.  For  a  specific  statement,  see  the  bibliog¬ 
raphy.  Moreover,  in  all  the  more  definitely  known  translations,  the  Latin 
originals,  duly  noted  in  the  bibliography,  have  been  read  statistically.  I  have 
endeavored  to  make  my  statistics  complete,1  but,  in  such  a  mass  of  details, 
occasional  omissions  are  inevitable.  I  trust,  however,  that  they  will  not  prove 
so  numerous  or  so  serious  as  to  invalidate  this  history  of  the  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon.  A  chapter  is  added  on  “the  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Germanic 
Languages,”  which  of  necessity  rests  upon  the  investigations  of  others,  but 
which  will,  I  hope,  be  found  something  more  than  a  summary. 

Perhaps  a  word  concerning  its  general  plan  may  facilitate  the  reading  of  my 
study.  After  a  brief  discussion  concerning  the  nature  and  the  classification  of 
the  infinitive,  I  have  striven  to  give,  first,  the  facts  concerning  its  several  uses 
in  Anglo-Saxon;  and,  secondly,  an  interpretation  of  these  facts.  Accordingly, 
in  the  appendix,  all  occurrences  of  each  use  are  recorded  in  alphabetic  sequence; 
and,  in  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  respective  uses,  copious  illustrations 
are  given  in  smaller  syntactic  groups,  in  which  latter,  again,  the  words  are 
arranged  alphabetically.  Differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  classification  of  indi¬ 
vidual  examples  are  inevitable,  but  I  have  tried  in  each  use  to  distinguish  the 
normal  from  the  abnormal,  and,  without  ignoring  the  latter,  to  base  my  classi¬ 
fication  and  my  discussion  mainly  upon  the  former.  Readers  and  critics  will 
be  the  more  generous  in  their  judgment  of  my  classifications  when  they  con¬ 
sider  the  large  number  of  examples  to  be  classified  and  the  inherent  difficulty 
of  the  task,  —  a  difficulty  aggravated  by  the  fact  that,  in  both  the  English  and 
the  Germanic  fields,  minute  classification  is  not  attempted  in  several  of  the 
special  investigations  made  of  the  infinitive. 

The  comment  is,  for  the  most  part,  given  in  the  sections  headed  “Differ¬ 
entiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives”  and  in  the  chapter  on  “the  Origin  of  the  Con¬ 
structions  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.”  In  this  latter  chapter,  too,  are 
summarized  the  Latin  correspondents  of  the  infinitives  in  the  closer  Anglo- 
va  Saxon  translations.  Both  in  the  historical  and  in  the  interpretative  sections 
I  have  given,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover  it,  the  history  of  opinion 
concerning  the  construction  in  question.  As  the  table  of  contents  shows,  I 
have  made  the  use  rather  than  the  form  of  the  infinitive  the  determining  factor 
c  in  my  chapter-division;  but,  while  this  is  true,  I  have  everywhere  sharply 
separated  the  inflected  infinitive  from  the  uninflected.  In  a  word,  I  have 
endeavored  to  preserve  the  due  balance  between  form  and  function  so  much 

1  Except  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs,  the  full  tabulation  of  which 
seemed  unnecessary. 


v 


VI 


PREFACE. 


insisted  upon  by  Professor  E.  P.  Morris  in  his  instructive  work,  On  Some  Prin¬ 
ciples  of  Latin  Syntax;  whether  or  not  I  have  succeeded,  must  be  left  to  others 
for  determination.  It  is  believed  that  the  devices  already  named  and  the  full 
table  of  contents  render  an  index  unnecessary. 

In  the  chapter  on  “the  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages,”  the 
same  general  plan  is  followed  as  far  as  is  possible.  As  already  stated,  this 
chapter  is  based  mainly  upon  the  studies  of  others.  What  makes  me  hope  that, 
despite  this,  the  chapter  may  prove  of  interest  to  Germanic  grammarians, 
is  the  fact  that,  with  slight  modifications  for  some  of  the  individual  languages, 
the  theories  that  I  have  advanced  for  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  seem  to 
apply  also  to  the  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  It  is  hardly 
probable  that,  where  so  many  different  lines  apparently  converge,  they  should 
not  more  or  less  converge  in  reality. 

This  is  the  first  attempt  to  treat  the  syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  whole 
of  Anglo-Saxon  literature,  prose  and  poetical.  Portions  of  the  field,  however, 
have  been  treated  hitherto.  The  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  has 
been  discussed  by  Dr.  Carl  Krickau,  in  his  Goettingen  dissertation,  Der  Accu- 
sativ  mil  dem  Infinitiv  in  der  Englischen  Sprache,  Besonders  in  dem  Zeitalter  der 
Elisabeth ,  1877;  by  Professor  J.  H.  Gorrell,  in  his  Johns  Hopkins  dissertation, 
Indirect  Discourse  in  Anglo-Saxon,  1895;  and  by  Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin,  in  his 
Columbia  dissertation,  The  Accusative  with  Infinitive  and  Some  Kindred  Con¬ 
structions  in  English,  1908.  But,  as  the  titles  of  the  first  and  the  third  of  these 
monographs  indicate,  neither  is  restricted  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  period;  and,  as 
shown  in  their  bibliographies,  no  one  of  the  three  attempts  to  cover  the  whole 
of  Anglo-Saxon  literature.  The  final  use  of  the  infinitive  is  briefly  treated  by 
Professor  H.  G.  Shearin,  in  his  Yale  dissertation,  The  Expression  of  Purpose  in 
Old  English  Prose,  1903,  and  in  his  pendant  thereto,  The  Expression  of  Purpose 
in  Old  English  Poetry,  1909.  Less  restricted  in  one  way  and  more  restricted  in 
another  is  the  scope  of  Dr.  Karl  Koehler’s  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infin - 
itivs  und  Particips  im  Beowulf,  Muenster,  1886;  Dr.  T.  J.  Farrar’s  The  Gerund 
in  Old  English,  a  Washington  and  Lee  dissertation  of  1902;  Dr.  Georg  Riggert’s 
Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infinitiv s  in  der  Altenglischen  Poesie,  a  Kiel 
dissertation  of  1909;  and  Dr.  H.  Willert’s  “Vom  Infinitiv  mit  To,”  in  Eng- 
lische  Studien,  xliii,  1910,  pp.  100-104.  Several  uses  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  are  touched  on  in  the  dissertations  dealing  with  the  syntax  of  the  verb 
in  a  single  monument,  the  full  titles  of  which  are  given  in  my  bibliography. 
Moreover,  most  of  the  uses  of  the  infinitive  are  briefly  discussed  in  these  stand¬ 
ard  grammars  of  Anglo-Saxon:  A  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Language,  by  F.  A.  March,  New  York,  1873;  Angelsaechsische  Grammatik,  by 
Theodor  Mueller,  Goettingen,  1883;  Die  Syntax  in  den  Werken  Alfreds  des 
Grossen,  by  Dr.  J.  E.  Wuelfing,  Bonn,  1894-1901;  and  in  these  standard 
grammars  of  the  English  language  as  a  whole:  Historische  Grammatik  der 
Englischen  Sprache,  by  C.  F.  Koch,  2d  ed.,  Cassel,  1878-1891;  Englische  Gram¬ 
matik,  by  Eduard  Maetzner,  3d  ed.,  Berlin,  1880-1885;  Historical  Outlines  of 
English  Syntax,  by  Dr.  Leon  Kellner,  London,  1892;  A  New  English  Grammar , 


PREFACE. 


VII 


by  the  late  Dr.  Henry  Sweet,  Oxford,  1892-1898;  and  the  “Syntax”  by  Pro¬ 
fessor  Eugen  Einenkel,  in  Kluge’s  Geschichte  der  Englischen  Sprache,  2d  ed., 
Strassburg,  1899.  Naturally,  too,  I  have  examined  the  special  treatises  dealing 
with  the  infinitive  in  Middle  English  and  in  Modern  English,  all  chronicled 
in  my  bibliography. 

Of  the  special  treatises  dealing  with  the  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages 
other  than  Anglo-Saxon,  the  most  important  for  Gothic  are  Dr.  Arthur  Koeh¬ 
ler’s  “Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  im  Gothischen,”  in  Germania, 
xn,  1867,  pp.  421-462;  and  Dr.  Otto  Apelt’s  “Ueber  den  Accusativus  cum 
Infinitivo  im  Gothischen,”  in  Germania,  xix,  1874,  pp.  280-297.  For  the 
Scandinavian  languages  the  only  special  study  known  to  me  is  Dr.  C.  Grim- 
berg’s  “Undersokningar  om  Konstruktionen  Accusativ  med  Infinitiv  i  den 
Aeldre  Fornsvenskan,”  in  the  Arkiv  for  Nordisk  Filologi,”  xxi,  1905,  pp.  205- 
235,  311-357.  For  Old  Saxon  the  chief  articles  are  Dr.  R.  Steig’s  “Ueber  den 
Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  im  Altniederdeutschen,”  in  the  Zeitschrift  fuer  Deutsche 
Philologie ,  xvi,  1884,  pp.  307-345,  470-501,  and  Dr.  H.  Pratje’s  “Syntax 
des  Heliand,  I.  Das  Verbum,”  in  the  Jahrbuch  des  Vereins  fuer  ,Niederdeutsche 
Sprachforschung  for  1885,  xi,  1886,  pp.  1-84.  For  High  German  the  most 
important  treatises  are  Dr.  Otto  Apelt’s  “Bemerkungen  ueber  den  Accusa¬ 
tivus  cum  Infinitivo  im  Althochdeutschen  und  Mittelhochdeutschen,”  in  the 
Weimar  Jahresbericht  of  1875;  Dr.  Arthur  Denecke’s  Der  Gebrauch  des  Infini¬ 
tivs  bei  den  Althochdeutschen  Ueber setzern  des  Achten  und  Neunten  J ahrhunderts, 
a  Leipzig  dissertation  of  1880;  Dr.  E.  Herford’s  “Ueber  den  Accusativ  mit  dem 
Infinitiv  im  Deutsehen,”  in  the  Thorn  Program  of  1881 ;  and  Dr.  S.  Von  Mon- 
sterberg-Muenckenau’s  Der  Infinitiv  in  den  Epen  Hartmanns  von  Aue,  Breslau, 
1885.  Other  special  articles  and  the  standard  grammars  for  the  several  Ger¬ 
manic  languages  are  noted  in  Chapters  xiv  and  xvi. 

From  all  these  works,  both  general  and  special,  I  have  striven  to  glean 
whatever  is  pertinent  to  my  theme,  in  each  instance  to  give  credit  there¬ 
for,  and,  whenever  possible  for  me,  to  add  a  sheaf  to  the  garnerings  of  my 
predecessors. 

This  monograph  could  not  have  been  written  but  for  the  kindness  of  the 
library  authorities  at  several  of  our  older  and  larger  universities,  who  have 
generously  lent  me  rare  books.  For  this  kindness  I  wish  to  express  my  sincere 
thanks  to  the  librarians  of  the  following  universities:  Chicago,  Columbia, 
Cornell,  Harvard,  and  Johns  Hopkins.  To  the  authorities  of  our  own  library 
at  the  University  of  Texas,  I  am  likewise  indebted  for  many  courtesies. 

Professor  Hermann  Collitz,  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University,  has  kindly 
read  the  chapter  dealing  with  the  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages  other 
than  Anglo-Saxon,  and  has  made  helpful  comments  upon  the  same,  especially 
upon  the  bibliographical  side.  Professor  James  W.  Bright  has  again  deepened 
my  indebtedness  to  him,  which  began  some  years  ago  when  I  had  the  good  for¬ 
tune  to  study  under  his  personal  instruction  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University. 
He  has  read  most  of  the  proof,  and  has  offered  many  valuable  suggestions  for 
the  improvement  of  my  study.  And  my  esteemed  colleague,  Professor  Killis 


VIII 


PREFACE. 


\ 


Campbell,  of  the  University  of  Texas,  has  twice  read  the  proofs,  each  time  with 
the  eye  of  a  scholar  and  the  heart  of  a  friend. 

To  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington,  I  am  no  less  grateful  than  I 
am  indebted  for  the  publication  of  this  monograph.  But  for  this  kindness, 
the  work  could  not  have  appeared  in  so  full  or  in  so  handsome  a  form. 

To  all  these  helpers  and  friends  I  tender  my  abiding  gratitude.  May  they 
not  have  cause  to  regret  their  participation  in  the  launching  of  this  study! 


The  University  op  Texas, 

Austin ,  Texas,  February  15,  1913. 


Morgan  Callaway,  Jr. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction .  1 

I.  The  Nature  and  the  Origin  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Indo-Germanic 

Languages  .  1 

II.  The  Nature  and  the  Origin  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Germanic  Languages, 

Especially  in  Anglo-Saxon .  1 

III.  The  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon .  2 

IV.  The  Position  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon .  6 

V.  The  Voice  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon .  6 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Subjective  Infinitive .  7 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive .  7 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb .  7 

Uninflected  Only . 7 

Inflected  Only . 8 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each .  14 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs .  18 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives .  20 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive .  26 

C.  Notes .  27 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Objective  Infinitive .  28 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive .  28 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb  .  28 

General  Statement .  28 

Uninflected  Only .  31 

General  Statement .  31 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding .  31 

With  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting .  33 

With  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception .  34 

With  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception  . .  35 

With  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing .  35 

With  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will .  36 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs .  36 

Inflected  Only . 37 

General  Statement .  37 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding .  37 

With  Verbs  of  Permitting .  37 

With  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception .  38 

With  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing .  40 

With  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will .  41 

With  Other  Verbs .  43 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs .  43 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each  .  44 

General  Statement .  44 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding .  45 

With  Verbs  of  Permitting .  46 

With  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception  .  47 

With  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing .  50 

With  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will .  54 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs . 58 


IX 


X 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

The  Objective  Infinitive  —  continued . 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs .  59 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives .  60 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive .  71 

C.  Notes .  72 

CHAPTER  III. 

Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive .  73 

The  Active  Infinitive .  73 

As  a  Predicate  Nominative .  73 

As  an  Appositive .  75 

As  the  Object  of  a  Preposition .  78 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs .  79 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive .  79 

General  Statement .  79 

Uninflected .  80 

Inflected .  80 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives .  82 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive .  83 

C.  Notes .  88 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest  ....  89 

The  Active  Infinitive .  89 

General  Statement .  89 

Uninflected  Only .  89 

With  Verbs  of  Motion .  90 

With  Verbs  of  Rest .  91 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  “(W)uton” .  93 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive .  93 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive .  95 

C.  Notes .  96 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  “Beon”  (“Wesan”) .  97 

The  Active  Infinitive .  97 

Denoting  Necessity  or  Obligation .  97 

Denoting  Futurity  . 104 

Denoting  Purpose  . . 105 

Notes . 106 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject . 107 

As  Object . 107 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive . 107 

Uninflected . 107 

General  Statement . 107 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding . 108 

With  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting . 110 

With  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception . 112 

With  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception . 114 

With  Verbs  of  Declaring . 117 

With  Other  Verbs . 118 


CONTENTS.  XI 

PAGE 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  —  continued. 

Inflected . 118 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 119 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive . 120 

As  Subject . 124 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive . 124 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive . 125 

Notes . 125 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject . 127 

The  Active  Infinitive . 127 

With  Impersonal  Verbs . 127 

Uninflected . 127 

Inflected . 127 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 129 

With  Personal  Verbs . 129 

Uninflected . 129 

Inflected . 130 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 131 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Final  Infinitive . 132 

The  Active  Infinitive . 132 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb . 132 

General  Statement . 132 

Uninflected  Only . 133 

General  Statement . 133 

With  Verbs  of  Motion . 134 

With  Verbs  of  Rest . 134 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding  and  Requesting . 134 

With  Other  Verbs . 134 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs . 135 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each . 135 

General  Statement . 135 

With  Verbs  of  Motion . 135 

With  Verbs  of  Offering  and  of  Giving . 140 

With  Verbs  of  Rest . .  .  .  142 

With  Other  Verbs . 143 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs . 143 

Inflected  Only . 143 

General  Statement . 143 

Alphabetic  List  of  Verbs . 143 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs . 145 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 146 

Notes . 147 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 149 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive . 149 

General  Statement . 149 

Uninflected . 150 

Inflected . 151 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 158 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive . 158 

C.  Notes . 158 


XII 


CONTENTS. 


:  CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGE 

Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive . 160 

The  Causal  Infinitive . 160 

The  Infinitive  of  Specification  with  Verbs . 161 

The  Consecutive  Infinitive  .  . . 162 

The  Absolute  Infinitive . 169 

The  Conditional  Infinitive . 171 

The  Modal  Infinitive . 171 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives . 172 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Infinitive  with  Nouns . .  .  173 

The  Active  Infinitive . 173 

Uninflected . 173 

Inflected . 174 

General  Statement . .  .  174 

With  Nouns  Denoting  Ideas . 176 

With  Nouns  Denoting  Things  . 179 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives  . . 181 

Notes . 181 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Origin  of  the  Constructions  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  ....  183 

I.  The  Subjective  Infinitive . 183 

II.  The  Objective  Infinitive  .  . . 185 

III.  Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive . 193 

IV.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs . 194 

V.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest  ....  194 

VI.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  (TV) uton  .  . . 199 

VII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Beon  {Wesari) . .  200 

VIII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  ........  203 

IX.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject . 214 

X.  The  Final  Infinitive . 215 

XI.  The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 217 

XII.  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  .  .  .  ...  .  .  ...  .  .  .  218 

XIII.  The  Infinitive  with  Nouns . 220 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Some  Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon . . 221 

1.  The  Predicate  Nominative  of  the  Present  Participle  for  the  Predicative 

Infinitive  after  Verbs  of  Motion . 221 

2.  The  Predicate  Accusative  of  the  Present  Participle  for  the  Predicative  In¬ 
finitive  with  Accusative  Subject . 225 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages . 231 

I.  The  Subjective  Infinitive  .  . . 231 

II.  The  Objective  Infinitive . 233 

III.  Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  .  . . . . 236 

IV.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs  . . 237 

V.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest  ....  238 

VI.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  (W)uton  . . 239 

VII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Beon  {Wesari)  .  . . 239 

VIII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject . 241 

IX.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject . 248 

X.  The  Final  Infinitive . 252 

XI.  The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 256 

XII.  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive . 258 

XIII.  The  Infinitive  with  Nouns . 262 


CONTENTS. 


XIII 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PAGE 

Results . .  265 

APPENDIX. 

A.  Statistics  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon . 275 

I.  The  Subjective  Infinitive . 275 

II.  The  Objective  Infinitive . 279 

III.  Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive . 288 

IV.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs . 288 

V.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest  ....  290 

VI.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  (W)uton . 292 

VII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Beon  ( Wesan ) . 297 

VIII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject . 304 

IX.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject . 308 

X.  The  Final  Infinitive . 308 

XI.  The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 315 

XII.  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive . 318 

XIII.  The  Infinitive  with  Nouns . 318 

B.  Bibliography . 322 

C.  Addenda . 335 

D.  Synoptic  Tables  of  the  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  .  Folder 


'  "•  ■  ■  *  ' 


, 


THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Age-long  was  the  discussion  as  to  the  nature  and  the  origin  of  the  infinitive 
in  the  Indo-Germanic  family  of  languages.  For  something  over  two  thou¬ 
sand  years,  from  Panini  to  Bopp,  it  was  disputed  as  to  whether  the  infinitive 
should  be  classed  with  the  verb  or  with  the  noun.  Of  this  discussion  an  excel¬ 
lent  history  is  given  by  Professor  Jolly  in  his  Geschichte  des  Infinitivs  im  Indo- 
germanischen  (Munchen,  1873),  the  main  conclusions  of  which  are  accepted  by 
Professor  Delbriick  in  his  chapter  on  the  infinitive  in  his  V ergleichende  Syntax 
der  Indogermanischen  Sprachen  (Strassburg,  1897).  To  recount  the  history 
of  this  discussion  is  not  called  for  here.  Suffice  it  to  say  that,  by  a  careful  study 
of  the  forms  of  the  words  used  more  or  less  as  infinitives  in  the  older  Indo- 
Germanic  languages,  Bopp,  in  his  Conjugationssystem  der  Sanskritsprache  (1816), 
reached  the  conclusion,  now  almost  universally  accepted,  that  originally  the 
infinitives  were  petrified  cases  of  nouns  of  action,1  —  a  discovery  that,  according 
to  Delbriick,  was  in  a  sense  the  beginning  of  the  science  of  comparative  syntax. 

The  process  by  which  these  cases  of  nouns  of  action  became  petrified  into 
infinitives  is  thus  stated  by  Professor  Delbriick : 2 

“  Demnach  diirfen  wir  uns  die  Genesis  der  Infinitive  etwa  so  vorstellen.  Zu  den  altesten 
Zeiten  der  Ursprache  konnten  gewisse  Kasus  von  nomina  actionis  verbale  Konstruktion  haben 
und  dadurch  eine  innere  Beziehung  zum  Verbum  erhalten.  Noch  in  der  Ursprache  war  bei 
einigen  derselben  die  Erstarrung  so  weit  vorgeschritten,  dass  eine  neue  Kategorie,  die  des 
Infinitivs,  in’s  Bewusstsein  trat.  Einige  Exemplare  dieser  neuen  Formgattung  mogen  schon 
in  formal  ausgepragte  Beziehung  zu  einzelnen  Tempussystemen  getreten  sein.  Viele  andere 
Kasus  waren  erst  auf  dem  Wege,  sich  zu  Infinitiven  umzubilden.  Diesen  Zustand  erbten  die 
Einzelsprachen.  Im  Arischen  hat  er  sich  nicht  eben  erheblich  verandert.  Im  Griechischen 
aber  hat  sich  die  Erstarrung  soweit  vollendet,  dass  nur  noch  isolierte  Formen  vorhanden  sind, 
und  dass  eine  Auftheilung  der  gesammten  Masse  unter  die  Tempusstamme  und  unter  die 
Genera  des  Verbums  stattgefunden  hat.  Von  dem  letztgenannten  Vorgang  findet  sich  im 
Arischen  noch  keine  Spur.” 

In  the  foregoing  quotation  describing  the  evolution  from  noun  of  action  to 
infinitive,  Professor  Delbriick  states  that  various  cases  of  the  noun  were  involved. 
These  cases,  as  we  learn  from  Professor  Delbriick 3  and  from  Professor  Brug- 
mann,4  in  the  older  Indo-Germanic  languages,  were  largely  the  locative,  the 
dative,  and  the  accusative. 

When  we  turn  to  our  own  branch  of  the  Indo-Germanic  family,  the  Ger¬ 
manic,  we  find  a  much  simpler  state  of  affairs.  The  history  of  the  infinitive 
forms  in  the  Germanic  languages,  including  English,  is  succinctly  given  by 
Professor  Joseph  Wright,  in  his  Old  English  Grammar  (London,  1908),  §  480: 


1  See  Jolly,  l.  c.,  pp.  47  f.,  78;  Delbriick.1 1.  e.,  I,  p.  50,  and  II,  p.  440;  Brugmann,* *  l.  c.,  pp.  351  £F. 

*  Delbriick,1 1.  c.,  II,  p.  451.  *  Delbriick,1  II,  pp.  451,  453,  475. 

*  Brugmann,1  l.  c.,  pp.  351  ff.  See,  too,  Brugmann  and  Delbriick,  l.  c.,  p.  167;  Fay,5  l.  c.,pp.  191-192; 
and  Solmsen,  l.  c.,  pp.  161-169. 


1 


2 


INTRODUCTION. 


“  The  infinitive  was  originally  a  nomen  actionis,  formed  by  means  of  various  suffixes  in 
the  different  Indo-Germanic  languages.  The  suffix  -ono-f  to  which  was  added  the  nominative- 
accusative  neuter  ending,  -m,  became  generalized  in  primitive  Germanic;  thus  the  original 
form  of  beran  was  *bheronom ,  the  -onom  of  which  regularly  became  -an  in  Old  English,  Gothic, 
Old  Saxon,  and  Old  High  German.  On  the  loss  of  the  final  -n  in  Northumbrian,  see  §  288. 
In  primitive  West  Germanic  the  infinitive  was  inflected  in  the  genitive  and  dative  like  an 
ordinary  noun  of  the  ja-declension  (§  355),  genitive  -ennes,  dative  -enne.  The  inflected  forms 
of  the  infinitive  are  sometimes  called  the  gerund.  The  genitive  disappeared  in  prehistoric 
Old  English.  The  dative  to  berenne  generally  became  -anne  through  the  influence  of  the 
infinitive  ending  -an.  Beside  - enne ,  -anne  there  also  occur  in  late  Old  English  -ene,  -anet  and 
-ende  with  d  from  the  present  participle.” 

As  to  form,  then,  the  Anglo-Saxon  had  two  infinitives:  (1)  the  uninflected, 
or  simple,  infinitive  in  - an  (occasionally  written  -on,  -un,  - en ,  and  in  Northum¬ 
brian  -a,  with  loss  of  n1),  which  in  origin  is  the  petrified  nominative-accusative 
case  of  a  neuter  verbal  noun;  and  (2)  the  inflected,  or  gerundial,  or  preposi¬ 
tional,  infinitive,  made  up  of  the  preposition  to  plus  the  dative  case  of  a  verbal 
noun  ending  in  -anne  {-enne,  occasionally  -onne;  and,  with  simplification  of  the 
double  consonant,  - ane ,  -ene 2 * 4 *),  though  occasionally  the  to  is  followed  by  an 
infinitive  in  -an 3  and  occasionally  by  an  infinitive  in  -ende  2  (by  confusion  with 
the  form  of  the  present  participle),  both  of  which  forms  are  counted  as  inflected 
in  this  study.  Very  rarely,  too,  we  have  the  -anne  infinitive  not  preceded  by 
to; 4  and  twice  preceded  by  for  to.b 

The  origin  of  the  infinitive  as  above  given  is  suggested  in  the  now  generally 
accepted  definition  of  the  infinitive  as  a  verbal  noun,  provided  we  remember 
that,  as  Professor  Delbriick 6  tells  us,  the  dual  nature  of  the  infinitive  has  been 
won,  not  inherited  from  the  outset.  This  dual  nature  of  the  infinitive  is  mani¬ 
fested  in  the  fact  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  in¬ 
flected,  of  almost  any  transitive  verb  may  at  one  and  the  same  time  perform 
the  office  both  of  a  noun  and  of  a  verb.  But,  in  most  instances,  one  of  these 
two  natures  (or  tendencies),  the  substantival  and  the  verbal,  predominates  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  and,  from  this  point  of  view,  we  may  roughly  divide  all  infinitives 
into  two  comprehensive  classes:  (1)  substantival,  when  the  substantive  idea 
is  dominant,  as  when  the  infinitive  is  used  as  the  subject  or  the  object  of  a  verb; 
and  (2)  verbal  (or  predicative),  when  the  verbal,  or  assertive,  idea  is  dominant, 
as  when  an  infinitive  completes  the  sense  of  an  auxiliary  verb.  But,  as  already 
stated,  these  two  classes  are  not  mutually  exclusive,  since,  even  when  used  as 
subject  or  object,  the  infinitive  may  likewise  govern  an  object,  and  to  this 
extent  be  verbal.  But  it  will  generally  be  allowed,  I  think,  that,  in  He  will 
sing  the  song,  sing  is  more  verbal  than  to  sing  in  He  wishes  to  sing  the  song.  Nor 
does  the  fact  that  the  more  verbal  uses  of  the  infinitive  were  derived  originally 
from  the  substantival  invalidate  the  helpfulness  of  this  classification. 

Although,  as  just  stated,  most,  if  not  all,  infinitives  may  by  nature  be  roughly 
classed  as  substantival  or  verbal,  it  is  perhaps  best  for  practical  purposes  to 
classify  the  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  according  to  its  domi¬ 
nant  function  in  the  sentence.  From  this  consideration  of  function,  we  dis¬ 
tinguish,  as  before,  the  substantival  and  the  verbal  (or  predicative)  uses  of  the 


1  Sievers,2  l.  c.,  §  363,  anmk.  1.  *  Ibidem,  §  363,  anmk.  2. 

*  Ibidem,  §  363,  anmk.  3. 

4  See  JElf.L.  S.,  xixi.  980;  Laws  442  (2);  etc.  For  the  abbreviations  used  here  and  elsewhere  in  this 

study,  see  the  bibliography. 

•  See  Chron.  256b,  1127  F°’d. 


*  DelbrOck,1  l.  e.,  I,  p.  50. 


INTRODUCTION. 


3 


infinitive,  but,  also,  two  other  uses,  the  adverbial  and  the  adjectival.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  its  dominant  function,  then,  an  infinitive  is  substantival,  predicative, 
adverbial,  or  adjectival. 

In  the  substantival  function,  as  the  name  indicates,  the  infinitive  is  used  as 
a  noun.  With  a  verb  the  infinitive  occurs  often  as  (a)  its  subject,  or  (6)  its 
object,  or,  occasionally,  as  (c)  its  predicate  nominative,  in  each  of  which  uses 
we  have  both  the  uninfiected  and  the  inflected  infinitive.  With  a  noun  or 
pronoun,  the  infinitive  occurs  ( d )  as  an  appositive,  normally  in  the  uninfiected 
form,  (e)  As  the  object  of  a  preposition  I  have  found  no  clear  example  of  the 
infinitive;  but  concerning  a  possible  example  see  Chapter  III  below.  Typical 
illustrations  of  these  substantival  uses  are  the  following :  - — 

(а)  As  subject:  —  uninfiected:  Greg.  279.6:  JEt  serestum  lyst  bone  monn 
unnytt  sprecan  be  obrum  monnum  =  210.15:  ut  prius  loqui  aliena  libeat;  — 
inflected:  Greg.  237.11:  sua  dered  eac  hwilum  sumum  monnum  baet  sob  to 
gehierenne  =178.26:  ita  nonnunquam  quibusdam  audita  vera  nocuerunt. 

(б)  As  object:  —  uninfiected:  Greg.  55.12:  Donne  baet  mod  &ence<5  gegripan 
him  to  upahefenesse  ba  eabmodnesse  =  32.2 :  Cumque  mens  humilitatis  culmen 
arripere  ad  elationem  cogitat;  Beow .  101 :  ob  baet  an  ongan  fyrene  fremman;  — 
inflected:  Greg.  53.3:  Be  baem  be  wilna§  biscephad  to  underfonne  -  28.23:  De 
his,  qui  prceesse  concupiscunt. 

(c)  As  predicate  nominative :  —  uninfiected  and  inflected :  Mlf.  L.  S.  xxv. 
310a-  b  .  Nis  nan  earfobnyss  baem  .  .  .  gode  on  feawum  mannum  obbe  on 
micclum  werode  to  helpenne  on  gefeohte  and  healdan  ( sic  /)  ba  be  he  wile. 

(d)  As  an  appositive:  —  uninfiected:  Bede  78.22a>  b’  c’ d’ e  :  forbon  kyngranf 
Syrstan,  hatian,  calan,  wcerigian,  —  al  &cet  is  of  untrymnesse  baes  gecyndes 
=  55.32a*  b>  c,  33a’  b  :  Esurire  namque,  sitire,  aestuare,  algere ,  lassescere  ex 
infirmitate  naturae  est:  —  inflected:  Solil.  16.16,  17:  forbam  me  ys  eg&er 
bara  alyfad,  ge  baet  good  to  lufianne  ge  baet  yfel  to  hatianne  =  Licet  enim  mihi 
in  quovis  amare  rationem,  cum  ilium  jure  oderim  qui  male  utitur  eo  quod  amo. 

(e)  As  the  object  of  a  preposition:  see  below,  Chapter  III. 

In  the  predicative  (or  verbal)  function,  the  infinitive  approaches  nearest  to 
a  finite  verb,  and  is  used  to  complete  the  assertion  of  a  verb  of  incomplete  as¬ 
sertion,  specifically:  (a)  the  auxiliary  verbs,  after  which  we  have  habitually 
the  uninfiected  infinitive;  ( b )  verbs  of  motion  (and  occasionally  of  rest)  other 
than  in  the  ( w)uton  locution,  likewise  followed  by  the  uninfiected  infinitive; 
(c)  ( w)uton ,  also  with  the  simple  infinitive;  and  (d)  the  verb  beon  ( wesan ), 
which  is  habitually  followed  by  the  inflected  infinitive  of  obligation  or  of 
necessity.  Under  the  predicative  function,  also,  I  should  put  the  use  of  the 
infinitive  (e)  as  a  quasi-predicate  to  an  accusative  subject,  or  the  so-called 
accusative-with-infinitive  construction,  in  which  we  have  habitually  the 
simple  infinitive.  Some  hold  that  we  have  (/)  a  predicative  infinitive  with  a 
dative  subject,  but  to  me  the  infinitive  in  such  locutions  seems  more  substan¬ 
tival  than  predicative,  —  a  topic  that  is  discussed  somewhat  at  length  in 
Chapter  IX.  The  following  are  typical  examples  of  these  predicative  uses:  — 

(a)  With  auxiliary  verbs:  —  uninfiected:  Beow.  51:  Men  ne  cunnon  secgan 
.  .  .  hwa  etc.;  Beow.  191:  ne  mihte  snotor  haeleb  wean  onwendan;  etc.;  — 
inflected:  Rid.  37.13:  Du  wast  gif  bu  const  to  gesecganne,  baet  we  sob  witan  hu 
baere  wihte  wise  gonge. 


4 


INTRODUCTION. 


(b)  With  verbs  of  motion  other  than  ( w)uton :  —  uninflected:  Beow.  234: 
Gewat  him  (5a  to  warobe  wicge  ridan  begn  Hrobgares;  Mart.  26.10:  culfre  com 
fleogan  of  heofonum  ond  gesaet  ofer  his  heafde. 

(c)  With  ( w)uton :  —  uninflected:  Greg.  415.6:  Wuton  cuman  2er  his  dome 
andettende  =  336.4:  Prceveniamus  faciem  Domini  in  confessione. 

(d)  With  beon  ( wesan ):  —  uninflected:  Mlf.  L.  S.  336.223:  bas  feower  ana 
syndon  to  underfonne  on  geleaffulre  gelabunge  and  forlcetan  ( sic  !)  (5a  obre  be 
lease  gesetnysse  gesetton;  —  inflected:  Greg.  315.23:  Ac  us  is  suibe  geornlice  to 

J  gehieranne  hwset  Dryhten  .  .  .  cuseb  to  Iudeum  =  244.1:  Solerter  namque 
audiendum  est,  quod  etc.;  Greg.  13.20:  Daette  on  obre  wisan  sint  to  manianne 
weras,  on  obre  wiif  =  130.6:  Aliter  namque  admonendi  sunt  viri,  atque  aliter 
feminae. 

(e)  With  an  accusative  subject:  —  uninflected:  Bede  34.25:  Da  het  he  .  .  . 
his  3egnas  hine  secan  y  acsian  =  18.25:  iussit  milites  eum  .  .  .  inquirere;  Greg. 
139.13:  ne  eft  hi  ne  scoldon  hira  loccas  Icetan  weaxan  =  100.9:  neque  comam 
nutrient;  Bede  156.21:  Da  gehyrde  he  sumne  bara  brobra  sprecan ,  baet  etc. 
=  130.19:  audiret  unum  .  .  .  disposuisse;  Wcerf.  203.25:  hwset  cwe3e  wit  3is 
beonf  =248  D:  Quidnam,  quseso  te,  hoc  esse  dicimus?  —  inflected:  for  possi¬ 
ble  examples  see  Chapter  VIII. 

(/)  With  a  dative  subject:  see  Chapter  IX. 

In  the  adverbial  use,  the  infinitive  modifies  a  verb  or  an  adjective  (occa¬ 
sionally  an  adverb)  as  does  an  ordinary  adverb.  Of  the  adverbial  uses  of  the 
infinitive,  the  most  common  is  (a)  to  denote  purpose,  with  verbs,  in  which  the 
infinitive  is  sometimes  uninflected  (especially  after  verbs  of  motion,  of  rest, 
and  of  giving),  but  is  usually  inflected  except  in  the  poetry.  Frequent,  too,  is 
the  use  of  the  infinitive  ( b )  to  denote  specification,  or  respect  wherein,  with 
adjectives  (occasionally  with  adverbs),  in  which  the  infinitive  is  habitually 
inflected.  Less  frequent  and  less  clear  uses  of  the  adverbial  infinitive,  dis¬ 
cussed  in  the  chapter  entitled  “  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive,”  are  to 
denote  (c)  cause,  in  which  the  infinitive  is  more  commonly  inflected;  ( d )  specifi¬ 
cation  with  verbs,  in  which  the  infinitive  is  always  inflected;  (e)  result,  with 
adjectives  and  with  verbs,  in  which  the  infinitive  is  always  inflected;  and 
(/)  the  absolute  relation,  in  which  the  infinitive  is  habitually  inflected.  Of 
these  adverbial  uses,  the  following  are  typical  illustrations :  — 

(a)  Of  purpose:  Greg.  309.14:  eodon  him  plegean  =  238.10:  surrexerunt 
ludere;  Gen.  526:  me  her  stondan  het  his  bebodu  healdan  y  me  (5as  bryd  for- 
geaf  (?) ;  Greg.  329.3b:  Me  Syrste,  &  ge  me  ne  sealdon  drincan  =  254.4:  sitivi,  et 
non  dedistis  mihi  bibere;  —  inflected:  Mk.  4.3:  Ut  eode  se  ssedere  his  ssed  to 
sawenne  =  Ecce  exiit  seminans  ad  seminandum;  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  542m:  he  him 
behet .  .  .  (5aet  hi .  .  .  ofer  twelf  domsetl  sittende  beo&  to  demenne  eallum  mannum; 
Greg.  319.1:  (5a  mettas  be  God  self  gesceop  to  etanne  geleaffullum  monnum  = 
246.1:  a  cibis,  quos  Deus  creavit  ad  percipiendum  .  .  .  fidelibus.  That  some 
consider  the  infinitive  in  sealdon  drincan  objective  rather  than  final  is  dis¬ 
cussed  in  the  chapter  on  “  the  Final  Infinitive/ ’ 

( b )  Of  specification  with  adjectives:  —  uninflected:  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  534b3: 
ic  eom  gearo  to  gecyrrenne  to  munuclicre  drohtnunge,  and  woruldlice  beawas 
ealle  forlcetan  (sic!)’,  —  inflected:  Greg.  281.5:  Sie  aeghwelc  mon  suibe  hrced  & 
suibe  geornful  to  gehieranne  =  212.9:  Sit  omnis  homo  velox  ad  audiendum. 


INTRODUCTION. 


5 


(c)  Of  cause:  —  uninflected:  Bede  484.15:  mynstres,  on  bam  ic  gefeo 
Siowian  bsere  uplican  arfaestnesse  =  359.13:  in  quo  supernae  pietati  deseruire 
gaudeo; — inflected:  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  18.189:  ic  nu  forsceamige  to 
secganne  mine  ungeleaffulnesse. 

(d)  Of  specification  with  verbs:  —  inflected:  Woerf.  180.26:  bset  he 
geloered  woes  wyrta  to  begangenne  =  217  C1:  Quod  vir  gentilis  valde  libenter 
accepit,  cum  in  nutriendis  oleribus  quia  peritus  esset  audivit. 

( e )  Of  result:  —  inflected:  Bede  174.22:  wundro  .  .  .  ,  ba  be  nu  to  long  to 
secgenne  syndon  =  143.30:  sed  haec  nos  ad  alia  tendentes,  suis  narrare  permitti - 
mus;  Bede  468.7a’  b:  he  hine  7  his  beode  gelcedde  to  mcersianne  7  to  weorSianne 
ba  .  .  .  tide  =  332.19:  se  suosque  omnes  ad  .  .  .  tempus  celebrandum  perduxit. 

(/)  Of  absolute  relationship:  —  uninflected:  see  Chapter  XII,  section  vi;  — 
inflected:  Wulf.  115.3:  bider  sculan  beofas  .  .  .  and,  hrsedest  to  secganne, 
ealle  ba  manfullan. 

In  the  adjectival  use,  the  infinitive,  habitually  inflected,  modifies  a  noun  or 
pronoun.  A  few  examples  wdll  suffice  for  illustration:  —  uninflected:  L.  12.5: 
adraedab  bone  be  anweald  hacfb,  sebban  he  ofslyhb,  on  helle  asendan  =  timete 
eum  qui,  postquam  occiderit,  habet  potestatem  mittere  in  gehennam;  —  inflected: 
Greg.  307.9 :  us  salde  bisne  urne  willan  to  brecanne  =  234.27 :  ut  exemplum 
nobis  frangendoe  nostrse  voluntatis  praebeat;  Greg.  127.  1,  2:  Gif  baer  bonne  sie 
gierd  mid  to  dreageanne,  sie  baer  eac  stcef  mid  to  wreSianne  =  88.14, 15:  Si  ergo  est 
districtio  virgce,  qua q  feriat,  sit  et  consolatio  baculi,  quae  sustentet ;  Bede  100.2: 
bisses  geleafa  7  wyrcnis  seo  lefed  God  ( sic  for  Gode  f)  onfenge  7  allum  to  fylgenne 
=  82.2:  huius  fides  et  operatio  Deo  deuota  atque  omnibus  sequenda  credatur. 

This  classification  does  not  differ  greatly  from  that  current  in  most  of  the 
treatises  on  Anglo-Saxon  syntax.  The  chief  variations,  adopted  here  primarily 
for  the  sake  of  simplicity,  are  (1)  the  limitation  of  the  term  adverbial  to  those 
uses  in  which  the  infinitive  is  an  adverbial  modifier  of  verb,  adjective,  or  adverb, 
—  which  excludes  the  objective  use,  though  the  latter  is  included  in  the  wider 
sense  given  to  adverbial  in  many  Germanic  treatises;  (2)  the  extension  of  the 
term  predicative  so  as  to  cover,  not  simply,  as  with  Professor  Delbriick,1  the 
infinitive  complementary  to  the  verb  to  be,  but  also  the  infinitive  complementary 
to  the  auxiliaries  and  to  certain  other  verbs  (of  motion  and  of  rest),  as  well  as 
the  infinitive  quasi-predicative  to  a  subject  accusative,  the  aim  being  to  put 
under  the  one  head  all  the  uses  in  which  the  verbal  (or  assertive)  power  of  the 
infinitive  is  strongest.  As  a  separate  chapter  is  given  to  each  of  these  sub¬ 
divisions  of  the  predicative  infinitive,  the  discussion  will  be  equally  clear  to 
those  who  may  prefer  not  to  adopt  the  classification  suggested.  Nor,  I  believe, 
will  the  fact  that  the  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  is,  in  some  instances,  of 
substantival  (objective)  origin,  as  when  complementary  to  the  auxiliary  verbs, 
and,  in  others,  of  adverbial  (final)  origin,  as  when  complementary  to  beon 
(■ wesan )  and  to  {w)uton,  invalidate  the  usefulness  of  the  proposed  classification. 

Finally,  it  should  be  added  that,  while  for  the  sake  of  clearness  my  discussion 
is  arranged  according  to  the  function  of  the  infinitive,  under  each  use  account 
is  taken  as  to  whether  the  infinitive  is  uninflected  or  inflected,  and  the  ground 
of  differentiation  and  of  subsequent  confusion  of  the  two  forms  is  sought. 


1  Delbriick,1  l.  c.,  II,  p.  460. 


6 


INTRODUCTION. 


Of  the  imperative  use  of  the  infinitive  I  have  found  no  clear  example  in 
Anglo-Saxon.  The  alleged  examples  of  this  idiom  cited  by  Dr.  K.  Kohler *  1 
and  by  Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin,2  I,  in  common  with  most  students  of  Anglo-Saxon, 
interpret  otherwise.  Nor  have  I  found  any  clear  example  of  the  so-called 
historical  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Messrs.  Roethe  and  Schroeder,  the  editors 
of  Grimm’s  Deutsche  Grammatik,  hold  that  we  have  a  historical  infinitive  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Exodus:  “  Ags.  Csedm.  Exod.  158  auf  blicon,  sungon,  folgt  dunian, 
tredan  (sc.  ongunnon );  vgl.  galan  Exod.  577.” 3  To  me,  however,  Sunian  and 
tredan  are  predicative,  each,  to  a  subject  accusative;  and,  instead  of  galan, 
I  read,  with  Grein  and  with  Professor  Blackburn,  golan. 

As  the  position  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  varies  considerably  in  the 
different  uses,  the  matter  is  treated  in  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  several 
uses. 

In  form  each  of  the  two  infinitives  so  far  considered  (the  one  in  -an  and  the 
one  made  up  of  to  +  the  dative  in  -ne)  is  active;  and  in  my  judgment  each  of 
these  infinitives  is  active  in  sense  except  when  the  inflected  infinitive  is  used 
with  the  verb  b eon  ( ivesan )  to  denote  necessity  or  obligation,  in  which  con¬ 
struction  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  is  habitually  passive  in  sense,  though  oc¬ 
casionally  it  is  active  in  sense:  for  further  details  see  the  chapter  on  “  the 
Infinitive  with  Beon  (" Wesan ).”  Perhaps,  too,  the  adjectivized  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  with  nouns  is  passive  in  sense:  see  Chapter  XIII.  Some,  however,  hold 
that  the  uninflected  infinitive  in  -an  is  passive  in  sense  after  certain  verbs 
(chiefly  of  commanding,  of  causing,  and  of  sense  perception),  but  to  me  thi3 
infinitive  seems  regularly  active  in  sense  after  this  group  of  verbs  as  after  all 
other  groups,  the  reasons  for  which  belief  are  stated  in  the  chapter  on  “  the 
Objective  Infinitive.”  Once  more:  some  hold  that  the  inflected  final  infinitive 
and  the  inflected  infinitive  with  adjectives  are  each  sometimes  passive  in 
sense,  —  a  topic  discussed  in  Chapters  X  and  XL  Finally,  it  should  be  added 
that  a  brief  paragraph  concerning  the  voice  of  the  infinitive  is  given  under  the 
respective  uses. 

But  we  do  have  in  Anglo-Saxon,  though  relatively  seldom  (especially  in  the 
poetry),  a  true  passive  infinitive,  which  is  made  up  of  the  present  infinitive 
active  of  the  verb  beon  (occasionally  of  the  verb  wesan  or  of  the  verb  weorSari) 
plus  the  past  participle  of  a  transitive  verb,  as  in:  Bede  372.34:  geearnode 
onfongen  beon  =  275.21:  meruisset  recipi ;  Lcece.  152.19:  mseg  seo  wund  wesan 
gehceled;  Greg.  399.18:  (5onne  magon  hie  (5eah  weorSan  gehcelede  suibe  ieSelice 
<5urh  forgiefnesse  &  <5urh  gebedu  =  318.4:  et  tamen  venia  salvantur.  In  this 
compound  passive  infinitive,  the  strictly  infinitive  part  of  the  phrase  is  not 
inflected;  the  participle  part  is  sometimes  inflected  and  sometimes  not.  In 
each  of  the  chapters  on  the  several  uses  of  the  infinitive,  the  passive  infinitive 
is  treated  after  the  active  infinitive. 


1  L.  c.,  p.  63:  Beow.  1860:  wesan,  benden  ic  wealde  widan  rices,  mabmas  gemsene,  manig  oberne  godum  gegretan 
ofer  ganotes  baeb.  —  Wesan  and  gegretan  may  be  considered  as  subjunctives,  as  by  some;  or  as  complements  to 
sculon  ( sceal ),  as  by  others. 

1  L.  c.,  p.  154:  Met.  Ps.  74.5:  Ne  ahebbab  ge  to  hea  eowre  hygeSancas  ne  ge  wib  gode  sefre  gramword  sprecan; 
ib.  94.6:  Cumab  him  fore  ond  cneow  bigeab  on  ansyne  ures  drihtnes,  ond  him  wepan  fore,  be  us  worhte  aer 
*»  Venite,  adoremus,  et  procidamus;  et  ploremus  ante  dominum,  qui  fecit  nos.  —  As  Dr.  Zeitiin  states,  most 

other  scholars  consider  sprecan  and  wepan  to  be  subjunctives. 

*  See  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  99. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  active  infinitive  as  the  Subject  of  a  finite  verb  is  less  common  than  I 
had  anticipated,  despite  the  fact  that  I  include  under  this  head  sentences  having 
hit  as  the  grammatical  subject  and  the  infinitive  as  the  logical  subject.  As 
the  subject  of  an  active  verb  the  active  infinitive  occurs  about  356  times;  as 
the  subject  of  a  passive  verb,  about  48  times.  Despite  the  relative  infrequency 
of  the  subjective  infinitive,  my  number  is  appreciably  larger  than  that  of  pre¬ 
vious  investigators,  chiefly  because  of  my  inclusion  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
in  clauses  introduced  by  a  pronoun,  —  a  matter  discussed  on  pages  9  f .  below. 

i.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

I  consider  first  the  active  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  active  verbs.  Contrary 
to  what  one  is  led  to  expect  from  most  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  grammars,  the  sub¬ 
jective  infinitive  is  usually  inflected:  of  the  356  subjective  infinitives  found, 
252  are  inflected,  and  104  are  uninflected.  In  the  prose  322  examples  occur, 
of  which  226  are  inflected;  in  the  poetry  34  examples  occur,  of  which  26  are 
inflected.  The  subjective  infinitive  is  found  in  Early  West  Saxon,  in  the 
Chronicle ,  in  the  Laws,  in  Late  West  Saxon,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  poetry. 

Usually  the  subjective  infinitive  follows  its  verb,  as  in  Gu.  1039  inis  me 
earfede  to  geSolianne  beodnes  wilian)  and  Bede  2.10  (hit  is  god  godne  to  herianne 
7  yfelne  to  leanne  =  no  Latin),  but  occasionally  it  precedes,  as  in  Mat.  20.23 
(to  sitta?me  on  mine  swibran  healfe,  obbe  on  wynstran,  nys  me  inc  to  syllanne 
=  seder e  autem  ad  dexteram  meam  vel  sinistram  non  est  meum  dare).  The 
postposition  of  the  infinitive  is  largely  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that,  as  already 
stated,  the  clause  is  often  introduced  by  the  pronoun  hit,  and  that  the  infinitive 
occurs  as  the  subject  chiefly  of  impersonal  verbs  and  of  impersonal  verb 
phrases.  Possibly,  too,  the  postposition  of  the  infinitive  is  due  in  part  to  the 
fact  that  in  the  Latin  originals  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  this  order  often 
occurs.  As  will  be  seen  later,  the  frequent  postposition  of  the  infinitive, 
especially  in  phrases  made  up  of  the  verb  to  be  plus  an  adjective,  tends  to  cause 
the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  instead  of  the  uninflected;  or,  rather,  this 
tendency  results  from  the  greater  proximity  of  the  infinitive  to  the  adjective 
consequent  upon  the  postposition. 

The  subjective  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  seems  to  me  habitually  active 
in  sense. 

I.  The  uninflected  infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject  with  the  following 
verbs,  each  of  which  occurs  only  a  few  times  in  this  construction:  — 

becuman,  happen.  gelystan,  please.  geweorban,  happen. 

beon,  be,  plus  an  adjective  geftyncan,  seem,  good. 

(1)  Of  Pleasantness: 
softs,  soft,  pleasant. 


8 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


The  examples  in  full  are:  — 
becuman,  happen: 

Chad,  Anhang,  11:  Sam  cilde  ne  becymtS  nsefre  into  heofonan  rice  becuman . 
been,  be,  plus  an  adjective  of  Pleasantness:  — 
softe,  soft,  pleasant : 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  164*:  Him  MS'  swiSe  softe,  and  nan  geswinc  <5aet  he  fylle 
his  galnysse,  and  druncennysse,  and  gytsunge  begange  and  modignysse,  and 
Sa  unstrangan  berype,  and  don  (sic!)  swa  hwaet  swa  hine  lyst. 
gelystan,  please : 

Lcece.  69.31*’ b,  32:  hwilum  hie  wel  gelyst  utgangan  7  him  tSa  byrSenne  fram 
aweorpan  7  georne  tilian,  ac  ne  magon. 
geSyncan,  seem  good: 

L.  1.3:  me  ge&uhte,  geornlice  eallum  [fram  fruman  gefylgdum],  on  endebyrd- 
nesse  writan  <5e  =  Visum  est  et  mihi,  assecuto  omnia  a  principio  diligenter,  ex 
ordine  tibi  scribere. 

geweorSan  [-u-],  happen: 

Gen.  1692:  Ne  meahte  hie  gewurftan  weall  stsenenne  up  forS  timbran ,  ac  hie 
earmlice  heapum  tohlodon  hleoSrum  gedaelde. 


II.  The  inflected  infinitive  only  is  found  as  subject  with  the  following 
verbs :  — 


aCreotan,  weary.  beon,  be,  without  an  adjective, 

behofian,  behoove. 


beon,  be,  in  predicative  combination  with:  — 

(1)  Adjectives1  of  Ease  and  Difficulty, 

deoplic,  profound,  difficult. 
earfotS(e)  [-fetS(e)],  difficult. 
earfotSlic,  difficult. 
earfotSre,  more  difficult. 
eafte  [e-,  ie-,  y-],  easy. 
eaSelicor,  more  easily. 
eatSelicre,  more  easy. 
eaS(e)re  [e-,  ie-],  more  easy. 
efnefte,  equally  easy. 

(2)  Adjectives  of  Goodness,  Usefulness, 

betst,  best. 
fulfremedlic,  perfect. 
god,  good. 
nyttre,  more  useful. 


and  the  like: 

hefig,  heavy,  unpleasant . 
ieffe :  see  eatSe. 
ie?5re:  see  eaS(e)re. 
lang  [-0-],  long ,  tedious. 
langsum  [-0-],  long,  tedious. 
langsumlic  [-0-],  long,  tedious . 
leng,  longer. 

unease  [-ie-,  -y-],  not  easy ,  difficult. 
unieSe :  see  uneaSe. 

Necessity,  and  the  like: 

nyttwierSe  [-y-],  useful. 
sel,  excellent. 

selest  [-ost],  most  excellent. 


%  (3)  Adjectives  of  Pleasantness  and  Unpleasantness,  and  the  like: 


aatSryt,  troublesome 
arwierblicost  [-y-J,  honorable. 
deorwiertSe,  precious. 
dyslic,  foolish. 
earmlic,  distressing. 
egeslicost,  most  terrible. 
gedwolsum,  misleading. 
geomorlic,  sad. 
hefi(g)tyme,  troublesome. 


latS,  loathsome. 
leofost  [-ast],  most  dear. 
leofre,  more  dear. 
lustbaerre,  more  pleasant. 
pleolic,  danger  oils. 
sar,  grievous. 

scandlic  [-0-],  disgraceful. 
sceamu,  shame. 
sorhlic,  grievous. 


*  Instead  of  an  adjective  we  occasionally  have  a  noun  or  an  adverb  in  these  groups  with  beon  and 
with  SSyncan. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


9 


(3)  Adjectives  of  Pleasantness,  etc.  —  continued. 

strang  [-0-],  distressing.  weorc,  hardship. 

unacumendlic,  intolerable.  weorce,  grievous. 

unaraefnedlic,  intolerable.  wynsumere,  more  pleasant. 

waclic,  mean. 

(4)  Adjectives  of  Right  and  Wrong,  Suitability  and  Unsuitability,  the 

Customary  and  the  Strange,  and  the  like : 


gecopust,  most  suitable. 
gecynde,  natural. 
gelimplicor,  more  suitably. 
genoh,  enough,  sufficient. 
gewunelic,  customary. 
manfullic,  sinful. 
riht  [-y-],  right,  proper. 
rihtlic,  right,  proper. 


rihtre,  more  proper. 
sweotol,  clear. 
treowlicre,  safer. 
unaliefedlic  [-e-,  -y-],  unlawful. 
ungeliefedlic,  incredible. 
unriht  [-y-],  wrong. 
wundorlic,  wonderful. 


(5)  Other  adjectives:  feorr,  far;  min,  mine. 


dafenian,  befitting. 
derian,  injure. 
gelustfullian,  delight. 
genihtsumian,  suffice. 
gerisan,  befit. 


helpan,  help. 
sceamian,  shame. 

Syncan,  seem,  in  predicative  combination 
with:  — 


(1)  Adjectives  of  Ease  and  Difficulty,  and  the  like: 


eatSre  [e-,  ie-],  easier.  lang  [-0-],  long,  tedious. 

iebre :  see  eatSre.  langsum  [-0-],  long,  tedious. 

(2)  Adjectives  of  Goodness  and  the  like: 


selest  [-ost],  most  excellent.  selle,  more  excellent. 

(3)  Adjectives  of  Pleasantness  and  Unpleasantness,  and  the  like: 

setSryt,  troublesome.  hefigtime,  troublesome. 

dyselig,  foolish.  leofra,  dearer. 

sceamu,  shame. 


(4)  Adjectives  of  Right  and  Wrong,  the  Customary  and  the  Strange,  and 
the  like: 


sellic  [-y-],  strange. 


wierse  [-y-],  worse. 


The  subjective  infinitive  occurs  far  more  frequently  with  beon  and  with 
dyncan,  plus  an  adjective,  than  with  the  other  verbs  mentioned.  It  is  possible 
that,  in  some  of  the  examples  with  these  two  verbs,  the  infinitive  is  a  modifier 
of  the  adjective  rather  than  the  subject  of  the  verb  plus  the  adjective,  and  should 
be  put  in  Chapter  XI.  Especially  doubtful  are  the  sentences  introduced  by 
the  demonstrative  pronoun  d oet  or  his,  as  in  Boeth.  118.7  (Daet  is  ..  .  earfo&lic 
dysegum  monnum  to  ongitanne=  101.30:  Mira  quidem,  inquam,  et  concessu 
difficilis  inlatio)  and  Bede  366.2  (bis  an  .  .  .  is  genog  to  gemyngienne  =  271.10: 
hoc  tantum  .  .  .  commemorare  satis  sit);  or  by  hwcet ,  as  in  Greg.  401.16  (Ic 
eow  secgge  hwset  eow  arwyr&licost  is  to  beganne  =  320.6:  ad  id  quod  honestum 
est);  or  by  a  neuter  noun,  as  in  MIJ.  Horn.  II.  386*  (Bis  fers  is  swibe  deoplic 
eow  to  under standenne) .  In  such  sentences,  the  infinitive  seems  to  me,  as  a 
rule,  to  be  subjective;  but  it  is  possible,  of  course,  that  the  pronoun  or  noun 
is  subjective  instead  of  objective,  and  that  the  infinitive  is  adverbial  and 
modifies  the  adjective  instead  of  being  the  subject  of  the  verb.  Less  doubt- 


10 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


ful  seems  to  me  the  infinitive  in  the  clause  introduced  by  a  relative  pronoun 
(8cet  or  3e),  as  in  Wcerf.  303.1  (eac  obre  wisan  hi  rehton  to  ecan  baes  wundres 
be  baere  ylcan  byrgene,  baet  us  is  nu  lang  to  asecganne  =  365  B  1:  miraculi,  quae 
nunc  narrare  longum  aestimo)  and  in  Solil.  39.9  (for  baes  Singes  lufum  be  be 
rihtre  ys  to  lufianne  Sonne  Saet  =  0).  Less  doubtful,  too,  seems  to  me  the  infini¬ 
tive  in  clauses  in  which  the  demonstrative  pronoun,  dcet  or  &is,  comes,  not  at 
the  beginning,  but  at  the  middle,  of  its  clause,  as  in  Oros.  74.7  (Swa  ungeliefedlic 
is  aenigum  menn  Saet  to  gesecgenne,  hu  etc.  =  75.8:  utrumque  pene  incredibile 
apud  mortales  erat).  The  different  interpretation  of  the  infinitive  occurring  in 
the  several  pronominal  clauses  above  described  accounts  for  many  of  the  diver¬ 
gences  in  my  statistics  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject  from  those  of  Drs. 
Wiilfing,  Farrar,  K.  Kohler,  and  Riggert:  with  me  the  two  former  consider  the 
infinitive  in  such  pronominal  clauses  sometimes  subjective  and  sometimes  ad¬ 
verbial;  while  the  two  latter  apparently  consider  it  adverbial  only.  Besides 
this,  however,  Dr.  Riggert  puts  under  the  adverbial  use  (with  adjectives)  the 
infinitive  in  sentences  like  the  following,  in  which  the  infinitive  seems  to  me 
clearly  subjective:  Ps.  83.10:  Betere  is  micle  to  gebidanne  anne  daeg  mid  be 
bonne  obera  on  beodstefnum  busend  msela  =  quia  melior  est  dies  una  in  atriis 
tuis  super  millia;  Gu.  1039:  nis  me  earfe&e  to  ge&olianne  beodnes  willan;  Beow. 
2445:  Swa  bid  geomorlic  gomelum  ceorle  to  gebidanne;  Ps.  117.8a>  b  :  God  is  on 
dryhten  georne  to  Senceanne,  bonne  on  mannan  wese  mod  to  treowianne  =  bonum 
est  confidere  in  Domino  quam  confidere  in  homine;  Ps.  117.9a>  b:  God  ys  on 
dryhten  georne  to  hyhtanne,  bonne  on  ealdormen  ahwaer  to  treowianne  =  bonum 
est  sperare  in  Domino  quam  sperare  in  principibus;  Rid.  40.22:  Long  is  to  sec - 
ganne  hu  etc.;  Chr.  597:  geceosan  mot  .  .  .  swa  lif  swa  deab,  swa  him  leofre 
bi&  to  gefremmanne;  El.  607 :  De  synt  tu  gearu,  swa  lif  swa  deab,  swa  be  leofre 
biS  to  geceosanne.  Indeed,  Dr.  Riggert 1  finds  only  three  examples  of  the  in¬ 
flected  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  an  active  verb  in  all  Anglo-Saxon  poetry; 
one  of  these  is  Beow.  2093  (To  lang  ys  to  reccenne,  hu  etc.),  which  does  not  differ 
essentially  from  Rid.  40.22  quoted  above,  though  in  the  latter,  we  are  told,  the 
infinitive  modifies  the  adjective. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 
abreotan,  weary: 

Oros.  42.13:  Eac  me  sceal  aSreotan  .  .  .  ymb  ealra  Troiana  gewin  to  asec - 
genne  =  43.12:  Tcedet  etiam  .  .  .  referre  certamina. 
behofian,  behoove: 

Solil.  27.12:  iElces  licuman  aeagan  behofacf  breora  binga  on  hym  silfum  to 
habbcene  (sic!)  =  Ergo  animae  tribus  quibusdam  rebus  opus  est  ut  oculos  habeat 
quibus  jam  bene  uti  possit,  ut  aspiciat,  ut  videat. 
beon,  be,  without  an  adjective:  — 

Mat.  20.23 :  to  sittanne  on  mine  swibran  healfe,  obbe  on  wynstran,  nys  me 
inc  to  syllenne,  ac  bam  be  hyt  fram  minum  Faeder  gegearwod  ys  =  sedere 
autem  ad  dexteram  meam  vel  sinistram  non  est  meum  dare  vobis,  sed  quibus 
paratum  est  a  Patre  meo. 

beon,  be,  in  predicative  combination  with:  — 

(1)  Adjectives  of  Ease  and  Difficulty,  etc.: 
earfob(e)  [-feb(e)],  difficult: 


1  L.  c.,  p.  68. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


11 


Greg.  51.5:  hit  swa  earfode  is  senegum  menn  to  witanne  hwonne  he  geclsensod 
sie  =  28.3 :  valde  difficile  est,  purgatum  se  quemlibet  posse  cognoscere. 

Oros.  212.30:  is  me  nu  swibe  earfede  hiera  mod  to  ahwettanne  =  0. 

Chron.  170b,  1050  D:  hit  is  earfod  to  witane  bara  biscopa  be  bserto  comon. 
Laws  455,  Gerefa,  c.  18 :  Hit  is  earfode  eall  to  gesecganne. 

Bened.  67.1:  bsem  unandgytfullum  bset  gastlice  angyt  (sic!)  is  earfode  to 
under standende  (sic!  but  MSS.  TF:  - enne )  butan  haligra  manna  trahtnunge 
=  126.10:  infirmis  intellectibus  non  erit  utile  ilia  hora  hanc  Scripturam  audire. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  466b:  Eac  bses  dseges  godspel  is  swibe  earfode  Isewedum  man- 
num  to  under standenne  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective), 
earfobre,  more  difficult: 

Greg.  453.12:  hit  is  beah  earfodre  ealle  setsomne  to  Iceranne  =  384.5:  longe 
tamen  laboriosus  est  auditores  innumeros  .  .  .  admonere.  —  lb.  455.6:  beah 
bid  giet  earfodre  selcne  on  sundrum  to  Iceranne  =  386.11:  multo  tamen  acriori 
labor e  fatigatur ,  quando  uni  contrariis  vitiis  servienti  prcedicare  compellitur. 
eabe  [e-,  ie-,  y-],  easy: 

Beow.  1003:  No  bset  yde  byd  to  befleonne  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the 
adjective). 

Ps.  76.16:  ne  bid  bser  ede  bin  spor  on  to  findanne  =  76.20:  vestigia  tua  non 
cognoscentur. 

Boeth.  145.5:  Hwses  wundrast  bu  bser  swa  swibe,  swa  ede  swa  hit  is  to  ongi- 
tanne  =  0. 

Bened.  124.12:  Eade  is  to  under  standenne  of  hwylcum  antimbre  beos  unbses- 
licu  asprincb  bisse  miclam  (sic!)  tobundennesse  =  190.2:  Quod  quam  sit 
absurdum  facile  advertitur. 

Chron.  239m,  1104  Ea:  Nis  eade  to  asecgenne  bises  landes  earmba. 
eabelicor,  more  easily: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  236* 2>  3 :  Nu  is  gebuht  bset  him  sy  sumera  binga  eadelicor  to 
arcerenne  bone  deadan  of  bam  duste,  bonne  him  wsere  to  wyrcenne  ealle  gesceafta 
of  nahte  (or  predicative  with  beon?).\ 
eabelicre,  more  easy: 

Mat.  19.24:  eadelicre  byd  bam  olfende  to  ganne  burh  nsedle  eage,  bonne  se 
welega  on  heofona  rice  ga  =  facilius  est  camelum  per  foramen  acus  transire , 
quam  divitem  intrare  in  regnum  coelorum. 
eab(e)re  [e-,  ie-,  y-],  more  easy: 

Boeth.  81.13:  nis  hire  beah  bonne  edre  to  feallanne  of  dune  bonne  up  =  0. 
Greg.  203.  17,  18:  him  is  micle  iedre  to  gestieganne  on  bone  ryhtan  wisdom 
bonne  bsem  lytegan  sie  to  anbuganne  =  152.14  :  0. 

Mk.  10.25:  Eadere  ys  olfende  to  farenne  burh  nsedle  byrel  =  Facilius  est 
camelum  per  foramen  acus  transire. 
efnebe,  equally  easy: 

Met.  20.168:  Hwset!  hi  beah  eorblices  auht  ne  haldeb,  is  beah  enfede  up  y 
of  dune  to  feallanne  foldan  bisse. 
uneabe  [-e-,  -ie-],  difficult: 

And.  206 :  Nis  bset  uneade  eallwealdan  Gode  to  gefremmanne  on  foldwege, 
bset  etc.  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective). 

Greg.  355.21:  forbsem  he  wisse  bset  hit  bid  swibe  uniede  segber  to  donne ,  ge 
wib  bone  to  cidanne  be  yfel  deb,  ge  eac  sibbe  wib  to  habbenne  =  276.1 :  Difficile 
quippe  erat  ut  si  male  acta  corriperent,  habere  pacem  cum  omnibus  possent. 


12 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Oros.  52.8:  Hit  is  uniede  to  gesecgenne  hu  monege  gewin  sibban  waeron  = 
53.4:  quae  per  ordinem  disserere  nequaquam  aptum  videtur. 

(2)  Adjectives  of  Goodness,  Usefulness,  etc.:  — 
betst,  best: 

Solil.  3.6,  7:  Da  reahte  he  .  .  .  hwilc  good  him  were  betst  to  donne,  and 
hwilc  yfel  betst  to  forletende  (sic!)  =  mihi  .  .  .  quaerenti  memetipsum  ac  bonum 
meum,  quidve  mali  evitandum  esset  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective), 
god,  good: 

Greg.  151,  8b,  9a*  b:  Eac  is  to  wietanne  baette  hwilum  bid  god  wserlice  to 
midanne  his  hieremonna  scylda  &  to  licettanne  suelce  he  hit  nyte;  hwilum  eft  to 
se[c]ganne  -  108. 18a*  b>  c:  Sciendum  quoque  est,  quod  aliquando  subjectorum 
vitia  prudenter  dissimulanda  sunt,  sed  quia  dissimulantur,  indicanda. 

JElj.  Horn.  II.  564*:  Gif  god  is  and  halwendlic  to  forhcebbenne  fram  unaly- 
fedlicum  styrungum. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  2.18a:  Nis  na  god  bisum  men  ana  to  wunienne  =  Non  est 
bonum  hominem  esse  solum. 

Mat.  17.4a:  god  ys  us  her  to  beonne  =  bonum  est  nos  hie  esse  (according  to 
Stoffel,  l.  c.y  p.  53,  accusative  and  inflected  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon:  see 
Chapter  VIII,  p.  119). 

Loece.  28.41 :  Eft  wib  bon  eac  bid  god  lustmocan  crop  to  leeganne  on  gebrocen 
heafod. 

sel,  better: 

Bened .  10.3a’  b:  be  .  .  .  drohtunge  sel  is  to  swigienne  bonne  embe  to  spre- 
cenne  =  16.13:  melius  est  silere  quam  loqui. 
selest  [-ost],  best,  most  excellent: 

Prayers  IV.  11:  Getacna  me  .  .  .  baer  selast  sy  sawle  minre  to  gemearcenne 
meotudes  willan. 

Bl.  Horn.  205.27 :  bonne  is  hit  ealles  selest  to  baem  daege  to  secenne  hwaet  baes 
willa  sie. 

(3)  Adjectives  of  Pleasantness  and  Unpleasantness,  etc.:  — 
lab,  loathsome: 

Oros.  122.16:  nellab  gebencan  hu  lad  eow  selfum  woes  to  gelcestanne  eowre 
abas  =  0. 

Chron.  173m,  1048  Eb:  for  ban  him  woes  lad  to  amyrrene  his  agenne  folgab. 
Wulf.  257.13:  him  wees  lad  bearfendum  mannum  mete  to  syllenne. 
leofost  [-ast],  dearest,  best: 

Laws  78,  Alfred,  c.  43:  beowum  monnum  eallum  sien  forgifen,  bam  be 
him  leofost  sie  to  sellanne  aeghwaet. 
leofre,  dearer,  preferable : 

Greg.  217. 12a*  b:  him  bid  leofre  scande  to  dolianne  bonne  baet  god  to  cydanne 
=  164.7,  9:  eligit  patiens  quaelibet  mala  perpeti,  quam  .  .  .  bona  sua  occulta 
cognosci. 

Oros.  44.14a>  b:  Heton  .  .  .  seegan,  baet  him  leofre  woere  wib  hiene  to  feoht- 
anne  bonne  gafol  to  gieldanne  =  0. 

(4)  Adjectives  of  Right  and  Wrong,  etc.:  — 
riht,  right,  proper: 

Bede  268.4:  swa  riht  is  to  gelyfanne  =  210.6:  ut  credi  fas  est.  —  lb.  398.18: 
swa  swibe  swa  monnum  riht  is  to  eahtienne  »  289.11:  quantum  hominibus 
aestimare  fas  est. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


13 


Greg.  283.7:  Se  slawa  ongit  hwset  him  ryht  bits  to  donne  =  214.5:  Piger  enim 
recte  sentiendo  quasi  vigilat  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective). 

unaliefedlic  [-e-,  -y-],  unallowable: 

Pr.  Ps.  16.14a:  hi  eton  swynen  flsesc,  bset  Iudeum  unalyfedlic  ys  to  etanne  * 
saturati  sunt  porcina. 

Wcerf.  334.22,  23:  c5aet  is  unrihtlic  7  unalyfedlic  senigum  men  to  geScencanne 
obbe  to  cwe&anne  =  401  D:  quod  did  nefas  est  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify 
the  adjective) . 

unriht,  not  right,  improper: 

Wcerf.  308.18:  on  bsere  ylcan  niht,  bset  is  unriht  to  secganne,  he  forspilde  hie 
burh  forligre  =  372  C1:  eamque  nocte  ilia  (quod  dictu  nefas  est)  perdidit  (or  the 
infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective). 

(5)  Other  Adjectives:  — 
feor(r),  far: 

Beow.  1922:  nces  him  feor  banon  to  gesecanne  sinces  bryttan.  [But,  instead 
of  being  subjective,  the  infinitive  may  be  predicative,  as  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  50, 
seems  to  think.  Cf.  And.  424.] 
min,  mine: 

MJc.  10.40:  Soblice  nis  hit  na  min  inc  to  syllenne  bset  gyt  sitton  on  mine 
swybran  healfe  =  Sedere  autem  ad  dexteram  meam  vel  ad  sinistram,  non  est 
meum  dare.  [But,  instead  of  being  subjective,  the  infinitive  may  modify  min.  1 
dafenian,  befitting: 

Solil.  32.17:  me  dafenad  to  andsweorianne  bes  be  ic  ongyte  =  0. 
derian,  injure: 

Greg.  237.11:  sua  dereS  eac  hwilum  sumum  monnum  bset  sob  to  gehierenne 
=  178.25:  ita  nonnunquam  quibusdam  audita  vera  nocuerunt. 

gelustfullian,  delight: 

Attf.  Horn.  I.  360b3:  Us  gelustfullaS  gyt  furbur  to  sprecenne  be  ban  halgan 
were. 

genihtsumian,  suffice: 

Bened.  90.15:  To  beddreafe  genihtsumige  to  hcebbenne  meatte  and  hwitel  etc. 
«  158.13:  Stramenta  autem  lectorum  suffidant  matta,  sagum,  etc. 
gerisan,  befitting: 

Oros.  54.30:  cwaeb  bait  baem  weorce  nanum  men  air  ne  gerise  bet  to  fandianne 
bonne  baem  wyrhtan  be  hit  worhte  =  0. 

AZlf.  Mthelw.  2:  Her  ongynb  seo  endebyrdnyss,  hu  munecum  gerist  to 
healdenne  bone  regollican  beaw  =  Incipit  ordo  qualiter  .  .  .  regularis  mos  a 
monachis  per  anni  circulum  obseruari  conueniat. 
helpan,  help: 

AElf.  L.  S.  xxxvi.  183 :  unc  bam  maeg  helpan  to  hcebbenne  bis  an. 

Lcece.  41.12:  Wib  fefre  eft  hylp&  syndrigo  marubie  to  drincanne. 
sceamian,  shame: 

Chron.  170m,  1050  D:  swa  bset  us  sceamad  hit  nu  mare  to  tellanne. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  370.100:  Us  sceamad  to  secgenne  ealle  ba  .  .  .  wiglunga. 
byncan,1  seem,  plus  an  adjective:  — 
aebryt,  wearisome: 

AElf.  Horn.  II.  374b:  him  8incS  ce'Qryt  to  gehyrenne  ymbe  ba  clsennysse. 


1  As  the  construction  with  Syncan  plus  an  adjective  is  quite  similar  to  that  with  beon  ( wesan )  plus  an  ad¬ 
jective,  I  give  only  a  few  examples. 


14 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


selest  [-ost],  best,  most  excellent : 

El.  533:  Nil  ge  geare  cunnon,  hwaet  eow  baes  on  sefan  selest  Since  to  gecySanne 
(or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective).  —  lb.  1165:  frignan  ongan,  hwaet 
him  baes  on  sefan  selost  Suhte  to  gelaestenne  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the 
adjective). 

selle,  better,  preferable: 

Ju .  408:  baet  him  sylfum  selle  SynceS  leahtras  to  fremman  (sic!)  ofer  lof 
Godes. 


III.  The  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are  each  found  as 
the  subject  of  the  following  verbs:  — 


aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  be  allowed. 
beon,  be,  plus  an  adjective 

(1)  Of  Goodness: 

betere,  better. 
selre,  better. 

fremman  [fremian],  benefit. 


gebyrian,  befitting. 
gedafenian,  befitting. 
gelician,  please. 
lician,  please. 
lystan,  please. 
onhagian,  please. 


With  four  exceptions  (aliefan,  beon  +  selre,  fremman  (fremian),  and  lystan) 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  the  commoner  with  each  verb  of  this  group:  with 
aliefan  and  with  lystan  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  the  more  usual,  while  with 
beon  -f  selre  and  with  fremman  ( fremian )  the  usage  is  evenly  divided. 

The  following  are  typical  examples :  — 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  be  allowed : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  74.15:  aefter  hu  feola  daga  alefaS  him  baem  geryne  onfoon  fulwihtes 
baebes?  =  53.29:  quod  genuerit,  post  quot  dies  hoc  liceat  sacri  baptismatis 
sacramenta  percipere? —  lb.  74.18a*  b:  hwaeber  alefaS  hire  in  circan  gongan 
obbe  baem  geryne  onfoon  baere  halgan  gemaensumnesse?  =  53.32a’  b:  an  ecclesiam 
intrare  ei  liceat  aut  .  .  .  sacramenta  percipere?  —  75.78.17:  ne  alefaS  hire  in 
.  .  .  cirican  gongan?  =  55.28:  ei  non  liceat  .  .  .  ecclesiam  intrare? 

Gosp .:  Mk.  3.4b*  c:  Da  cwaeb  he,  alyfS  restedagum  wel  to  donne,  hweber  be 
yfele?  sawla  gehcelan,  hweber  be  forspillan?  =  dicit  eis:  Licet  sabbatis  bene- 
facere,  an  male?  animam  salvam  facere,  an  perdere.  —  Mk.  10.2:  Pharisei 
.  .  .  hine  axodon  hwaeber  alyfS  aenegum  men  his  wif  forloetan  =  interrogabant 
eum:  Si  licet  viro  uxorem  dimittere.- — L.  6.9*’  b>  c:  alyfS  on  restedaegum  wel 
don,  obbe  yfele;  sawle  hale  gedon,  hwaeber  be  forspillan?  =  si  licet  sabbatis 
benefacere  an  male,  animam  salvam  facere ,  an  perdere  ? 

(2)  Inflected: 

Pr.  Gu.  XX.  85:  geryno  .  .  .  ba  nanegum  men  ne  alyfaS  to  secganne  =■ 
mysteria,  quae  non  licet  homini  narrare  (on  alyfaS  for  alyfeS,  see  Gonser’s  note). 

Mk.  3.4a:  quoted  above  under  a Uninflected. ”  —  Mk.  12.14:  AlyfS  gaful  to 
syllanne  bam  Casere?  =  Licet  dari  tributum  Caesari? 

beon,  be,  plus  an  adjective  of  Goodness,  etc.:  — 

betere,  better: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mk.  9.47:  betere  be  is  mid  anum  eagan  gan  on  Godes  rice  =  9.46:  bonum  est 
tibi  luscum  introire  in  regnum  Dei.  [Concerning  the  positive  here,  see  Professor 
J.  W.  Bright’s  “An  Idiom  of  the  Comparative  in  Anglo-Saxon,”  in  Modern 
Language  Notes  for  June,  1912,  pp.  181-183.] 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


15 


(2)  Inflected: 

'  Gen.  660:  His  hyldo  is  une  betere  to  gewinnanne  Sonne  his  wiSermedo  (or 
the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjective). 

Solil.  36.8:  Sseh  hwa  cwseSe  Sset  hyt  si  betere  to  habbenne  for  bearna  ge- 
streone  =  no  Latin. 

Mat.  18.9:  betere  Se  ys  mid  anum  eagan  on  life  to  ganne  Sonne  Su  si  mid  twam 
asend  on  helle  fyr  =  bonum  tibi  est  cum  uno  oculo  in  vitam  intrare,  quam  duos 
oculos  habentem  mitti  in  gehennam  ignis. 

selre,  better : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXV.  144b:  Selre  us  is  to  sweltenne  and  soSlice  anbidian  (sic!) 
Sses  ecan  seristes. 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  101.322* *:  selre  Se  bid  anegede  faran  to  heofonan  rice, 
Sonne  mid  twam  eagum  beon  aworpen  on  ece  susle. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  486b3:  Salomon  cwseS,  Sset  selre  wsere  to  wunigenne  mid  leon 
and  dracan  Sonne  mid  yfelum  wife  and  ofersprsecum. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXV.  144a:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above. 

fremman  (fremian),  benefit: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  394m:  ac  hit  n ejremede  him  swa  gedon. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mat.  19.10:  n e  jremaS  nanum  menn  to  wifienne  =  non  expedit  nubere. 

gebyrian,  befitting: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gosp.:  Mat.  18.33:  hu  ne  gebyrede  Se  miltsian  Sinum  efenSeowan  swa  swa 
ic  Se  gemiltsode?  =  Nonne  ergo  oportuit  et  te  miser eri  conservi  tui,  sicut  et  ego 
tui  misertus  sum?  (possibly,  but  not  probably,  accusative  and  infinitive:  see  ex¬ 
amples  below  in  which  the  noun  is  clearly  dative;  also  Chapter  VIII,  p.  124). — 
L.  11.42b:  Sas  Sing  eow  gebyrede  to  donne,  and  Sa  Sing  n ejorloetan  (sic!)  -  hsec 
autem  oportuit  jacere,  et  ilia  non  omittere.  * —  L.  12.12:  Halig  Gast  eow  lserS  on 
Ssere  tide  Sa  Sing  Se  eow  specan  gebyraS  =  Spiritus  .  .  .  sanctus  docebit  vos 
in  ipsa  hora  quid  oporteat  vos  dicere  (see  note  to  L.  11.42  above).  —  L.  15.32at  b: 
Se  gebyrede  gewistjullian  and  geblissian  -  Epulari  autem  et  gaudere  oportebat. 

—  L.  24.26a’  b :  Hu  ne  gebyrede  Criste  Sas  Sing  doligean,  and  swa  on  his  wuldor 
ganf  =  Nonne  hsec  oportuit  pati  Christum}  et  ita  intrare  in  gloriam  suam? 

(2)  Inflected: 

Laws  446,  Rectitudines,  c.  3,  §  3:  Him  gebyriaft  (sic!)  V  seceres  to  habbanne 

—  Ib.  477,  Episcopus,  c.  2a :  Sset  heora  selc  wite,  hwset  him  mid  rihte  gebyrige 
to  donne. 

Mlj.  Horn.  II.  492*:  us  ne  gebyrad  to  ameldigenne  Sa  scyldigan. 

Mlj.  Hept.:  De  N.  T.  20.30:  hwset  gebyraS  us  embe  Sis  to  smeagenne? 

Mlj.  Gr.  245.9:  nu  hsefS  se  bene  Sa  Sing,  Se  adverbio  gebyra<5  to  hcebbenne. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  26.54b:  for  Sam  Sus  hyt  gebyraS  to  beonne  =  quia  sic  oportet 
fieri.  —  Mk.  14.31 :  Seah  me  gebyrige  mid  Se  to  sweltenne  =  si  oportuerit  me  simul 
common  tibi.  —  L.  2.49:  nyste  gyt  Sset  me  gebyraS  to  beonne  on  Sam  Singum 
Se  mines  fseder  synt?  =  nesciebatis  quia  in  his  quse  Patris  mei  sunt  oportet  me 
esse  t  —  L.  11.42a:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above.  —  J.  9.4:  Me  gebyraS  to 
wyrceanne  Sses  weorc  Se  me  sende  =  Me  oportet  operari  opera  ejus  qui  misit  me. 


16 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Wulf.  279.4:  ne  gebyreft  set  cyrican  senig  Sing  to  donne. 

gedaf(e)nian,  befitting: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  74.22 :  All  Sas  Sing  Ssere  .  .  .  Seode  .  .  .  gedafenad  cuS  habban  - 
54.2:  Quae  omnia  rudi  Anglorum  genti  oportet  haberi  conperta.  —  lb.  342.18: 
efne  Sa  an  Sa  Se  to  sefestnesse  belumpon,  7  his  Sa  sefestan  tungan  gedeofanade 
sing  an  =  259.12:  ea  .  .  .  quae  .  .  .  religiosam  eius  linguam  decebant  (or 
accusative  and  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon?). 

Pr.  Gu.  V.  67,  68,  69:  swa  Sonne  gedafenaft  Sam  men  [Vercelli  MS.:  Sane 
man]  gelice  Surh  six  daga  fsesten  Sone  gast  gefrcetwian ,  and  Sonne  Sy  seofoSan 
dseg  mete  Sicgan  and  his  lichaman  restan  =  ita  etiam  hominem  decet  sex  diebus 
per  jejunii  plasma  spiritu  reformari,  et  septimo  die  comedendo  carni  requiem 
dare. 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  318m2:  Us  gedafenaS  to  donne  dugeSe  on  sibbe,  mid  estful- 
lum  mode  menniscum  gesceafte,  and  eft  on  ehtnysse  ure  lif  syllan  (sic!)  for 
Sone  soSan  God. 

JElf.  L.  S.  240.31:  us  gedafenaS  swySor  mid  geswince  to  campigenne  for 
Sam  undeadlicum  cynincge  and  Se  oferswidan  (sic!).  —  76.  XXIII  B.  261:  Se 
gedafenaS  ...  for  me  and  for  eallum  gebiddan. 

Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  102.34*2*  3:  ne  gedafonode  Criste  swa  Srowian  and  swa 
faran  into  his  wuldre? 

L.  4.43 :  SoSlice  me  gedafenad  oSrum  ceastrum  Godes  rice  bodian  =  Quia  et 
aliis  civitatibus  oportet  me  evangelizare  regnum  Dei  (possibly  but  not  probably 
accusative  and  infinitive :  see  examples  in  which  the  noun  is  clearly  in  the  dative 
case). 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  2.13:  Se  gedafenad  Sine  Seode  to  Iceranne  =  0.  —  76.  196.17:  Hwaet 
woldest  Su  .  .  .  Saet  .  .  .  hors  Saem  Searfan  syllan,  Se  Se  gedafenade  agan 
(sic!)  to  habbanne?  =  156.18:  Quid  uoluisti  .  .  . ,  equum  .  .  . ,  quern  te  con - 
ueniebat  proprium  habere,  pauperi  dare? 

Solil.  32.16s’  b:  Be  gedafena&  to  lerenne  and  me  to  hlistenne  =  no  Latin. 

Laws  248,  VI  ^Ethelred,  c.  5,  §  2:  Cristenan  maen  ne  gedafenacS  to  donne. 

Afilf.  Horn.  I.  124b:  Saer  Se  biS  gesaed  hwaet  Se  gedafenaS  to  donne.  —  76. 
I.  386* 2 :  Saer  Se  biS  gesaed  hwaet  Se  gedafenige  to  donne.  —  76.  II.  318ml: 
quoted  under  “  Uninflected.” 

Mlj.  L.  S.  228.131 :  us  Iudeiscum  ne  gedafenaS  to  genealecenne  eow  haeSenum 
mannum.  —  76.  240.30:  quoted  under  “Uninflected.”  —  76.  314.127:  Us 
gedafenad  to  offrigenne  Sam  .  .  .  gode.  —  76.  XXIII  B.  228a>  b:  Be  gedafenaS 
abbud  Zosimus  to  biddenne  and  to  bletsigenne. —  76.  XXX.  124:  swa  Se  eac 
gedafena&  to  efstenne  .  .  .  and  beon  gecostnod. 

Widf.  227.22:  swa  gedafenaS  aelcum  men  to  habbenne  restendaeg.  —  76. 
269.24:  swa  aenigum  cristenum  men  ne  gedafenad  to  donne  ne  huru  Sam  geha- 
dedum. 

gelician,  please : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

L.  12.32:  for  Sam  eowrum  Feeder  gelicode  eow  rice  syllan  =  quia  complacuit 
Patri  vestro  dare  vobis  regnum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Oros.  106.24:  siSSan  gelicade  eallum  folcum  Saet  hie  Romanum  underSieded 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


17 


waere,  7  hiora  ae  to  behealdanne  =  107.24:  universarum  terrarum  orbem  .  .  . 
Romanis  paruisse  legibus  .  .  .  judices.1 — lb.  250.19:  aenigum  folce  his  aegenu 
ae  gelicade  to  healdenne  =  0. 

Chron.  182*,  1052  Cb:  baet  bam  cynge  gelicode  mid  him  to  hcebbenne  be  him 
getreowe  waeron. 

lician,  please: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  276.12:  licade  us  efencuman  =  214.31:  placuit  conuenire  nos  (possibly 
but  not  probably  accusative  and  infinitive :  see  examples  with  gelician  in  which 
the  noun  is  clearly  dative). 

AElf.  L.  S.  308.32 :  me  bet  licaS  to  forlaetenne  nu  bisne  .  .  .  wurbmynt  and 
baes  .  .  .  godes  cynedome  gehyrsumian  on  haligre  drohtnunge. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Pr.  Ps.  43.5:  for  bam  hy  be  ba  licodon,  and  be  licode  mid  him  to  beonne 
=  43.4:  quoniam  complacuisti  in  eis. 

Laws  46,  TElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  10:  hie  ba  cwaedon,  baet  him  baet  licode 
eallum  to  healdanne. 

HSlf.  L.  S.  308.30:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above. 

A.  S.  Horn,  dc  L.  S.  II.  18.293:  Gif  be  bonne  licige  to  siveltenne. 

lystan,  please: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  1793:  Geat  ungemetes  wel,  rofne  randwigan  restan  lyste. 

Met.  9.19:  Naes  baet  herlic  daed,  baet  hine  swelces  gamenes  gilpan  lyste.  — 
lb.  10.20:  Eala  ofermodan!  hwi  eow  a  lyste  mid  eowrum  swiran  selfra  willum 
baet  swaere  gioc  symle  underlutan.  —  lb.  19.16:  Hwaeber  ge  nu  willen  waeban 
mid  hundum  on  sealtne  sae,  bonne  eow  secan  lyst  heorotas  7  hinda?  —  76. 
19.33,  34:  forbaem  hi  aefre  ne  lyst  aefter  spyrian ,  secan  ba  gesaelba.  —  76.  19.39: 
swa  me  hit  don  lysteS. 

Bede  398.7a>  b:  cwaeb  baet  hine  lyste  mid  him  etan  7  drincan  =  288.26,  27ft: 
dicens  quia  ipse  .  .  .  delectaretur  manducare  et  bibere  cum  eis. 

Boeth.  1.11:  he  halsab  aelcne  bara  be  bas  boc  rcedan  lyste  =0.  —  76.  91.8: 
be  .  .  .  lyste  foriveorcSan  =  78.46:  ad  interitum  sponte  festinent. 

Greg.  279.6 :  Mt  aerestum  lyst  bone  monn  unnyt  sprecan  be  obrum  monnum 
=  210.15:  ut  prius  loqui  aliena  libeat. 

Oros.  50.17:  Beah  swa  hwelcne  mon  swa  lyste  baet  witan,  raede  on  his  bocum 
=  0. 

Wcerf.  60.7:  me  lystecS  acsian  =  192  B1:  libet  inquirere. 

Bened.  126.17,  18:  baet  hine  ne  worian  ne  scri&an  lyste  =  194.2:  cujus 
maturitas  eum  non  sinat  vagari. 

AElf.  Horn.  II.  220b:  Se  leahtor  deb  baet  bam  men  ne  lyst  nan  bing  to  gode 
gedon. 

AElf.  L.  S.  356.297 :  bonne  bam  menn  ne  lyst  on  his  life  nan  god  don. 

JElf.  Gr.  211.5:  bonne  cymb  of  bam  lecturio  me  lyst  rcedan.  —  76.  214.9:  me 
lyst  geseon  =  uiso. 

Wulf.  141. 8a>  b>  c:  stingab  hine  scearplice  on  bone  mub,  forbi,  swa  hwaet 
swa  hine  lyste  etan  obbe  drincan  obbe  on  unnyt  sprecan. 

Lcece.  49.35 :  hu  man  lyste  utgan  7  ne  maeg. 


1  See  Note  2  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


18 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


(2)  Inflected: 

Oros.  102.25:  ic  gehwam  wille  Saerto  taecan  Se  hiene  his  lyst  ma  to  witanne 
=  0. 

Solil.  14.23:  Ne  lyst  me  Seah  nanes  Singes  swiSor  to  witanne  Sonne  Sises  =  0. 
—  Ib.  59.33a>  b  :  ac  me  lyste  hyt  nu  bet  to  witanne  Sonne  to  gelyfanne  =  0. 
onhagian[an-],  please: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Greg.  289.16:  Saet  hie  ne  anhagafi  nane  wuht  nyttwyrSes  don  =  218.19: 
Saepe  ergo  mansueti  dissoiutionis  torpescunt  taedio. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  341.13:  gif  he  .  .  .  cann  gemetgian  hwaet  hine  anhagige  to  sellanne 
=  264.6:  audiant,  qnomodo  quae  habent  misericorditer  tribuant. —  lb.  417.17: 
ForSaemSe  Saet  Saette  hine  ne  onhagode  utane  forS  to  brenganne  mid  weorcum, 
innanne  he  hit  geSafode  =  338.21 :  quia  etsi  rerum  tarditas  foras  peccatum 
distulit,  intus  hoc  consensionis  opere  voluntas  implevit. 

Solil.  26.7 :  ic  eom  seo  racu  Se  me  onhagad  Se  to  gerihtreccenne  =  Promittit 
enim  ratio  .  .  .  ita  se  demonstraturam  Deum  tuae  menti.  —  Ib.  65.10:  Me 
ne  onhagaS  nu  Sa  boc  ealle  to  asmceaganne  =  0. 

Chron.  175b,  1052  Dc:  Da  ne  onhagode  him  to  cumenne  to  wiSermale. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  448* 3 :  Nu  ne  onhaga&  us  na  swiSor  be  Sam  to  sprecenne. 

2Elf.  L.  S.  4.  37:  halgena  Srowunga,  Se  me  to  onhagode  on  englisc  to 
awendenne. 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

The  active  infinitive  is  found  as  the  subject  of  passive  verbs  about  48  times. 
The  infinitive  is  inflected  about  39  times. 

I.  The  uninflected  infinitive  only,  as  subject,  is  found  twice  (once  preceding 
and  once  following  the  chief  verb)  with  the  passive  of  bewerian,  prohibit:  — 
Bede  76.19:  Fulwian  Sonne  Saet  .  .  .  wif  .  .  .  naenige  gemete  is  bewered  - 
54.31:  Baptizare  .  .  .  mulierem  .  .  .  nullo  modo  prohibetur.  —  lb.  78.31:  ne 
sceal  him  bewered  beon  Saem  geryne  onfon=  56.9:  mysterium  .  .  .  percipere 
non  debet  prohiberi. 

II.  The  inflected  infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject  with  the  passive  of 
the  following  verbs:  — 

forgiefan,  give,  grant.  tSencan,  consider,  plus  halwende,  salutary. 

(ge)sellan,  give,  allow.  tSyncan,  seem,  consider  {?),  plus  wierSlicor, 

laefan,  leave.  more  worthily. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 
forgiefan,  give,  grant: 

H2lf.  L.  S.  XXIX.  134a’  b:  beo  Se  forgifen  to  bindene  and  to  alysenne. 
gesellan,  give,  allow: 

Gosp .:  Mat.  13.11:  For  Sam  Se  eow  is  geseald  to  witanne  heofena  rices 
gerynu  =  Quia  vobis  datum  est  nosse  mysteria  regni  coelorum.  —  Mk.  4.11 :  Eow 
is  geseald  to  witanne  Godes  rices  gerynu  =  Vobis  datum  est  nosse  mysterium 
regni  Dei. 

lasfan,  leave: 

Boeth.  42.9:  Sonne  meaht  Su  ongitan  Saette  Sees  ealles  nis  monnum  Sonne 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


19 


mare  lepfed  to  bugianne  buton  swelce  on  lytel  cauertun  =  44.18:  uix  angustissima 
inhabitcindi  hominibus  area  relinquetur  (or  final?). 

Sencan,  consider ,  plus  halwende,  salutary: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  479:  Hit  is  halig  geSoht  and  halwende  to  gebiddenne  for  Sam 
forSfarendum. 

Syncan,  seem,  consider  (?),  plus  wurSlicor,  more  worthily: 

Ml}.  Horn.  I.  48* 4 :  Sonne  Se  is  geSuht  wurSlicor  be  Criste  to  cweSenne  Godes 
Bearn  Sonne  mannes  Bearn. 

III.  The  uninflected  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are  each  found  as  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  the  passive  of  the  following  verbs:  — 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow.  bebeodan,  command. 

With  each  of  these  verbs  the  inflected  infinitive  is  commoner  than  the  un¬ 
inflected,  with  aliefan  far  commoner. 

The  following  are  typical  examples :  — 

aliefan1  [-e-,  -y-],  allow: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  84.20:  mid  Sy  him  eac  alyfed  biS,  swa  we  ser  cwsedon,  in  cirican  gongan 
=  59.20;  cum  ei  .  .  .  ecclesiam  licuerit  intrare.  —  lb.  278.10,  11:  nsenegum 
biscope  alefad  seo  in  sengum  Singe  heo  unstillian,  ne  owiht  of  heora  eahtum  .  .  . 
ongeneman  =  216.7,  8:  nulli  episcoporum  liceat  ea  in  aliquo  inquietare,  nec 
quicquam  de  eorum  rebus  uiolenter  abstrahere.  —  lb.  278.22:  nsengum  heora 
alefedsy  senge  sacerdlice  Segnunge  don  =  216.22:  nulli  .  .  .  liceat  .  .  .  officium 
.  .  .  agere.  —  lb.  280.1:  nsengum  alefed  sy  nemne  selice  gesinscipe  habban  = 
217.1:  nulli  liceat  .  .  .  habere  conubium. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Gu.  1223:  giefe  .  .  .,  Se  me  alyfed  nis  to  gecySenne  cwicra  sengum  on  fold- 
wege  fir  a  cynnes. 

Boeth.  121. 19a:  Sset  men  sie  alefed  yfel  to  donne  =  103. 93a:  uel  licentiam 
uel  impunitatem  scelerum  putant  esse  felicem. 

Wcerf.  39.21:  Sset  us  nu  ncere  alyfed  to  farenef  =  176  A:  pergere  minime 
liceret ?  — lb.  156.3:  Sset  him  wcere  alyfed  ut  to  farenne  =  B.  182  B1:  atque 
importunis  precibus  ut  relaxeretur  immineret.  —  lb.  214.8:  to  Son  Sset  him 
ncere  na  alyfed  ofer  Sset  furSur  to  ganne  =  261  A:  ne  ei  ultra  liceret  progredi. 

Bened.  86.6:  secggende  Sset  him  alyfed  nis  wiS  cuman  to  sprecenne  -  154.7: 
dicens  sibi  non  licere  colloqui  cum  hospite. 

Bl.  Horn.  137.15:  us  is  alefed  edhwyrft  to  Ssem  ecean  life,  &  heofena  rice 
to  gesittenne  mid  .  .  .  halgum. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  40m:  Bis  nis  nu  alyfed  nanum  men  to  donne. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  684:  On  Sam  dagum  wees  alyfed  to  alecgenne  his  fynd. 

Mat.  12.2:  Nu  Sine  leorningcnihtas  doS  Sset  him  alyfyd  nys  restedagun  to 
donne  =  Ecce  discipuli  tui  faciunt  quod  non  licet  facere  sabbatis.  —  lb.  12.10: 
ys  hyt  alyfed  to  hcelenne  on  restedagum?  =  Si  licet  sabbatis  curare  f 

Wulf.  210.17:  cwseS,  Sset  six  dagas  syndon,  ‘Sset  eow  is  alefed  eowre  weorc 
on  to  wyreenne.’  —  lb.  227.12a>  b,  13:  ne  mylnum  nis  alyfed  to  eornenne  ne  on 
huntaS  to  ridenne  ne  nan  unalyfedlic  weorc  to  wyreenne. 

bebeodan,  command: 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  382. 


20 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


(1)  Uninflected: 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  398b  h  2:  forban  cSe  us  is  beboden,  burh  gewrite  bsere  ealdan  se, 
ofsittan  and  fortredan  (5a  gewilnigendlican  lustas. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  206.16:  of  eallum  Son,  be  on  halgum  bocum  beboden  is  to  healdanne 
-  161.27:  nil  ex  omnibus,  quae  in  .  .  .  literis  facienda  cognoverat  (or  final?). 

Boeth .  40.10:  to  Sam  weorce  Se  me  beboden  woes  to  wyrcanne  =  0  (or  final?). 
— -Ib.  40.24:  Ne  maeg  he  .  .  .  nan  Sara  Singa  wyrcan  Se  him  beboden  is  to 
wyrcenne  =  0  (or  final?). 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

If  now  we  seek  to  discover  what  determines  the  use  of  the  inflected  or  of 
the  uninflected  form  of  the  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  active  verbs,  the  answer 
is  clear  in  the  case  of  the  verbs  having  only  the  inflected  form  as  subject.  In 
the  majority  of  instances  the  finite  verb  is  made  up  of  the  appropriate  form 
of  beon  or  Syncan  plus  an  adjective  (or  occasionally  plus  an  adverb  or  a  noun) 
that  is  usually  followed  by  the  dative  (or  occasionally  by  the  genitive)  case  of 
nouns  and  naturally  by  the  inflected  infinitive  when  the  adjective  is  modified 
by  an  infinitive;  hence,  even  when  not  immediately  modifying  the  adjective, 
but  when  used  as  the  subject  of  a  finite  verb,  the  infinitive  is  by  the  indirect  in¬ 
fluence  of  the  adjective  attracted  from  the  logically  expected  nominative  form, 
that  is,  the  uninflected  infinitive,  into  the  dative  form,  that  is,  the  inflected 
infinitive.  In  the  prose  Gen.  2.18a  (Nis  na  god  bisum  men  ana  to  wunienne  = 
Non  est  bonum  hominem  esse  solum)  and  in  the  Chron.  173m,  1048  Eb  (for  ban 
him  wees  la&  to  amyrrenne  his  agenne  folgab),  for  instance,  we  see  the 
transforming  influence  of  the  dative-governing  adjectives,  god  and  laS.  Of 
course,  as  already  stated,  at  times  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  infinitive 
was  intended  by  the  writer  to  modify  the  adjective  or  to  be  the  subject  of  the 
finite  verb.  Most  of  the  remaining  verbs  of  the  group  are  such  as  habitually 
govern  a  dative  (or  occasionally  a  genitive),  and  this  oblique  regimen  is,  as  in 
the  case  of  beon  or  Syncan  plus  an  adjective,  strong  enough  to  cause  the  infini¬ 
tive  to  be  inflected  when  used  as  a  subject,  —  a  result  the  more  easily  brought 
about  by  the  circumstance  that  these  verbs  are  in  most  instances  impersonal, 
and  that  the  infinitive  usually  follows  rather  than  precedes  the  finite  verb. 
For  example,  in  Greg.  237.11  (sua  dereS  eac  hwilum  sumum  monnum  baet  sob 
to  gehierenne  =  178.25:  ita  nonnunquam  quibusdam  audita  vera  nocuerunt )  and 
in  /Elf.  L.  S.  XXXVI.  183  (unc  bam  mceg  helpan  to  hoebbenne  bis  an),  we  see 
the  same  sort  of  transforming  influence  exercised  by  the  dative-governing 
verbs,  derian  and  helpan.  Moreover,  because  of  its  frequent  postposition,  the 
infinitive  is  often  in  close  proximity  to  the  transforming  adjective  or  verb. 
Occasionally,  too,  out  of  analogy  to  these  dative-governing  verbal  phrases,  a 
verb  that  does  not  govern  a  dative  has  an  inflected  infinitive  as  its  subject, 
as  has  beon  in  Mat.  20.23,  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  frequently  recurring 
beon  plus  a  dative-governing  adjective. 

As  to  the  verbs  having  only  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject,  it  seems 
natural  that  becuman  in  the  sense  of  1  happen 1  and  geweorSan  with  the  same 
meaning  should  have  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject,  since  there  is  no 
factor  to  cause  inflection. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


21 


That  we  have  an  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject  to  beon  plus  softe  is 
probably  due  to  the  great  distance  separating1  the  infinitive  from  the  verbal 
phrase. 

That  ge&yncan  in  the  sense  of  ‘seem  good'  has  for  its  subject  the  uninflected 
instead  of  the  inflected  infinitive  seems  to  contravene  the  general  explanation 
given  of  the  inflected  infinitive  above;  and  it  may  be  an  exception  that  proves 
the  rule,  though  I  doubt  this.  To  me  the  explanation  seems  rather  this: 
‘  seem  good  ’  is  only  occasionally  the  sense  of  gedyncan;  moreover,  the  infini¬ 
tive  both  in  the  Latin  original  and  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  separated  from  the 
principal  verb  by  a  number  of  words;  in  brief,  geSyncan  had  but  slight  datival 
force  to  transmit  to  the  infinitive,  and  this  little  was  evaporated  in  the  distance 
between  it  and  the  infinitive. 

Gelystan,  we  may  suppose,  merely  follows  the  general  rule  of  the  simplex, 
lystan,  which  latter  habitually  though  not  invariably  has  an  uninflected  infini¬ 
tive  as  its  subject. 

When  we  turn  to  the  group  of  verbs  having  now  the  inflected  and  now  the 
uninflected  infinitive  as  the  subject,  we  find  that  the  group  as  a  whole  is  true 
to  the  general  principles  already  stated,  with  only  two  apparent,  if  not  real, 
exceptions,  aliefan  and  lystan ,  each  of  which  is,  as  stated,  found  oftener  with 
the  uninflected  than  with  the  inflected  infinitive,  lystan  far  oftener.  The 
datival  sense  in  aliefan,  though  not  so  strong  as  in  derian,  helpan,  etc.,  is  still 
so  strong  that  its  having  an  uninflected  infinitive  for  subject  occasions  sur¬ 
prise  each  time  until  I  place  the  examples  with  uninflected  infinitives  side  by 
side  with  those  having  the  inflected,  and  discover  that,  with  one  exception  (L. 
6.9a),  in  the  former  examples,  the  infinitive,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  is  perceptibly 
farther  removed  from  the  finite  verb  {aliefan)  than  in  the  latter  examples;  and 
that,  of  the  ten  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive,  five  (MJc.  3.4b>  c,  L.  6.9a’ b>  c) 
occur  in  two  series  of  three  infinitives  each,  in  one  of  which  series  the  first  infini¬ 
tive  (Mk.  3.4a)  is  inflected,  —  a  fact  that  seems  to  indicate  that  the  degree  of 
separation1  from  the  principal  verb  is  an  appreciable  factor  as  to  the  inflection 
of  the  infinitive.  Of  course,  it  is  open  to  one  to  claim  that,  in  a  series  of  the 
sort  under  discussion,  the  to  is  carried  over  as  it  were  to  the  succeeding  infini¬ 
tives,  or,  to  put  it  differently,  that  the  presence  of  to  with  the  first  infinitive 
accounts  for  the  lack  of  inflection  in  the  succeeding  infinitives  rather  than  the 
distance  of  the  latter  from  the  finite  verb.  This  claim  seems  improbable, 
however,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  in  eighteen2  series  the  inflected  infinitive  is 
followed  by  the  inflected,  while  in  only  six2  series  is  the  inflected  followed  by 
the  uninflected;  and  that  in  the  former  series,  as  a  rule,  the  co-ordinated  infini¬ 
tives  are  appreciably  closer  to  each  other  and,  therefore,  to  the  principal  verb 
than  in  the  latter  series.  Again,  this  claim  seems  improbable  in  view  of  the 
fact  that,  with  the  verb  under  discussion,  aliefan,  we  habitually  find  the  single 


1  Separation  from  its  governing  verb,  its  adjective,  or  its  noun,  as  we  shall  see  later  in  Chapters  II,  XI,  and 
XIII,  likewise  tends  to  the  loss  of  inflection  on  the  part  of  the  infinitive.  We  thus  have  four  additional  illustra¬ 
tions  of  the  principle  so  happily  stated  by  Professor  C.  Alphonso  Smith,  in  his  Studies  in  English  Syntax,  p.  60: 
**  Other  illustrations  of  the  general  principle  that  I  have  endeavoured  to  outline  will  suggest  themselves  to  the 
reader.  Enough  have  been  given,  I  believe,  to  show  that  a  dominant  characteristic  of  English  syntax,  a  char¬ 
acteristic  that  differentiates  it  sharply  from  the  syntax  of  Latin,  is  its  insistent  tendency  to  operate  at  close 
quarters,  to  span  only  limited  areas,  and  to  make  its  laws  of  concord  depend  not  so  much  on  logic  as  on  proximity. 
English  syntax  is  essentially  a  syntax  of  short  circuits.” 

2  Given  in  the  notes  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


22 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


infinitive  uninflected  if  remote  from  the  principal  verb,  but  inflected  if  near  it. 
One  exception  does  occur  with  aliefan:  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  we  have  the 
uninflected  infinitive,  don,  in  Luke  6.9a  ( alyfS  on  restedsegum  wel  don ,  o<5(5e 
yfele;  sawle  hale  gedon,  hwseber  be  forspillan?  =  si  licet  sabbatis  benefacere  an 
male,  animam  salvam  facere,  an  perdere?),  but  the  inflected  infinitive,  to  donne , 
in  the  almost  identical  passage  of  Mark  3.4a  (AlyfS  restedagum  wel  to  donne, 
hweber  be  yfele?  sawla  gehselan,  hweber  be  forspillan  =  Licet  sabbatis  bene¬ 
facere,  an  male?  anjmam  salvam  facere,  an  perdere?);  for,  while  the  infinitive 
is  one  word  further  removed  from  the  principal  verb  in  the  former  than  in  the 
latter  passage,  that  alone  hardly  accounts  for  the  difference  in  translation. 
Perhaps  the  confusion  is  partially  due  to  the  disturbing  influence  of  the  adverb 
wel  in  Anglo-Saxon  or  of  the  datival  verb,  benefacere,  in  Latin.  Another  prob¬ 
able  factor  in  the  twofold  construction  with  aliefan  is  its  double  regimen  (with 
an  accusative  and  a  dative)  when  transitive,  for,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  next 
chapter,  double  regimen  is,  with  many  verbs,  a  prolific  source  of  confusion 
between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  in  the  objective 
function. 

In  the  single  example  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject  of  beon  plus 
betere  ( Mk .  9.47)  and  in  the  two  of  beon  plus  selre  ( Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  101. 332 1 1, 
Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  144b),  the  distance  of  the  infinitive  from  the  verb  phrase 
doubtless  contributes  to  the  lack  of  inflection,  for,  with  selre,  the  first  of  the  two 
infinitives  in  a  series  (Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  144a)  is  inflected,  while  the  second, 
with  an  adverb  preceding,  is  uninflected.  It  is  only  fair  to  state  that  in  Matthew 
18.9  we  have  the  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  plus  betere  although  the  infinitive 
is  as  far  removed  from  the  verb  phrase  as  in  Mark  9.47;  but  in  the  other  ex¬ 
amples  the  infinitive  is  very  near  the  verb. 

In  the  example  of  fremman  ( fremian ),  ‘  help/  with  an  inflected  infinitive  as 
subject  (Mat.  19.10),  we  have  what  we  should  naturally  expect.  That,  con¬ 
trary  to  expectation,  we  find  the  uninflected  infinitive,  gedon,  in  Mlf.  Horn.  I. 
394m,  with  only  two  words  intervening  between  it  and  fremede,  is  probably  due 
to  the  confusion  of  meaning  between  fremman  ( fremian )  in  the  sense  of  ‘  effect ' 
and  in  the  sense  of  ‘  benefit/  and  to  the  consequent  double  regimen  of  fremman 
(with  an  accusative  or  a  dative).  In  the  two  passages  in  question,  fremman 
(fremian)  clearly  has  the  latter  of  the  two  meanings. 

Of  the  seven  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  with  gebyrian,  one  (L. 
11.42b)  is  the  second  of  a  series  of  two  infinitives  with  several  words  intervening 
between  the  infinitives.  One  (L.  12.12)  precedes  the  finite  verb  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  and  corresponds  to  an  accusative  and  predicative  infinitive  in  the 
Latin  original.  Two  (L.  24.26a-  b)  are  appreciably  separated  from  the  finite 
verb.  One  (Mat.  18.33)  is  near  the  finite  verb,  but  translates  a  Latin 
accusative  and  predicative  infinitive,  and  may  itself  be  considered  an  instance 
of  the  predicative  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  as  may  the  remaining  two  (L. 
15.32a>  b).  Personally,  however,  I  believe  that,  in  Mat.  18.33  and  in  L. 
15.323’  b,  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  is  subjective,  but  I  doubt  not  that 
the  Latin  accusative-with-infinitive  construction,  present  in  the  passage 
from  Matthew  and  in  three  other  passages  with  gebyrian  in  Luke,  may  have 
had  something  to  do  with  the  absence  of  inflection  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Perhaps, 
also,  the  twofold  meaning  of  gebyrian  (l  happen  *  and  ‘  be  fitting  ’)  in  part 
accounts  for  the  use  of  the  two  infinitives. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


23 


Of  the  eleven  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject  of  gedafenian, 
two  ( Bede  74.22, 342.18)  are  very  near  the  finite  verb,  but  correspond,  the  former 
to  a  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive  and  the  latter  to  a  Latin  noun  in  the  accusa¬ 
tive,  and  the  latter  may  be  a  predicative  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Two  (Mlf. 
Horn .  II.  318m2  and  JElf.  L.  S.  240.31)  are  each  the  second  in  a  series  of  two 
infinitives  in  each  of  which  series  the  first  infinitive  is  inflected,  and  the  second 
is  appreciably  separated  from  the  first.  The  remaining  seven  are  separated 
from  the  finite  verb.  But  the  datival  force  of  the  verb,  gedafenian ,  occasionally 
is  stronger  than  the  influence  of  separation,  as  in  Mlf.  L.  S.  240.30,  XXIII  B. 
238b,  in  each  of  which  we  have  the  inflected  infinitive  despite  the  separation  of 
infinitive  from  finite  verb.  In  the  remaining  sixteen  examples  of  the  inflected 
infinitive,  the  infinitive  is  very  near  the  finite  verb,  usually  in  immediate  juxta¬ 
position  therewith. 

In  the  single  instance  of  an  uninflected  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  gelician 
( L .  12.32),  the  infinitive  is  separated  from  the  verb,  but  by  only  two  words. 
In  one  of  the  three  instances  of  the  subjective  inflected  infinitive  (< Oros .  106.24), 
the  infinitive  is  separated  from  the  verb  by  ten  words;  in  the  other  two  the 
infinitive  is  in  close  proximity. 

In  one  instance  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject  of  lician  ( Bede  276.12), 
the  infinitive  phrase  corresponds  to  a  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive,  and  we 
may  possibly  have  the  same  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon.  In  another  instance  of  the 
uninflected  infinitive  (Mlf.  L.  S.  308.32),  the  infinitive  is  the  second  of  a  series 
of  two  infinitives  the  first  of  which  is  inflected,  and  is  considerably  removed 
from  the  second.  In  the  four  instances  of  the  inflected  infinitive,  the  infinitive 
is  near  the  finite  verb,  in  two  instances  in  immediate  juxtaposition. 

That  the  original  idiom  with  lystan  was  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  evident. 
Only  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  found  in  the  poetry  (7  examples) .  In  a  total, 
in  prose  and  in  poetry,  of  about  65  examples,  61  are  uninflected,  and  this  despite 
the  fact  that  in  a  majority  of  these  cases,  in  both  poetry  and  prose,  the  infini¬ 
tive  is  in  close  proximity  to,  in  many  instances  in  juxtaposition  with,  the  finite 
verb  (lystan).  But  why  have  we  with  this  verb  the  uninflected  rather  than  the 
inflected  infinitive,  especially  when  the  infinitive  is  so  often  so  near  the  finite 
verb,  and  when,  on  a  first  glance,  lystan  seems  in  sense  so  closely  akin  to  what 
for  lack  of  a  better  word  I  have  termed  the  datival  verbs  ?  The  answer  seems 
to  be  that  the  kinship  is  in  reality  not  so  close  as  it  appears,  for,  while  the 
datival  verbs  often  govern  a  dative,  lystan  seldom  does  so:  on  the  contrary,  as 
is  well  known,  it  governs  habitually  the  accusative  of  the  person  and  the  geni¬ 
tive  of  the  thing.  It  is  not  unnatural,  therefore,  that  its  subjective  infinitive 
should  be,  as  it  almost  always  is,  uninflected.  The  surprise  is  rather  that  we 
find,  in  four  instances  (Oros.  102.25;  Solil.  14.23,  59.33a>  b),  the  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  as  subject,  —  a  fact  that  may  be  partially  due  to  the  disturbing  influence 
of  the  comparative  adverb  1  immediately  preceding  the  infinitive  in  each  ex¬ 
ample,  but  more  largely,  perhaps,  to  the  double  regimen  of  lystan  (an  accusative, 
occasionally  a  dative,  of  the  person  and  a  genitive  of  the  thing). 

In  the  single  example  of  an  uninflected  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  anhagian 
(Greg.  289.16),  the  infinitive  is  removed  by  three  words  from  its  verb.  Even 
greater  separation,  however,  fails  to  withstand  the  datival  force  of  anhagian  in 


1  The  comparative  adverb  has  no  such  disturbing  influence  in  Solil.  42.4a'  h. 


24 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Solil.  65.10  and  in  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  448* 3.  In  the  remaining  examples  the  inflected 
infinitive  is  in  close  proximity  to  anhagian. 

To  sum  up  the  matter:  verbs  and  verbal  phrases  that  govern  a  dative  (or 
occasionally  a  genitive)  normally  have  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject,  es¬ 
pecially  if  the  infinitive  is  near  its  principal  verb.  But  occasionally  even  with 
these  verbs  we  have  an  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject,  the  lack  of  inflection 
being  due  partly  to  remoteness  of  the  infinitive  from  the  finite  verb,  whether 
the  infinitive  occurs  singly  or  in  a  series;  partly  to  the  appearance  of  the  accu¬ 
sative  with  an  infinitive  in  the  Latin  original;  and  partly  to  the  analogical 
influence  of  the  verbs  that  naturally  take  an  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject. 
Other  verbs  than  these  habitually  take  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject; 
but  here,  too,  the  analogical  influence  is  at  times  strongly  at  work,  beon,  for 
instance,  having  as  subject  the  inflected  infinitive  out  of  analogy  to  beon  plus  a 
dative-governing  adjective.  Still  other  disturbing  factors  are  diversity  of 
meaning  in  the  principal  verb,  as  in  fremman,  gebyrian,  geweorSan,  geSyncan; 
and  double  regimen  of  the  principal  verb,  as  in  aliefan,  fremman ,  and  lystan. 

With  the  passive  verbs  the  differentiation  between  the  twro  infinitives  seems 
to  rest  upon  the  same  principle  as  with  the  active  verbs.  As  before,  the  inflected 
infinitive  occurs  dominantly  with  the  datival  verbs:  aliefan ,  and  Sencan  or 
Syncan  plus  an  adjective  or  adverb.  In  the  few  instances  in  which  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  occurs  as  subject  of  these  verbs,  the  infinitive  is  appreciably 
removed  from  the  principal  verb.  When  the  inflected  infinitive  is  used,  in 
nearly  all  cases  the  infinitive  is  in  close  proximity  to,  usually  in  juxtaposition 
with,  the  chief  verb,  the  exceptions  to  the  last  statement,  with  aliefan,  being 
Bl.  Horn.  137.15  and  Mat.  12.12,  19.3,  in  which  several  words  intervene  be¬ 
tween  infinitive  and  verb;  and  Wulf.  227. 12b,  13,  and  285.13,  in  which  we 
have  the  second  and  third  infinitives  of  a  series  inflected  as  well  as  the  first. 
The  passive  verb  seems,  therefore,  to  project  its  influence,  in  the  case  of  aliefan, 
somewhat  further  than  does  the  active. 

The  inflected  infinitive  after  Icefan  { Boeth .  42.9)  may  be  final  rather  than 
subjective;  in  either  case  the  inflection  is  doubtless  due  to  the  presence  of  a 
gerund  in  the  Latin  original. 

That  in  Late  West-Saxon  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  with  forgiefan 
{&lf.  L.  S.  XXIX.  134a>  b)  and  ( ge)sellan  {Mat.  13.11)  is  not  surprising. 

That  both  infinitives  are  found  as  subject  with  bebeodan  may  be  due  to  the 
double  regimen  of  this  verb,  which  governs  a  dative  of  the  person  and  an  accusa¬ 
tive  of  the  thing,  and,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter,  has  as  object  each 
infinitive.  But  each  of  these  inflected  infinitives  may  be  considered  final;  and 
one  {Bede  206.16)  was  doubtless  suggested  by  the  gerundive  of  the  Latin 
original. 

This  theory  that  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject  in  Anglo-Saxon  is 
largely  due  to  attraction,  seems  to  me  supported,  if  not  confirmed,  by  what 
happened  to  the  infinitive  in  New  Testament  Greek.  In  his  Syntax  of  the 
Moods  and  Tenses  in  New  Testament  Greek,  Professor  E.  D.  Burton  devotes 
§§  404-405  to  “The  Infinitive  with  rov  as  Subject  or  Object.”  Here  we 
read:  “The  Infinitive  with  rov  is  used  even  as  the  subject  of  a  finite 
verb  or  as  the  object  of  transitive  verbs  which  regularly  take  a  direct 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


25 


object.  This  is  a  wide  departure  from  classical  usage,  and  indicates 
that  the  sense  of  the  genitive  character  of  the  article  tov  before  the 
Infinitive  was  partly  lost  in  later  Greek.  .  .  .  The  origin  of  this  use  of  the 
Infinitive  with  tov  is  (sic!)  perhaps  in  such  usages  as  appear  in  Luke  17:1; 
1  Cor.  16:4;  and  still  more  in  such  as  that  in  Luke  4:10.  In  Luke  17:1 
the  genitive  is  apparently  suggested  by  the  idea  of  hindering  or  avoiding  in  the 
adjective  dveVSeKro v\  in  1  Cor.  16:4  it  is  the  adjective  d^tov  which  gives  occa¬ 
sion  to  the  genitive  ;  but  in  both  cases  the  Infinitive  seems  to  be  logically  the 
subject  of  the  copulative  verb,  the  adjective  being  the  predicate.  Whether 
this  construction  represents  the  thought  in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  or  whether 
the  expression  is  rather  to  be  regarded  as  an  impersonal  one,  the  Infinitive 
being  dependent  on  the  predicate  adjective,  cannot  with  confidence  be  de¬ 
cided.  Such  usages  as  Luke  4:10  and  5:7  doubtless  owe  their  origin  to  the 
same  mental  process  by  which  a  clause  introduced  by  Iva  came  to  stand  as 
the  object  of  a  verb  of  exhorting.  Ps.  Sol.  2:28  compared  with  Luke  12:45 
is  also  suggestive.  It  is  doubtless  the  idea  of  hindering  in  that  gives 

rise  to  the  genitive  in  the  former  passage;  in  the  latter  the  Infinitive  is 
a  direct  object.” 

Again,  this  explanation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  inflected  infinitive  as  subject 
seems  to  me  supported  by  the  fact  that,  in  the  Slavic  languages,  after  verbs 
and  verbal  phrases  that  govern  a  dative,  we  frequently  have  a  dative-with- 
infinitive  instead  of  an  accusative- with-infinitive  construction:  see  Chapter  IX 
and  section  ix  of  Chapter  XVI. 

The  chief  support  of  the  theory,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that,  as  we  shall  see  in  Chapter  XVI,  section  i,  the  theory  applies  to  the 
Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

The  foregoing  attempt  at  differentiating  the  two  forms  of  the  infinitive  as 
subject  is,  I  believe,  almost  entirely  my  own.  Of  the  influence  of  attraction 
upon  the  infinitive  in  New  Testament  Greek  and  in  the  Slavic  languages,  I 
did  not  become  aware  until  after  I  had  worked  out  the  theory  above  given  as 
to  the  subjective  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  while  I  was  hunting  for  confirma¬ 
tion  of  that  theory  in  the  kindred  Indo-Germanic  languages.  Dr.  Van  Draat, 
in  his  “  The  Infinitive  with  and  without  Preceding  to,”  says  nothing  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  period.  Dr.  Kellner,  in  his  “  Abwechselung  und  Tautologie,”  gives  several 
examples  of  the  interchange  of  uninflected  and  inflected  infinitive  in  Middle 
English,  which  he  believes  due  to  a  more  or  less  conscious  striving  after  variety, 
but  he  says  nothing  of  the  interchange  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Professor  C.  A.  Smith, 
in  his  Studies  in  English  Syntax,  pp.  41-42,  has  an  interesting  note  on  the 
interchange  of  simple  and  prepositional  infinitive  after  auxiliaries  in  Shakespeare, 
in  which  he  discusses  the  influence  upon  the  infinitive  of  proximity  to  the  chief 
verb,  but  he  says  nothing  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  or  of  the  subjective 
infinitive  in  Shakespeare.  Professor  Einenkel,  in  his  “  Der  Infinitiv  im  Mittel- 
englischen,”  p.  84,  speaks  of  the  confusion  between  a  subjective  infinitive  and 
an  infinitive  dependent  on  an  adjective  in  Middle  English  as  follows:  “  1st  das 
infinitivische  subject  eines  adjectivs  von  einem  objectsnomen  begleitet,  so  tritt 
in  den  meisten  fallen  eine  kreuzung  ein  mit  dem  unter  dem  infinitiv  des  zweckes 
verzeichneten  belege:  he  is  good  to  see  ( love  etc.),  das  heisst,  das  objectsnomen 
wird  zum  subject  gemacht,  wahrend  das  friihere  infinitivische  subject  eine  func¬ 
tion  erhalt,  die  einem  gewohnlichen  zwecksinfinitiv  zum  verwechseln  ahnelt;  ” 


26 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


but  he  does  not  discuss  the  confusion  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Professor  Kenyon,  in 
his  The  Syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  Chaucer,  pp.  49-50,  quotes  the  preceding 
statement  by  Einenkel,  and  adds  this  interesting  comment:  “  Einenkel  does 
not  here  distinguish  very  clearly  between  the  simple  and  prepositional  infinitive, 
but  his  examples  show  that  he  has  the  latter  in  mind.  My  collections  from 
O.  E.  [=  A.  SJ  are  not  sufficient  to  test  thoroughly  his  assumption  that  the 
prepositional  infinitive  as  subject  in  this  construction  is  the  original  syntax 
(or,  what  is  equivalent,  the  simple  infinitive,  later  replaced  by  the  preposi¬ 
tional).  But  certain  considerations  seem  to  point  to  the  zwecksinfmitiv  as  the 
original  construction.”  Dr.  Kenyon  then  details  his  reasons  for  his  belief  in 
the  priority  of  the  final  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  adjectives  to  the  sub¬ 
jective  use  with  verbal  phrases,  which  are  too  long  for  quotation  in  full,  but 
which  may  be  briefly  summarized  as  follows:  (1)  “  The  original  function  of 
the  prepositional  infinitive  in  0.  E.  was  to  denote  purpose,  and  (according  to 
Kohler,  p.  47,  §  10)  it  was  so  used  first  with  nouns  and  adjectives.”  (2)  The 
use  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  subject  is  rare  in  Beowulf  and  in  Alfred. 
(3)  The  inflected  infinitive  with  verb  phrases  is  so  often  ambiguous  in  Beowulf 
and  in  Alfred  that  the  number  of  examples  in  which  the  infinitive  is  clearly 
subjective  is,  Dr.  Kenyon  thinks,  decidedly  smaller  than  that  of  the  examples 
in  which  the  inflected  infinitive  is  complementary  to  adjective  or  noun.  I  am 
not  sure  that  the  complete  statistics  given  by  me  will  enable  one  confidently  to 
decide  the  question  propounded  by  Dr.  Kenyon.  But  my  own  belief  is  that 
the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject  of  verbal  phrases  is  probably  con¬ 
temporaneous  with  the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  an 
adjective,  for  in  each  use  it  is  found  in  the  poetry  and  in  the  more  original 
prose  as  well  as  in  the  translations  and  in  the  later  prose.  Moreover,  while, 
as  stated  at  the  outset  of  Chapter  I,  the  use  of  the  infinitive  is  ambiguous  in 
a  number  of  examples,  the  number  of  ambiguous  examples  seems  smaller  to  me 
than  to  Dr.  Kenyon. 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  is  occasionally  found  as  the  subject  of  these  active 
verbs :  - — 

beon,  be,  plus  an  adjective.  gelimpan,  happen. 

gebyrian,  be  fitting.  lystan,  please. 

gedafenian,  befitting. 

As  the  examples  quoted  below  show,  the  passive  infinitive  is  made  up  of  beon 
plus  the  past  participle,  and  the  infinitive  part  of  the  phrase  is  never  inflected, 
although  the  participle  part  occasionally  is. 

The  examples  in  full  are :  — 

beon,  be,  plus  an  adjective: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  438,  439:  rihtlic  is  me  swa  besmitenre  fram  binre 
clsenan  ungewemmednysse  beon  ascirod  and  fram  aworpen. 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  101.322t2:  selre  be  bid  anegede  faran  to  heofonan  rice, 
bonne  mid  twam  eagum  beon  aworpen  on  ece  susle.  [Cf.  Mat.  18. 9b:  betere  be 
ys  mid  anum  eagan  on  life  to  ganne,  bonne  bu  si  mid  twam  asend  on  helle  fyr, 
=  bonum  tibi  est  cum  uno  oculo  in  vitam  intrare,  quam  duos  oculos  habentem 
mitti  in  gehennam  ignis.] 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


27 


gebyrian,  befitting 

L.  13.16:  ne  gebyrede  hyre  beon  unbunden  of  bissum  bende  on  restedsege? 
=  filiam  .  .  .  non  oportuit  solvi  a  vinculo  isto  die  sabbati?  —  lb.  17.25:  JEryst 
him  gebyreS  bset  he  fela  binga  bolige,  and  beon  fram  bisse  cneorysse  aworpen 
=  Primum  autem  oportet  ilium  multa  pati,  et  reprobari  a  generatione  hac. 

gedafenian,  befitting: 

Ml}.  L.  S.  XXX.  125:  swa  be  eac  gedafenaS  to  efstenne  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  beon 
gecostnod. 

gelimpan,  happen: 

Bede  382.13:  ba  gelamp  him  .  .  .  burh  reliquias  .  .  .  gehceledne  beon 
=  280.3:  contigit  eum  .  .  .  per  .  .  .  reliquias  sanari. 

lystan,  please : 

Wcerf.  287.14:  ba  buhte  hire,  bset  hire  lyste  beon  to  bam  maegdenum  ge&eoded 
=  348  C:  Quibus  ilia  cum  admisceri  appeteret. 

For  the  subjective  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter 
XVI,  section  i. 


NOTES. 

1.  The  Subjective  Infinitive  in  a  Series.  —  In  the  following  passages,  quoted  on  the  pages 
indicated,  we  have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  the  first  is  inflected,  but  the  succeeding  is 
not:  Ml}.  Horn.  II.  318m  1> 2,  p.  16;  Ml}.  L.  S.  240.30,  31,  p.  16;  ib.  308.30,  32,  p.  17;  ib.XXV. 
144a>  b,  p.  15;  Mk.  3.4a,b,c,  p.  14;  L.  11.42a,b,  p.  15.  In  the  following  passages  we  have  a 
series  of  infinitives  in  which  each  infinitive  i3  inflected:  —  (1)  with  active  verbs:  Boeth. 
139.29,  30;  Greg.  151.8b,  9a’b;  ib.  203.17,  18;  ib.  217.12a’b;  Oros.  44. 14a* b;  Solil.  32.16a* b;  ib. 
59.33a>  b;  Wcer}.  334.22,  23;  Bened.  10.3a>  b;  Ml}.  Horn.  I.  362b  ^  2,  II.  444b  ^  *;  Ml}.  L.  S. 
XXIII  B.  228a,b;  Wul}.  211.24a,b;  ib.  241.21a,b;  Minor  Prose:  Cato  63a>  b;  Poems:  Ps. 
117.8a’b;  ib.  U7.9a’b;  —(2)  with  passive  verbs:  Wul}.  227.12a’ b,  13;  ib.  285.12,  13.  — It 
seems  useless  to  give  the  series  in  which  each  infinitive  is  uninflected. 

2.  The  Infinitive  Occasionally  Alternates  with  a  Clause ,  as  in  Oros.  106.24,  quoted  on  p.  16 
above;  Ml}.  Horn.  I.  164*,  quoted  on  p.  8;  Mat.  19.24,  quoted  on  p.  11;  and  L.  17.25  (pas¬ 
sive  infinitive),  quoted  on  p.  27.  Dr.  Kellner,  in  his  “  Abwechselung  und  Tautologie,”  p.  6, 
cites  the  passage  from  Orosius  (but  not  the  others),  and  seems  to  consider  it  an  example  of  con¬ 
scious  variation  for  the  sake  of  variety,  and  it  may  be;  but  to  me  the  variation  in  each  of 
the  examples  that  I  here  cite  seems  due  to  chance  rather  than  to  conscious  art. 

3.  The  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Noun  in  Wul}.  196.7  (has  lyfta  and  windas  he  astyrah 
to  ban  swibe,  bset  mannum  SincA  heora  dead  leo}ra,  bonne  bone  egesan  to  gehyranne )  and  in 
Bl.  Horn.  137.15  (quoted  on  p.  19). 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

The  active  infinitive  as  the  Object  of  an  active  verb  occurs  about  3238 
times.  The  objective  infinitive  is  more  commonly  uninflected  than  inflected, 
there  being  2709  examples  of  the  former  to  529  of  the  latter.  Of  the  total  of 
3238  examples  of  the  objective  infinitive,  about  508  occur  in  the  poetry,  of 
which  491  examples  are  uninflected  and  17  are  inflected.  As  to  the  prose,  the 
objective  use  of  the  infinitive  is  found  in  Early  West  Saxon  and  in  Late  West 
Saxon,  in  the  more  original  prose  as  well  as  in  the  translations  from  the  Latin. 

The  objective  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  normally  follows 
the  finite  verb,  but  in  each  form  occasionally  precedes  it,  both  in  prose  and  in 
poetry.  With  the  uninflected  infinitive,  pre-position  is  found  nearly  150 
times  in  the  prose  out  of  a  total  of  2216  and  about  115  times  in  the  poems  out  of 
a  total  of  491.  In  the  prose,  pre-position  is  not  infrequently  due  to  the  fact  that 
in  the  Latin  original  the  infinitive  precedes  the  finite  verb,  as  in  Bede  412.26 
(he  ba  his  geferum  .  .  .  brytian  gemde  =  298.25:  prodesse  curabat)  and  ib. 
426.3  (ic  oft  scecgan  herde  =  305.16:  de  .  .  .  tormentibus  .  .  .  narrari  .  .  . 
audivi ) ;  occasionally  to  the  fact  that  the  infinitive  occurs  in  a  dependent  clause, 
as  in  Mlf.  L.  S.  286.62  (bonne  we  bee  raedab  obbe  rcedan  gehyrad)  and  ib.  502.255 
(ba  halgan  be  he  ealre  worulde  .  .  .  onwreon  gemynte).  But  neither  of  these 
two  influences  is  strong  enough  to  counteract  the  general  tendency  to  post¬ 
position,  which  is  frequently  found  under  such  conditions,  as  in  Weerf.  207.4 
(se  bera  .  .  .,  bone  he  gewunode  for  bilewitnesse  brobor  cigan  =  252  C4:  vocare 
consueverat)  and  ib.  84.18  (he  ongan  .  .  .  weopan  =  209  A5:  flere  .  .  .  ceepit). 
In  the  poetry,  pre-position  is  relatively  more  frequent  than  in  the  prose,  and 
seems  to  be  due  in  many  cases  to  the  exigencies  of  meter,  the  infinitive  often 
carrying  the  alliterating  letter,  as  in  Beow.  3095  (worn  eall  gespraec  gomol  on 
gehbo  and  eowic  gretan  het)  and  in  Gen.  1856  (ob  baet  he  loedan  heht  leoflic  wif 
to  his  selfes  sele).  No  doubt,  at  times,  both  in  poetry  and  in  prose,  pre-position 
is  used  merely  for  the  sake  of  variety. 

The  following  is  a  complete  list  of  the  passages  in  which  pre-position  of  the  uninflected 
infinitive  occurs,  arranged  in  alphabetic  sequence  of  the  governing  verb,  which  is  here  cited 
in  the  infinitive  form:  —  aginnan:  Laws  310,  II  Cnut,  c.  4;  — bebeodan  [ bi -]:  Ju.  232;  — 
don:  Mlf.  L.  S.  214.90;  —  gehieran  [-e-,  -i-,  -y-]:  Weerf.  186.1;  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  350*,  460*; 
/Elf.  Hept.:  Pref.  to  Gen.  22.10;  Judges:  Epilogue,  p.  265,  1.  6;  /Elf.  L.  S.  286.62,  500.225, 
XXIII  B.  215;  Lcece.  153.9;  Ps.  131.6;  —  gemed(e)mian:  Laws  410,  Judic.  Dei,  IV,  c.  3, 
§2;  ib.  §4;  —  gemyntan:  /Elf.  L.  S.  502.255;  —  geseon:  /Elf.  Horn.  II.  186*;  —  geswican: 
L.  5.4;  —  gieman  [-e-,  -y-]:  Bede  364.1,  412.26,  442.2;  —  hatan:  Bede  238.27,  308.14;  Greg. 
3.2;  Oros.  44.8,  96.18,  114.33,  122.1,  164.32,  168.27,  228.8a;  Chron.  91m,  897  Ac;  Laws  46, 
Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  9a;  Bened.  15.8,  86.15;  Mart.  24.27,  46.25,  152.21,  218.23;  Mlf.  Horn. 
I.  442*,  470*,  478*  \  484* 2,  508b  ;  II.  122b,  304b4,  384*  2,  480m;  Mlf.  L.  S.  114.420,  154.112, 
190.365,  414.6,  484.194,  XXV.  130,  380;  Minor  Prose:  Nic.  514.14;  Beow.  674,  3095;  Gen. 

28 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


29 


1060,  1856;  Dan .  229;  El  129,  862;  Ju.  161,  254,  303,  575,  579;  Gu.  1344,  1348;  And.  587; 
Ps.  50.18a;  H.  L.  12;  S.  &  S.  275; — hieran  \-e-,  -i-,  -y-\:  Bede  348.26,  426.3,  430.12;  Oros. 

156.9,  286.7;  Chron.  64b,  851  A;  Wcerf.  2.16;  Minor  Prose:  Cato,  Zusatze,  p.  53,  1.  21;  Beow. 
273,  582,  875;  Chr.  73;  And.  1176;  Hoi.  83;  —  loetan:  Oros.  258.18,  19;  296.29;  Bened. 
110.19;  Wulf.  45.25;  —  myntan:  Bl.  Horn.  223.11,  16;  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  13.167,  251; 
—  onginnan:  Bede  24.23,  34.19,  56.1,  56.16,  148.30,  154.34,  174.12,  182.8,  256.24,  286.22, 

288.10,  362.29,  454.15,  462.17,  466.22;  Boeth.  25.9,  91.2,  104.31;  Oros.  60.30,  62.2,  94.34, 
106.6,  110.6,  116.28,  218.14,  262.16;  Laws  306,  I  Cnut,  c.  26,  §  1;  Wcerf.  14.14,  32.18,  290.7; 
Bl.  Horn.  105.6,  221.8,  18;  Pr.  Gu.  IV.  27,  34;  XX.  33;  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  138b,  472b,  502b  2, 
518* 2;  Mlf.  L.  S.  32.118,  XXIII  B.  275,  532,  723,  XXXI.  1365;  A.  S.  Horn,  and  L.  S.  II. 
18.152;  Wulf.  191.9,  250.17,  255.9,  262.11;  Minor  Prose:  Apol.  27.12b,  28;  Beow.  244; 
Gen.  275,  298,  995,  1355,  1681,  2811,  2887;  Dan.  49,  170,  190,  539,  750;  Ju.  298;  El  157, 
303,  306,  311,  570,  697,  849,  1067,  1163;  Gu.  533;  And.  1419;  Met.  25.69,  26.80;  Ps.  68.27, 

76.10,  77.2,  101.6,  106.36,  118.161,  138.16;  Rid.  29.11,  32.9,  55.10;  Jud.  42,  81;  Ph.  188; 
Minor  Poems:  Cal.  73;  Doomsday  97;  D.  R.  73,  116;  Fallen  Angels  78;  Har.  279;  Pharao 
3;  Prayers  III.  16;  —  secan:  Bl.  Horn.  167.2;  Wald.  A.  18,20;  —  tilian:  Bl.  Horn.  165.31a,b; 
Met.  10.22,  11.79;  —  Sencan:  Bede  36.8;  Boeth.  93.31,  103.20;  Greg.  343.21;  Oros.  44.32, 
54.21,  78.30,  132.12,  150.12,  200.17,  230.2,  242.6,  258.15,  258.29;  Warf.  239.6;  Bened.  23.3; 
Minor  Prose:  Bened.  Of.:  62.24;  Beow.  355,  448,  541,  739,  800,  964,  1535;  Gen.  1274,  2891; 
Ex.  51;  Ju.  637;  El.  296;  Gu.  260,  274,  277,  298;  And.  150,  693;  Ps.  63.3,  88.22,  88.30, 
93.20a,  107.8,  118.91,  118.107,  118.109,  131.15,  149.7a,  149.8a;  Charms  V,  C,  16,  17;  D.  R. 
121;  Fallen  Angels  183,  208,  364;  Gnomic  Sayings  (Exeter  MS.)  116;  L.  P.  II.  25;  Maldon 
258,  316,  319.  ' 

Pre-position  of  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  only  about  half  a  dozen  times, 
all  in  prose:  Bede  258.8:  Ond  he  rehte  endebyrdnesse  lifes  seteawde,  J  rihte 
Eastran  to  weorSianne  Icerde  =  204.20:  rectum  uiuendi  ordinem,  ritum  celebrandi 
paschae  canonicum  .  .  .  disseminahat;  Laws  102,  Ine  B,  c.  30:  Gif  man 
cyrliscne  mannan  flymanfeormienne  teo,  be  his  agenon  were  geladige  [he]  hine ; 
Mlf.  L.  S.  530.704:  on  Sam  fyrmestan  dagan  be  decius  se  casere  to  rixianne 
begann;  Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  16.23:  gearwiab  to  morgen,  baet  ge  to  gearwienne 
hcebbon  =  quae  coquenda  sunt,  coquite;  Mat.  20.22:  Mage  gyt  drincan  bone 
calic  be  ic  to  drincenne  hcebbe  f  =  Potestis  bibere  calicem  quern  ego  bibiturus  sum  f 
Lcece.  58.27 :  aefter  bam  spiwab,  sona  him  to  gifanne  biddad.  In  some  of  the 
foregoing  examples  (Bede  258.8  and  Ex.  16.23)  the  pre-position  of  the  infini¬ 
tive  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  its  Latin  equivalent  precedes  the  finite 
verb;  in  some  (Mlf.  L.  S.  530.704),  to  the  fact  that  the  infinitive  occurs  in  a 
dependent  clause;  but,  as  a  rule,  neither  of  these  two  influences  overthrows 
the  normal  postposition,  as  is  evident  from  sentences  like  the  following,  which 
are  not  infrequent:  Bede  372.12:  bu  wast  baet  ic  .  .  .  teolode  to  lifigenne  to 
.  .  .  bebode  =  275.1:  ad  .  .  .  imperium  .  .  .  uiuere  studui;  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV. 
36 :  mete,  be  moyses  forbead  godes  folce  to  Sicgenne. 

I  have  given  the  full  lists  of  the  pre-positive  infinitives  because  it  has  been 
claimed  by  some  that  pre-position  strongly  tends  to  the  use  of  the  uninflected 
infinitive,  and  postposition  to  the  use  of  the  inflected  form,  but,  as  it  seems  to 
me,  without  much  ground  for  the  claim:  see  the  section  on  the  differentiation 
of  the  two  objective  infinitives,  especially  of  the  infinitive  after  Sencan. 

The  objective  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form,  whether  uninflected  or 
inflected,  seems  to  me  prevailingly,  if  not  exclusively,  active  in  sense.  Some,* 1 
however,  hold  that  the  uninflected  infinitive,  though  active  in  form,  is  passive 


1  Among  them  are  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  61-63;  Wilhelm,  l.  c.,  p.  36;  Jolly,  I.  c.,  pp.  163-164;  Bernhardt,1 

l.  c.,  pp.  383-384;  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  311;  Wiilfing,*  l.  c.,  II,  pp.  47,  189,  191;  Zeitlin,1 1.  c.,  pp.  44-45;  K.  Kohler,  l.c., 

p.  7;  Kellner,1  l.  c.,  pp.  85,  97;  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  pp.  163-167.  On  the  whole,  these  scholars  contend  that  the 
infinitive  after  the  verbs  named  is  not  necessarily  but  preferably  to  be  considered  passive  in  sense. 


30 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


in  sense,  after  verbs  of  commanding,  of  causing,  and  of  sense  perception,  in 
sentences  like  the  following:  Beow.  1920:  Het  <5a  up  beran  sebelinga  gestreon; 
Bede  344.21,  22:  him  ondweardum  het  secgan  bset  swefn  7  bset  leob  singan  = 
260.17a-b:  iussus  est  .  .  .  indi care  somnium  et  dicere  carmen ; — And.  397:  Lost 
nu  geferian  flotan  userne,  lid  to  lande;  Boeth.  133.25:  sume  he  Icet  &reaga?i  mid 
heardum  broce  =  113.142:  quosdam  remordet,  ne  longa  felicitate  luxurient: 
alios  duris  agitari,  ut  uirtutes  animi  patientiae  .  .  .  confirment;  Mlj.  L.  S . 
512.417:  se  .  .  .  man  let  bser  rceran  .  .  .  cytan;  —  Bl.  Horn.  15.28:  we  nu 
gehyrdon  bis  .  .  .  godspell  beforan  us  rcedan;  Chron.  199*,  1066  E:  Da  be 
cyng  W.  geherde  baet  secgen.  The  advocates  of  the  passive  interpretation  hold, 
of  course,  that  the  accusative  case  in  the  above  examples  is  the  subject  of  the 
infinitive,  while  their  opponents *  1  consider  it  the  object  of  the  infinitive.  In 
favor  of  the  passive  interpretation  of  the  infinitive  are  these  facts:  that,  as  the 
examples  in  this  chapter  show,  very  frequently  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive 
active  in  form,  with  or  without  an  accompanying  accusative,  translates  a  Latin 
passive  infinitive  (with  or  without  an  accusative  subject)  and  not  infrequently 
a  passive  indicative;  and  that,  in  most  if  not  all  such  instances  of  the  infinitive 
after  these  verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  infinitive,  though  active  in  form,  may  in 
modern  English  be  appropriately  rendered  by  the  passive  infinitive,  and  the 
accusative  rendered  as  the  subject  instead  of  the  object,  —  a  rendition  likewise 
possible  in  most  of  the  Germanic  languages.  But,  despite  this,  I  must  hold 
that,  to  the  Anglo-Saxon,  the  infinitive  in  this  idiom  habitually  seemed  active  in 
sense  as  in  form.  As  we  shall  see  later,  for  the  infinitive  that  is  passive  in  form 
as  well  as  in  sense,  in  nearly  all  its  uses,  the  Anglo-Saxon  at  first  had  next  to  no 
feeling,  and  was  very  slow  in  borrowing  it  from  the  Latin.  The  same  thing  is 
true  of  the  Germanic  people  as  a  whole,  as  will  be  shown  in  Chapter  XVI. 
Again,  in  a  very  large  number  of  instances  the  Anglo-Saxon  active  infinitive 
after  these  verbs  translates  a  Latin  accusative  and  predicative  active  infinitive 
or  a  Latin  active  finite  verb.  In  hundreds  of  passages,  in  the  poems,  in  the 
more  original  prose,  and  in  the  translations,  we  find  these  verbs  followed  by  an 
accusative  subject  to  an  infinitive  that  has  at  the  same  time  an  accusative 
object,  —  a  fact  that  proves  that  there  at  least  the  infinitive  is  of  necessity 
active  in  sense.  Of  less  weight,  but  worthy  of  consideration  is  the  fact  that, 
in  the  alleged  instances  of  the  active  infinitive  used  in  a  passive  sense,  very 
often  (except  with  pronouns)  the  accusative  has  postposition  —  the  place  for 
the  object  accusative  —  rather  than  pre-position,  as  is  usual  with  the  subjec¬ 
tive  accusative.  Noteworthy,  too,  is  the  survival,  in  the  colloquial  “  I  never 
heard  tell  of  such  a  thing/- ’  of  this  objective  infinitive  active  in  English,  and  its 
very  frequent  use,  both  in  speech  and  in  writing,  in  modern  German.  In  a 
word,  the  possibility  of  the  passive  interpretation  of  these  infinitives  is  not 
denied;  but  it  is  contended  that  the  active  interpretation  is  more  consonant 
with  all  the  facts  so  far  discovered  as  to  the  infinitive,  and  is  truer  to  the  genius 
of  Anglo-Saxon  and  of  the  Germanic  languages  in  general. 

At  times  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  an  infinitive  is  objective  or  whether 
it  is  adverbial  or,  occasionally,  adjectival.  These  doubtful  cases  are  indicated 

1  Among  these  may  be  mentioned:  Erdmann,1  l.  c.,  I,  pp.  200,  205;  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  5-6;  Wunderlich,1 

l.  c.,  p.  125;  and  Smith,2  C.  A.,  who,  p.  72,  writes:  “Het  Sa  baere  settan,  ‘  He  bade  set  down  the  bier,’  not  *  He 

commanded  the  bier  to  be  set  down.’  The  Mn.  E.  passive  in  such  sentences  is  a  loss  both  in  force  and  in 
directness.” 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


31 


in  the  examples,  and  can  not  easily  be  grouped  here  for  collective  treatment. 
Students  and  critics  of  my  study  will  generously  bear  in  mind  the  inherent 
difficulty  of  the  subject  itself,  a  difficulty  enhanced  in  the  present  instance  by 
the  large  mass  of  examples  to  be  considered  and  by  the  fact  that  many  previous 
investigators,  in  both  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  in  the  Germanic  fields,  have  not 
sought  to  separate  the  objective  infinitives  from  the  adverbial  uses  in  the 
narrower  sense  of  the  latter  term. 

I.  The  uninflected  infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  object  of  the  following 
groups  of  verbs :  — 

1.  Oftenest  with  certain  Verbs  of  Commanding  and  the  like,  of  which  group 
the  chief  representative  is  hatan,  1  command/  *  order/  The  complete  list  is  as 
follows : 

abiddan,  bid ,  command,  which  occurs  only  hatan,  command,  order,  which  occurs  over  a 
once.  thousand  times. 

2.  Next  most  frequently  with  certain  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting,  of 
which  the  chief  representative  is  Icetan ,  *  allow/  1  cause 

don,  do,  cause.  lastan,  allow,  cause. 

forgiefan,  grant,  allow. 

3.  Less  frequently  with  the  following  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception: 

gehieran,  hear.  ofseon,  see. 

geseon,  see.  seon,  see. 

hieran,  hear. 

4.  Occasionally  with  the  following  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception: 

gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry.  hogian,  think,  intend. 

gehogian,  think,  intend.  tweogan  [tweon],  doubt. 

geteon,  determine. 

5.  Occasionally  with  the  following  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and 
Ceasing: 

blinnan,  cease,  stop.  ginnan,  begin. 

forieldan,  delay,  defer. 

6.  Occasionally  with  the  following  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will: 

behealdan,  take  care.  geSyrstigan,  presume,  undertake. 

cunnian,  attempt.  lystan,  desire,  yearn. 

forefon,  presume,  undertake.  onmedan,  presume,  undertake. 

ge-eaSmodigan,  deign,  vouchsafe.  wunian,  use ,  be  wont. 

gegiernian,  desire.  I 

The  following  are  typical  examples :  — 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding  etc. :  — 
abiddan,  bid,  command: 

fElf.  Horn.  II.  422b3:  se  apostol  abced  him  water  beran. 
hatan,  command,  order: 

Beow.  199:  Het  him  yblidan  godne  gegyrwan.  —  lb.  674:  gehealdan  bet 
hildegeatwe. 

Gen.  1856:  ob  bat  he  Icedan  heht  leoffice  wif  to  his  selfes  sele. 

Dan.  242 :  het  hie  hrabe  bcernan. 


32 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Chr.  253 :  Sa  gyldnan  geatu  .  .  .  hat  ontynan. 

El.  104:  Heht  .  .  .  Const antinus  Cristes  rode  gewyrcan. 

Ju.  142a-  b,  143:  het  hi  Sa  swingan,  susle  dreagan,  witum  wcegan. 

Gu.  1344:  Se  secgan  het,  Seet  etc. 

And.  1272:  Heton  ut  hraeSe  aeSeling  Icedan  in  wraSra  geweald. 

Bede  36.3a>  b:  Het  hine  Sa  teon  7  Icedan  to  Sam  deofolgyldum  =  19.6:  eum 
iussit  pertrahi.  —  lb.  40.18:  het  Sa  sona  blinnan  fram  ehtnysse  cristenra  manna 
=  21.21:  cessari  mox  a  persecutione  praecepit.  —  lb.  44.8:  Sam  dice  .  .  . ,  Se 
we  gemynegodon  Seet  Seuerus  ...  het  Swyrs  ofer  Seet  ealond  gedician  =  25.10: 
intra  uallum,  quod  Seuerum  .  .  .  fecisse  commemor auimus. — lb.  46.5a’  b:  Seer 
Seuerus  .  .  .  iu  hetdidan  7  eorS weall  gewyrcan  =  27.19:  ubi  Seuerus  quondam 
uallum  fecerat.  —  lb.  90.20:  se  cyning  weorSlice  cyrcan  heht  getimbran  =  70.20: 
eius  hortatu  Aedelberct  ecclesiam  .  .  .  construxit.  —  lb.  110.12:  gesetennisse 
.  .  .  heht  on  Englisc  gewritan  =  90.12:  quae  conscripta  Anglorum  sermone 
.  .  .  habentur.  —  lb.  136.12:  Da  het  se  cyning  swa  don  =  112.25:  Quod  cum 
iubente  rege  facer et.  —  lb.  166.28:  Da  het  se  papa  hine  to  biscope  gehalgian 
=  139.16:  in  episcopatus  consecratus  est  gradum.  —  lb.  440.2a:  heht  me  beran 
to  reedanne  =  312.16b:  iussit  uni  .  .  .  mihi  ad  legendum  deferre. 

Boeth.  37.8a>  b:  Sa  het  he  hi  bindan  7  on  balcan  lecgan  =  41.35:  Regulus 
plures  ...  in  uincla  coniecerat.  —  lb.  39.19:  Se  het  ..  .  forbcernan  aealle 
Romeburg  =  43. 2a:  urbe  flammata. 

Greg.  3.1:  Alfred  kyning  hateS  gretan  WaerferS  biscep  his  wordum  luflice  & 
freondlice  =  0. 

Oros.  44.8:  aerendracan  .  .  .  asende  to  Saere  Seode,  7  him  untweogendlice 
secgan  het  Saet  etc.  =  45.6:  missis  .  .  .  legatis,  qui  .  .  .  dicerent.  —  lb. 
52.24  a>  b:  hu  se  cyning  het  his  sunu  ofslean,  7  hiene  siSSan  Saem  feeder  to  mete 
gegierwan  =  53.19:  cum  filium  ejus  interfedt,  epulandumque  patri  adposuit. — 
lb.  120.33:  Saet  se  aeSeling,  .  .  .  Pontius  ...  .f  het  acsian  Sone  cyning  his 
feeder,  .  .  .  hwaeSer  etc.  =  121.26:  Pontius  .  .  .  ut  Herennium  patrem  consul- 
endum  putaret,  utrum  etc.  —  76.  288.12:  he  het  oflsean  Percopiosus  =  289.8: 
Procopium  .  .  .  ocddit. 

Chron.  25m,  626  Ea:  Saer  he  aer  het  getimbrian  cyrican  of  treowe.  —  76.  91m, 
897  Ac:  he  hie  <5aer  ahon  het. 

Laws  182,  VI  ^Ethelstan,  c.  12,  §  1 :  Saet  se  cyng  ...  het  cySan  Sam  arce- 
biscope. 

Wcerf.  50.29,  30:  Sa  heht  he  Sa  gesomnian  7  don  on  bydene  =  185  A:  eas 
colligi  prcecepit.  —  76.  202.7:  heom  Sa  sona  het  syllan  Sa  andlyfne  =  245  Cl: 
Quibus  illico  alimenta  quae  detulerat  prcebuit. 

Bened.  86.15:  Gif  hit  .  .  .  se  abbod  underfon  hate  =  154.17:  Quod  si 
jusserit  susdpi. 

Bl.  Horn.  175.1:  Sa  heht  he  Simon  Sone  dry  infeccan. 

Mart.  26.3:  he  het  hine  mid  straelum  of scotian. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  58b  l:  se  het  afyllan  ane  cyfe  mid  weallendum  ele.  —  76.  I. 
464b :  Da  het  se  apostol  tolysan  Sa  rapas. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  448:  het  abrecan  Sone  weall.  —  76.  XXXII.  122:  het  hine 
Sa  beheafdian. 

HZlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  40.19:  hcet  Pharao  Se  ahon  =  Pharao  suspendet  te.  — Gen. 
41.10:  het  sceofan  me  ...  on  cweartern  =  me  retrudi  jussit  in  carcerem. — 
Jos.  2.1:  het  sceawian  Saet  land  =  dixit  eis:  Ite  et  considerate  terram. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


33 


Gosp.:  Mat.  27.58:  Da  het  Pilatus  agyfan  him  Sone  liehaman  =  Tunc 
Pilatus  jussit  reddi  corpus.  —  L.  8.55a:  he  het  hyre  syllan  etan  =  jussit  illi  dari 
manducare, 

Wulf.  99.8:  (5a  het  set  nyhstan  se  casere  feccan  Ssene  Symon  to  him.  —  lb. 
237.1:  hy  heton  byrigean  Sone  godan  liehaman. 

Lcece.  88.7 :  Dis  eal  het  Sus  secgean  selfrede  cyninge. 

2.  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting:  — 

don,  cause ,  make: 

&lf.  L.  S.  214.90:  gif  Su  me  unwilles  gewemman  nu  dest  (or  accusative  and 
infinitive?). 

Ps.  118.25:  do  me  setter  Sinum  wordum  wel  gecwician  (or  accusative  and 
infinitive?). 

forgiefan,  grant,  allow: 

Bede  486.4:  ic  Se  bidde,  duguSa  Hselend,  Sset  Su  me  milde  forgife  swetlice 
drincan  Sa  word  Sines  wisdomes  =  360.4 :  Teque  deprecor  .  .  .  ut  cui  propitius 
donasti  uerba  tuae  scientiae  dulciter  haurire,  dones  etiam  etc.  [The  infinitive 
may  be  final,  but  is  more  probably  objective:  see  Chapter  XI  for  examples 
of  drincan  in  final  use  after  verbs  of  giving.] 

laetan,  allow,  cause : 

Ps.  103.  13:  Swylce  Su  of  foldan  fodder  neatum  Icetest  alcedan. 

Whale  65:  lcete&  hine  beswican  Surh  swetne  stenc,  leasne  willan,  Sset  he  biS 
leahtrum  fah  wiS  wuldorcyning. 

Boeth.  38.12:  Bset  gecynd  nyle  nsefre  nanwuht  wiSerweardes  Icetan  gemengan 
=  42.53 :  agit  enim  cuiusque  rei  natura  quod  proprium  est  nec  contrarium  rerum 
miscetur  effectibus. 

Greg.  229.1:  hie  IcetaS  gebindan  =  172.16:  capiuntur.  —  lb.  349.12:  fer 
serest  setter  him;  Icet  inc  geseman  ser  Su  Sin  lac  bringe  =  270.3:  vade  prius 
reconciliari  fratri  tuo. 

Oros.  258.18,  19:  he  Sset  foie  costigan  let  .  .  .,  Sa  he  hie  fordon  ne  let  =  0. 
—  Ib.  296.29:  Sa  Sa  he  hiora  misdseda  wrecan  let  =  297.27:  ultima  ilia  Urbem 
poena  consequitur. 

Chron.  37*,  675  Eb:  Sa  leot  he  rcedon  Sa  gewrite.  —  Ib.  115^,  963  Ea:  se 
biscop  .  .  .  leot  macen  Sone  mynstre.  —  Ib.  157b,  1023  Cb:  he  let  ferian  .  .  . 
iElfeges  reliquias. 

Wcerf.  341.36:  gif  hi  leta&  hi  selfe  bebyrgan  on  haligre  stowe  =  416  B:  si  in 
sacro  loco  sepeliri  se  faciant. 

Bened.  110.19:  hine  gehadian  Icete  =  0. 

Bl.  Horn.  13.9:  Sonne  ne  lasted  he  us  no  costian  ofer  gemet. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  150b:  we  sceolon  .  .  .  Icetan  hi  Sser  bletsian. 

AZlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  12.23:  he  .  .  .  ne  Icet  slean  nanne  mann  on  eowrum  husum 
=  non  sinet  percussorem  ingredi  domos  vestros  et  Icedere.  —  Deut.  32.39:  ic 
ofslea  and  ic  Icete  libban  =  occidam  et  ego  vivere  faciam.  —  Judges  16.18:  heo 
let  Sa  swa  [fetian  Philistea  ealdreas]  =  Misitque  ilia  ad  principes  Philisthinorum 
ac  mandavit. 

Mat.  5.45:  he  Icet  rinan  ofer  Sa  rihtwisan  and  ofer  Sa  unrihtwisan  =  et 
pluit  super  justos  et  injustos.  —  Ib.  27.26a:  Sone  Hselynd  he  let  swingan  =  Jesum 
autem  flagellatum  tradidit  eis. 

Wulf.  125.13:  ne  Icet  Su  us  costnian  ealles  to  swySe. 


34 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Lcece.  138.2,  3a-  b>  c,  4:  last  niman  aenne  greatne  cwurnstan  7  hcetan  hine  7 
lecgan  hine  under  Sone  man  7  niman  waelwyrt  ...  7  lecgan  uppan  Sone  stan. 

3.  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception:  — 

gehieran,  hear: 

El.  661:  We  ...  Sis  naefre  Surh  .  .  .  mannes  muS  gehyrdon  haeleSum 
cytSan  butan  her  nu. 

Gw.  1095:  swa  he  aer  ne  siS  .  .  .  lare  gehyrde  ne  swa  deoplice  drihtnes  geryne 
Surh  .  .  .  muS  areccan. 

Ps.  131.6:  Efne  we  Sas  eall  on  Eufraten  scecgean  gehyrdon. 

Bede  330.17:  men  Sa  Se  Sas  Sing  gehyrdon  secgan  =  252.4:  Multique  haec 
.  .  .  audientes,  accensi  sunt  in  fide. 

Boeth.  98.26:  Su  geherdest  oft  reccan  on  .  .  .  spellum  =  84.64 :  Accepisti 
.  .  .  in  fabulis.  —  lb.  142.26:  we  geheraS  hwilum  secgan  Saet  etc.  =  0. 

Greg.  427.17:  ac  Sonne  hi  hit  heriaS,  Sonne  laeraS  hi  hit  aelcne  Sara  Se  hit 
gehierS  herian  =  350.22 :  quot  audientium  mentes  iniqua  laudantes  docent. 

Solil.  50.6:  we  gehyrad  reden  (sic!)  on  Sam  godspelle  Saet  Crist  cwaede  =  0. 
[Professor  Hargrove  considers  reden  a  past  participle,  but  I  take  it  to  be  an 
infinitive.] 

Pr.  Ps.  41.3:  Sonne  ic  gehyrde  to  me  cweSan  =  41.4:  dum  dicitur  mihi. 

Wcerf.  11.17:  waes  gewuna,  Saet  man  hwilum  ymb  fisc  gehyrde  sprecan 
=  153  D:  pisces  audiri  consueverant ,  non  videri.  —  76.  186.1:  swa  swa  he  aer 
secgan  gehyrde  =  225  C:  sed  probare  studuit  quod  audivit.  —  76.  338. lb:  he 
.  .  .  gehyrde  eft  cwedan  to  him  on  andsware  =  408  A3 :  responsum  protinus 
audivit ,  dicens. 

Pr.  Gu.  IV.  2 :  swa  swa  ic  gehyrde  secgan  =  sicut  .  .  .  audivi. 

ASlf.  Horn.  I.  284* :  Bonne  Su  gehyrst  nemnan  Sone  Faeder. 

JZlf.  L.  S.  286.62:  Sonne  we  bee  raedaS  oSSe  rcedan  gehyrad.  —  76.  XXXI. 
694:  Sa  gehyrdon  hi  motian  wiS  martine  lange. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  42.1:  Ba  gehirde  Iacob  secgan ,  Saet  etc.  =  Audiens  autem 
Iacob,  quod  etc.  —  Ex.  19.13:  Bonne  ge  gehiron  mid  Sam  byman  blawan 
=  cum  coeperit  clangere  buccina. 

L.  19.48:  eall  folc  waes  abysgod  Se  be  him  gehyrde  secgan  =  populus  sus- 
pensus  erat,  audiens  ilium. 

Wulf.  250.15:  we  gehyrdon  oft  scecgan  be  Sam  .  .  .  tocyme  ures  drihtnes. 

Lcece.  153.9:  Saes  Se  we  secgan  gehyrdan. 

geseon,  see: 

Beow.  231:  Ba  .  .  .  geseah  weard  Scildinga  .  .  .  her  an  .  .  .  beorhte  ran- 
das.  —  76.  1024:  maSSumsweord  manige  gesawon  beforan  beorn  beran. 

Greg.  49.25:  se  Se  wolde  Saet  hine  mon  sende,  he  geseah  aer  hine  clcensian 
Surh  Sa  colu  Saes  alteres  =  26.28:  is,  qui  mitti  voluit,  ante  per  altaris  calculum 
se  purgatum  vidit. 

Oros.  138.26:  Sa  hie  gesawan  Sa  deadan  men  swa  Siclice  to  eorSan  beran  -  0. 

Wcerf.  273.20:  hi  gesawon  sumes  .  .  .  Seowes  sawle  beran  upp  to  heofonum 
=  33  A3:  cujusdam  servi  Bei  ...  ad  coelum  Jerri  animam  viderunt. 

Afilf.  Horn.  II.  184m:  geseah  .  .  .  sawle  Icedan  to  heofenan. 

AZlf.  L.  S.  112.399:  Ba  geseah  se  arleasa  aidlian  his  smeagunge. 

L.  12.55:  Sonne  ge  geseod  suSan  blawan ,  ge  secgaS  =  quum  videritis  .  .  . 
austrum  flantem,  dicitis. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


35 


hieran,  hear: 

Beow.  273:  swa  we  soblice  secgan  hyrdon,  baet  etc.  —  Ih.  38:  ne  hyrde  ic 
cymlicor  ceol  gegyrwan. 

Chr.  73:  baes  be  aefre  sundbuend  secgan  hyrdon. 

El.  671:  we  baet  hyrdon  burh  halige  bee  haelebum  cy$an. 

And.  1176:  bone  ic  Andreas  nemnan  herde. 

Bede  190.7:  bone  hlisan  .  .  .  herde  secgan  =  152.18:  rumor em  .  .  .  per - 
crebuisse  ferebat.  —  lb.  430.12:  be  bam  ic  oft  scecgan  herde  =  307.26:  de  quo 
praedicari  saepius  audiui. 

Oros.  138.18:  ic  hierde  to  sobum  secgan  =  139.18:  ut  saepe  dictum  est.  — lb. 
286.7 :  swa  we  hit  eft  secgan  hierdon  =  287.7 :  sicut  a  majoribus  nostris  com - 
pertum  habemus. 

Chron.  64b,  851  A:  wael  ...  be  we  secgan  hierdon  ob  bisne  .  .  .  daeg. 

Wcerf.  2.16:  cyninga  bara  be  he  sib  obbe  aer  fore  secgan  hyrde  =  0. 
ofseon,  see: 

jElf.  Horn.  II.  184b:  ofseah  .  .  .  Icedan  .  .  .  sawle  to  heofenum. 
seon,  see: 

Rid.  14.1:  Ic  seah  turf  tredan.  —  lb.  53.1:  Ic  seah  raepingas  in  raeced  fergan 
under  hrof  sales  hearde  twegen. 

4.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 
gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry: 

Beow.  74:  ic  wide  gefreegn  weorc  gebannan  manigre  maegbe  geond  bisne 
middangeard. 

And.  1094:  Da  ic  lungre  gefreegn  leode  tosomne  burgwaru  bannan. 
gehogian,  think,  intend: 

Beow.  1989:  ba  bu  .  .  .  gehogodest  saecce  secean. 
geteon,  determine: 

Bede  332.9:  Gode  anum  geteode  Seowigan  =  253.1 :  illi  soli  seruire  decreuisset . 
hogian,  think,  intend: 

Gen.  691,  692a>  b:  leode  hogode  on  baet  micle  morb  men  forweorpan,  forlceran, 
7  forloedan. 

Jud.  274:  Hogedon  ba  eorlas  awecc[an]  h[i]ra  win[e]dryhten. 

Solil.  35.19:  baet  baet  baer  ofer  by b  ic  hohgie  (sic!)  swa  aendebyrdlice  gedelan 
swa  ic  .  .  .  maeg  =  mihi  .  .  .  persuasit,  nullo  modo  appetendas  esse  divitias, 
sed  si  provenerint,  sapientissime  atque  cautissime  administrandas. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXVI.  363:  Mid  bam  be  ic  hogode  helpan  binum  wife, 
tweogan  [tweon],  doubt: 

Bede  308.26:  deab,  burh  bone  heo  ne  tweodon  ferende  beon  to  bam  ecan  rice 
«  238.7 :  per  quam  se  ad  uitam  .  .  .  perpetuam  non  dubitabant  esse  transituros. 

5.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing:  — 
blinnan,  cease,  stop: 

Bede  44.2:  Romane  blunnun  ricsian  on  Breotene  =  25.7:  regnare  cessarunt. 
—  Ib.  338.16,  17a-  b:  heo  naefre  blon  .  .  .  boncunge  don,  ge  .  .  .  heorde  .  .  . 
monian  7  leer  an  =  256.19,  20:  numquam  .  .  .  gratias  agere  uel  .  .  .  gregem 
.  .  .  docere  praetermittebat.  —  Ib.  474. 9a*  b:  he  ne  blinneS  mcersian  7  weorcSian 
=  347.32:  celebrare  .  .  .  non  desinit. 
forieldan  [-aeldan],  delay,  defer: 


36 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Bede  440.19:  3a  hreowe  3a  he  .  .  .  forcelde  doan  (sic!)  =  313.2:  facere 
supersedit. 

ginnan,  begin: 

Bede  60.23:  3a  gunnon  heo  3set  .  .  .  lif  .  .  .  onhyrgan  -  46.32:  coeperunt 
.  .  uitam  imitari. 


6.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 
behealdan,  take  care: 

Ex.  110:  syllic  setter  sunnan  setlrade  beheold  ofer  leodwerum  lige  scinan, 
byrnende  beam, 
cunnian,  attempt: 

Ml}.  Horn.  I.  45Qb:  uton  cunnian ,  gif  we  magon,  3one  re3an  wi3ersacan  on 
his  geancyrre  gegladian. 

forefon,  presume ,  undertake: 

Laws  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  4,  §  4:  gif  hwoelc  synnig  .  .  .  gisti3ia  fore - 
fenge  uel  hond  gisende  (sic!)  =  si  quis  culpabilis  .  .  .  indurato  presumpserit 
manum  mittere. 

ge-ea3modi(g)an,  deign ,  vouchsafe : 

Bede  98.28:  3set  he  [=  God]  ge-ea&modige  us  togetacnian  (sic!)  .  .  .  hweic 
gesetenes  to  fylgenne  sy  =  81.30:  ut  ipse  nobis  insinuare  .  .  .  dignetur,  quae  etc. 
gegiemian  (-gym-),  desire : 

Ml}.  L.  S .  XXIII  B.  497 :  ic  gegyrnode  3a  .  .  .  rode  geseon. 
ge3yrsti(g)an,  presume ,  undertake  : 

Bede  70.16:  se  3e  geSyrstigaS  onwreon  3a  sceondlicnesse  his  steopmeder 
=  51.8:  reuelare  praesumserit.  —  lb.  78.33a:  ne  geSyrstgacf  onfon  =  56.10a:  per - 
cipere  non  praesumit. 
lystan,  desire ,  yearn: 

Wcerf.  45.22:  manige  men  hine  geornlice  lystan  [MS.  H.:  lyston]  geseon 
=  180  B1:  multi  hunc  .  .  .  anxie  videre  sitiebant. 
onmedan,  presume,  undertake: 

Rid.  56.16:  Nu  me  gieddes  3isses  ondsware  ywe,  se  hine  onmede  wordum 
secgan  hu  se  wudu  hatte. 
wunian,  use,  be  wont: 

Bede  230.23:  msen  wunedon  wildeorlice  lifigan=  175.9:  homines  bestialiter 
uiuere  consuerant. 


The  following  is  a  complete  alphabetic  list  of  verbs  having  only  the  unin 
fleeted  infinitive  as  object:  — 


abiddan,  bid ,  command. 
behealdan,  take  care. 
blinnan,  cease. 
cunnian,  attempt. 
don,  do,  cause. 
forefon,  presume,  undertake . 
forgiefan,  grant,  allow . 
forieldan,  delay,  defer. 
ge-eatSmodi(g)an,  deign,  vouchsafe. 
gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry. 
gegiernian,  desire. 
gehieran,  hear. 
gehogian,  think,  intend. 
geseon,  see. 


geteon,  determine. 

ge?Syrsti(g)an,  presume,  undertake. 

ginnan,  begin. 

hatan,  command. 

hieran,  hear. 

hogian,  think ,  intend. 

laetan,  allow,  cause. 

lystan,  desire ,  yearn. 

ofseon,  see. 

onmedan,  presume ,  undertake. 
seon,  see. 

tweogan  [tweon],  doubt. 
wunian,  use,  be  wont. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


37 


II.  The  inflected  infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  object  with  the  following 
groups  of  verbs:  — 

1.  Very  rarely  with  this  Verb  of  Commanding: 

gedihtan,  direct ,  order. 

2.  Occasionally  with  the  following  Verbs  of  Permitting:  — 

liefan,  allow.  lofian,  praise ,  but  here  =  allow  (?). 

3.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 


seteowan,  show. 
anbidian,  expect. 
atSencan,  intend. 
behatan,  promise. 
bodian,  preach. 

cyftan  [and  beodan],  make  known. 
geceosan,  choose. 
gehyhtan,  hope. 
geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe. 
geswutelian  [-eot-],  show,  explain. 
geteohhlan,  think,  determine. 
gebencan,  think,  strive  for  (?). 
Iseran,  teach. 

4. 

anforlastan,  abandon. 
elcian,  delay. 

forwiernan,  prevent  from,  prohibit. 
gselan,  hinder  from. 
gefon,  attempt,  undertake. 

5. 

adrsedan,  fear. 
anSracian,  fear. 
beoti(g)an,  threaten. 
fieon,  shun. 
forgieman,  neglect. 
forgiemeleasian,  neglect. 
forsacan,  refuse. 
forseon,  despise. 
gedyrstlaecan,  presume,  dare. 
getilian,  strive  for,  attempt. 
gieman,  desire,  yearn  for. 


mynnan,  direct  one's  course  to,  intend. 
ongietan,  understand. 
sirwan,  plot. 

smeagan  [smean],  think  upon ,  meditate. 

tacan,  take  (to). 

tsecan,  teach. 

tellan,  account,  consider. . 

teohhian  [till-,  tioh-],  think,  determine. 

5eabti(g)an,  think  upon,  meditate. 

understandan,  understand. 

weddian,  contract ,  agree. 

witan  [nytan],  know  [know  not]. 


higian,  strive  for,  be  intent  on. 

murnan,  care  for,  lament. 

oferfaogian  [and  forgieman],  despise. 

onscunian,  shun,  fear. 

reccan,  care  for. 

swerian,  swear. 

teon,  accuse. 

wandian,  hesitate,  be  neglectful  of. 
warenian,  shun. 
wiScwetSan,  refuse. 
wit5sacan,  refuse. 


With  the  following  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing:  — 

ieldan,  delay. 
onfon,  undertake,  begin. 
underfon,  undertake. 
wieman,  desist  from. 

With  the  following  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 


6.  With  habban,  have. 

The  following  are  typical  examples :  — 


1.  Verbs  of  Commanding:  — 
gedihtan,  direct ,  order: 

Wulf.  10.10:  bset  wses  bact  an  scyp,  tie  godd  sylf  gedihte  Noe  to  wyrcanne 
(or  final?). 

2.  Verbs  of  Permitting:  — 
liefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow: 

Greg.  451.29:  Be  Ssem  cwajb  .  .  .  Paulus  .  .  .,  ba  (5a  he  sumum  liefde  to 
c 'Sicgganne  tisette  he  nolde  tiset  hi  ealle  bigden  =  382.10:  0. 

Mat.  19.8:  Moyses  for  eower  heortan  heardnesse  lyfde  eow  eower  wif  to 


38 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


forlcetenne  =  Quoniam  Moyses  ad  duritiam  cordis  vestri  permisit  vobis  dimittere 
uxores  vestras. 

Wulf.  174.7 :  is  maest  bearf,  baet  man  fram  unrihte  gebuge  to  rihte,  .  .  .  baet 
he  aefre  life  aenigan  men  bis  faesten  to  abrecenne. 
lofian  in  the  sense  of  allow  (?) : 

Chron.  185b,  1054  D:  he  lofode  Leofwine  biscope  to  halgianne  baet  mynster 
set  Eofeshamme. 

3.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 
aeteowan,  show: 

Bl.  Horn.  169.9:  hwylc  ceteowde  eow  tofleonne  fram  bon  toweardan  Godes  erre? 
anbidian,  expect: 

Laws  438,  Excom.  VII,  c.  2,  §  3:  genibrode  ba  men,  ...  be  baer  aenig  dsel 
habbab  obbe  .  .  .  get  anbidiaS  to  habbanne. 
abencan,  intend: 

Beow.  2644:  beah  be  hlaford  us  bis  ellenweorc  ana  adohte  to  gefremmanne. 
behatan,  promise: 

Chron.  226*,  1091  E:  Se  cyng  him  ongean  ba  manige  behet  .  .  .  gebygle  to 
donne.  —  lb.  236*,  1100  Eb>  c:  he  .  .  .  eallan  folce  behet  ealle  ba  unriht  to 
aleggenne  .  .  .  y  ba  betstan  lage  to  healdene. 

&lf.  Hept.:  Deut.  10.11:  lande,  be  ic  behet  hira  faederum  to  syllanne  =  quam 
juravi  patribus  eorum  ut  trader em  eis. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  14.7:  Da  behet  he  mid  abe  hyre  to  syllenne  swa  hwaet  swa  heo 
hyne  baede  =  Unde  cum  juramento  pollicitus  est  ei  dare  quodcumque  postu- 
lasset  ab  eo.  —  Mk.  14.11:  beheton  him  feoh  to  syllanne  =  promiserunt  ei  pecu- 
niam  se  daturos. 

Wulf.  172.14:  is  maest  bearf,  baet  man  .  .  .  gelaeste  eall,  baet  man  behate 
on  godes  est  to  donne. 
bodian,  preach : 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  344b:  Boda  nu  eallum  mannum  daedbote  to  donne,  and  andet- 
nysse  to  sacerdum  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  noun,  dcedbote  ?). 
cyban,  make  known: 

Laws  483,  Wilhelm  I,  Prol.:  Wilhelm  cyng  gret  ealle  ba  be  bys  gewrit  to 
cymb  .  .  .  freondlice  y  beot  y  eac  cy&  ...  to  healdenne  (or  final?), 
geceosan,  choose: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  200.73:  bu  cwyst  baet  bu  gecure  ba  tingregu  to  Zirowigenne. 
gehyhtan,  hope: 

Bede  164.21:  baet  he  aet  him  geleornade,  baet  he  ba  uplican  ricu  gehyhte 
heofona  to  onfonne  =  138.1:  regna  caelorum  sperare  didicit. 
geliefan  [-S-,  -y-],  believe: 

Bede  330.25ab:  ic  hit  .  .  .  gelyfde  bam  .  .  .  staere  to  gedeodenne  y  in  to 
gesettenne  =  252.13:  earn  .  .  .  inserendam  credidi. 
geswutelian  [-sweot-],  show,  explain: 

Mat.  3.7:  hwa  geswutelode  eow  to  fleonne  fram  bam  toweardan  yrre?  =  quis 
demonstravit  vobis  fugere  a  ventura  ira? 
geteohhian  [-tioh-],  think,  determine: 

Boeth.  117.21  God  hcefS  getiohhod  to  sellanne  witu  y  ermba  bam  yflum  mon- 
num  =0.  —  lb.  139. 29a:  of  bam  wege  be  wit  getiohhod  habbaS  on  to  farenne 
=  121.10:  a  propositi  nostri  tramite  .  .  .  auersa  sunt. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


39 


Greg.  251.24:  gif  he  Sam  gehiersuman  mannum  ncefde  geteohchad  his  eSel  to 
sellanne  =  190.22:  Nisi  enim  correctis  haereditatem  dare  disponeret. —  lb. 
419.13:  Baet  ilce  Saet  he  getiohchod  hcefde  to  biddanne  he  cwaeS  Saet  him  waere  aer 
forgiefen  =  340.23 :  Qui  dum  se  adhuc  petere  promittit,  hoc  quod  petere  se 
promittebat,  obtinuit.  —  lb.  445.7 :  Sonne  Sonne  hie  forlaetaS  .  .  .  Sa  god  Se  hi 
getiohchod  cefdon  (sic!)  to  Sonne  (sic!  for  to  donne),  Saet  etc.  =  372.19:  quia  dum 
proposita  non  perficiunt,  etiam  quae  fuerant  coepta  convellunt. 

Solil.  37.5:  me  lyst  Sara  Se  ic  getiohhod  habbe  to  cetanne  =  0. 

Pr.  Ps.  10.3:  hi  wilniaS  .  .  .  Saet  hi  toweorpen  Saet  God  geteohhad  hcefS  to 
wyrcanne  =  10.4:  Quoniam  quae  perfecisti,  destruxerunt. 

Mf.  Horn.  I.  198b:  Ic  geteohode  min  lif  on  maegShade  to  geendigenne. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  677 :  Sone  Se  he  aer  geteohhode  mid  teonan  to  forseonne. 
geSencan,  think,  strive  for: 

/Elf.  Hept.:  Job,  XII  (=  6.27):  ge  logiaS  eowere  spraece  and  geSencaS  to 
awendenne  eowerne  freond  =  eloquia  concinnatis,  et  subvertere  nitimini  amicum 
vestrum. 

laeran,1  teach: 

Bede  258.8:  he  rehte  endebyrdnesse  lifes  aeteawde,  y  rihte  Eastran  to 
weorSianne  loerde  =  204.20:  rectum  uiuendi  ordinem,  ritum  celebrandi  paschae 
canonicum  .  .  .  disseminabat.  —  lb.  276. 6b:  ongon  Iceran  to  healdenne  .  .  .  Sa 
Sing  =  214.27b:  coepit  obseruanda  docere. 

Boeth.  79.17 :  ne  Se  nan  neodSearf  ne  Icerde  to  wyrcanne  Saet  Saet  Su  worhtest 
=  71.3:  0. 

Lcece.  35.10:  Sume  an  word  wiS  naedran  bite  IceraS  to  cweSenne,  Saet  is  faul, 
ne  maeg  him  derian. 

mynnan,  direct  one’s  course  to,  intend: 

And.  295:  to  Sam  lande,  Saer  Se  lust  myneS  to  gesecenne. 

Gu.  1062:  Saer  min  hyht  myneS  to  gesecanne. 
ongietan,  understand: 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  801 :  Iohannes  soSlice  ongeat  sume  Sa  mynsterwisan  to 
gerihtanne  swa  swa  seo  halige  aer  foresaede. 
sirwan,  plot: 

Apol.  31.34:  he  .  .  .  me  Sa  sirwde  to  ofsleanne  =  48b2:  me  machinabatur 
occidere  (or  final?). 

smeagan  [smean],  think  upon,  meditate: 

Greg.  55.22:  smeagaS  Seah  &  SeahtigaS  on  hiera  modes  rinde  monig  god 
weorc  to  wyrcanne  =  32.10:  operaturos  tamen  se  magna  pertradant. 

Pr.  Ps.  18.12:  ne  eac  Sinne  willan  ne  maeg  smeagan  to  wyrcanne  =  0. 

Mf.  Horn.  II.  146:  Saer  he  sylf  smeade  Saet  hus  to  arcerenne. 
tacan,  take  to: 

Chron.  263m,  1135  E:  Dauid  King  of  Scotland  toe  to  uuerrien  him. 
taecan,2  teach: 

Greg.  165.10:  Ba  isernan  hierstepannan  he  tcehte  for  iserne  weall  to  settanne 
betuh  Saem  witgan  &  Saere  byrig  =  120.12:  Sartago  enim  ferrea  murus  ferreus 
inter  prophetam  et  civitatem  ponitur. 

Mf.  Horn.  II.  216b:  Bus  tcehte  Crist  on  Saere  Niwan  GecySnysse  eallum 
cristenum  mannum  to  donne. 

tellan,  account,  consider :  


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  375. 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  370. 


40 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


ASlf.  Horn.  I.  158b:  For  nahte  he  tealde  aenig  Sing  to  biddenne  buton  gesihSe. 
teohhian  [till-,  tioh-],  think,  determine: 

Boeth.  51.6:  hwider  ic  Se  nu  tiohige  to  loedenne  =  51.15b:  si  quonam  te 
ducere  aggrediamur  agnosceres. —  lb.  116.12:  for  Saere  wrasce  tihodon  hine  to 
forloetenne  =0.  —  lb.  143.19:  ne  tiohhode  to  wyrcanne  =  0. 

Greg.  305.4:  forSaem  he  tiohchode  him  ma  to  fultemanne  =  232.12:  solatium 
petivit  ut  daret.  —  lb.  305.5:  he  sohte  hine  him  to  latSeowe  on  Saem  wege, 
forSaem  he  teohchode  hine  to  leedanne  on  iifes  weg  =  232.13:  ducem  requirebat 
in  via,  ut  dux  ei  fieri  potuisset  ad  vitam.  —  lb.  445.8:  forSaem,  gif  Saet  ne  wexS 
Saet  hie  tiohhia&  to  donne  =  372.20:  Si  enim  quod  videtur  gerendum,  .  .  .  non 
crescit. 

Solil.  36.12:  Ic  gehyre  nu  Saet  Su  ne  tiohhast  nan  wif  to  hsebbenne  =  0. 

Pr.  Ps.  39.16:  Sa  Se  ehtaS  mine  sawle  and  hy  teohhiatS  me  to  afyrrane 
*  39.15:  qui  quaerunt  animam  meam,  ut  auferant  earn. 

Seahti^an,1  think  upon,  meditate:  see  Greg.  55.22  under  smeagan. 
understandan,  understand: 

Apol.  19.19:  Sone  deaS  hi  oferhogodon  and  Sone  raedels  understodon  to 
arcedenne  =  0. 

weddian,  contract,  agree : 

L.  22.5:  him  weddedon  feoh  to  syllenne  =  pacti  sunt  peeuniam  illi  dare. 
witan  [nytan],  know  [know  not] : 

Gen.  243:  nyston  sorga  wiht  to  begrornianne. 

Ju.  557:  wiste  he  Si  gearwor,  manes  melda,  magum  to  secgan  (sic!),  susles 
Segnum,  hu  etc. 

Oros.  220.9:  HwaeSer  Romane  hit  witen  nu  aenegum  men  to  secganne,  hwaet 
etc.  =  0. 

Chron.  224m,  1087  Ed:  Sa  Englisce  men  .  .  .  adrengton  ma  Sonne  aenig 
man  wiste  to  tellanne. 

Laws  166,  V  ^Ethelstan,  Prol.,  3:  we  nytan  nanum  oSrum  Singum  to  getru- 
wianne  (or  with  noun?).  —  lb.:  180,  VI  TEthelstan,  c.  8,  §  8:  Gyf  he  nyte  spor 
to  tcecenne  (or  with  noun?). 

Adlf.  Horn.  II.  5Q6b:  Da  nyste  heora  nan  his  naman  to  secgenne. 

4.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing:  — 
anforlsstan,  abandon: 

Wcerf.  337.2:  heo  byS  deadlic,  Sonne  heo  anforloet  syngiende  (sic!  but  for 
syngienne  ?),  Saet  heo  eadiglice  7  rihtlice  lifige  =  405  B :  Anima  itaque  et  mortaiis 
esse  intelligitur,  et  immortalis.  Mortaiis  quippe,  quia  beate  vivere  amittit. 
elcian,  delay: 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  2824:  Ne  elca  Su  to  gecyrrenne  to  Gode.  [Cf.  JEJf.  Horn.  II. 
26*:  Dset  he  leng  ne  elcode  to  his  geleafan.] 
forwieman,  prevent  from,  prohibit: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  6Q4ml:  Swa  swa  daeges  leoht  forwyrnd  gehwilcne  to  gefrem- 
menne  Sset  Sast  seo  niht  geSafaS. 

JElf.  L.  S.  380.249:  god  .  .  .  ne  eac  us  forwyrnS  yfel  to  wyrcenne. 
gaelan,  hinder  from: 

Greg.  445.30:  Sonne  ne  gcel<5  us  nan  Sing  te  (sic!)  fullfremrnanne  Sa  godan 
weorc  =  374.14:  erga  coeptum  studium  nullo  torpore  languerunt. 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  475. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


41 


gefon,  attempt,  undertake: 

Ml] .  L.  S.  XXV.  148:  hi  gefengon  to  dreccenne  bone  fiftan  brobor. 
ieldan  [eldan],  delay: 

Bede  132.16:  Mid  by  .  .  .  se  cyning  elde  ba  gyt  to  gelyfanne  =  110.24: 
Cum  .  .  .  rex  credere  differet.  • —  lb.  430. 33a’  b:  ba  be  eldende  wceran  to  andet- 
tenne  y  to  betenne  heora  synna  =  308. 13a*  b:  qui  differentes  confiteri  et  emendare 

scelera. 

Woerf.  119.2:  ba  wees  he  lange  eldende  bone  to  nimanne  =  B.  148  C  l:  Quem 
diu  demoratus  etc. 

Bl.  Horn.  7.33:  to  hwon  yldestu  middangeard  to  onlyhtennef 
onfon,  undertake: 

Bede  334.4,  5:  bset  heo  onfeng  mynster  to  timbrenne  y  to  endebyrdienne 
«=  254.3:  contigit  earn  suscipere  etiam  construendum  siue  ordinandum  monas- 
terium. 

Wcerf.  75.33:  hwset  bset  sy  bset  se  .  .  .  feond  onfeng  swylcere  bylde  to 
acwyllane  in  bses  huse  =  204  A:  Quidnam  hoc  esse  dicimus,  ut  occidendi  ausum 
in  ejus  hospitio  antiqus  hostis  acciperet. 

Bened.  14.17:  Wite  eac  se  abbod,  bset  se  be  onfehS  saula  to  rcecccenne  =  26.1: 
qui  suscipit  animas  regendas  (or  final?), 
underfon,  undertake: 

Greg.  77.4:  ba  be  oberra  monna  saula  underfoot  to  Icedanne  on  ba  treowa 
hira  agenra  gearnunga  to  bam  innemestan  halignessum  =  50.6:  qui  .  .  .  animas 
adaeterna  sacraria  perducendas  in  suse  conversationis  fide  suscipiunt  (or  final  ?). 

—  76.  161.12:  bonne  hie  bara  eorblicra  monna  heortan  underfod  to  Iceronne 
«  116.25:  quando  terrenum  auditorum  cor,  utdoceant,  apprehendunt  (or  final?). 

—  76.  293. 3a>  b:  he  underfeng  ba  halgan  gesomnunga  to  plantianne  &  to  ymb- 
hweorfanne,  sua  se  ceorl  deb  his  ortgeard  =  220.26:  0. 

Woerf.  113.22:  bas  stowe  se  Gota  underfeng  to  clcensienne  =  B.  144  C:  Locum 
autem  ipse  quem  mundandum  Gothus  susceperat  (or  final?).  —  76.  325.10:  se 
me  hoefde  under] ongen  to  forswelgenne  =  392  B4:  Gratias  Deo,  ecce  draco  qui 
me  ad  devorandum  acceperat  fugit  (or  final?), 
wieman,  desist  from: 

Greg.  381.6:  Swa  eac  se  be  ne  wirnc?  bses  wines  his  lare  ba  mod  mid  to  ofer- 
drencan[n]e  be  hine  gehieran  willab,  he  bib  etc.  =  296.9:  et  dum  vino  eloquii 
auditorum  mentem  debriare  non  desinit,  etc. 

5.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 
adraedan,  fear: 

Mk.  9.32:  hi  adredon  hine  ahsiende  (sic!  but  for  ahsienne  ?)  =  9.31:  timebant 
interrogare  eum. 
anbracian,  fear: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  554tx:  Hi  anftraciaS  to  gefarenne  lifes  wegas. 
beoti(g)an,  threaten: 

Chad.  193:  swa  swa  he  beotige  us  to  slenne  y  bonne  hwebere  bonne  gyt  ne 
slseb  =  quoties  .  .  .  quasi  ad  feriendum  minitans  exerit  nec  adhuc  tamen  per- 
cutit  (or  final?), 
fleon,  shun: 

Greg.  33.12:  Forbaem  se  wealhstod  [self]  Godes  &  monna,  bset  is  Crist,  fleah 
eorbrice  to  under] onne  =  14.4:  regnum  percipere  vitavit  in  terris. 


42 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


forgieman  [-y-],  neglect: 

Laws  453,  Gerefa,  Inscr.,  c.  3,  §  lc-  d:  oferhogie  he  ofifie  forgyme  Sa  Sing  to 
beganne  7  to  bewitanne. 

forgiemeleasian  f-y-],  neglect: 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  102b:  Gif  Su  / orgy meleasast  to  dcelenne  aelmessan. 
forseon,  despise: 

Wcerf.  180.17:  he  forseah  to  donne  Saet  heo  hine  baed  =  217  B1:  non  solum 
facere,  sed  etiam  audire  despiceret. 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  374L  forsihd  to  cumenne. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  290.96 :  Sume  faeston  eac  swa  Saet  hi  forsawon  to  etanne. 

Wulf.  296.28:  forSan  hig  forsawon  aer  to  healdenne  Sone  halgan  daeg  mid 
rihte. 

gedyrstlaecan,  presume,  dare: 

Bened.  15.13:  Saet  nan  ne  gedyrstlcece  ...  his  agenne  raed  to  bewerigenne 
=  28.3:  ut  non  prcesumant  .  .  .  defendere  etc.  —  lb.  106.4:  ne  gedyrstlcece  he 
na  Sa  Senunga  to  beginnenne  =  172.  12:  nullatenus  aliqua  prcesumat. 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  392* 2 :  He  gedyrstlcehte  to  ganne  up  on  Saere  sae  Surh  Crist, 
getilian,  strive  for,  attempt: 

Solil.  35.17:  ne  aeac  maran  getilige  to  haldcenne  Sonne  ic  gemetlice  bi  beon 
mage  =  mihi  .  .  .  persuasit,  nullo  modo  appetandas  esse  divitias. 
giernan  [-y-],  desire,  yearn  for: 

Bede  480. 1 1 :  monige  ...  hi  seolfe  j  hira  beam  ma  gyrnaS  in  mynster  ond 
on  Godes  Seowdomhad  to  sellenne  Sonne  etc.  =  351.21:  plures  .  .  .  se  suosque 
liberos  .  .  .  satagunt  magis  .  .  .  monasterialibus  adscribere  uotis  quam  bel- 
licis  exercere  studiis. 

Bl.  Horn.  53.25:  swa  Sa  halgan  dydon  Se  on  Syssum  life  naht  ne  sohton  ne 
ne  gyrndon  to  hcebbenne. 

Pr.  Gu.  I.  7 :  Sa  gyrnde  he  him  his  gemaeccan  to  nymanne  =  adoptata  sibi 
coaetanea  virgine  inter  .  .  .  puellarum  agmina  etc.  —  lb.  II.  93:  Sa  girnde 
he  his  sealmas  to  leornianne  =  Dum  enim  litteris  edoctus  psalmorum  canticum 
discere  maluisset. 

higian,  strive  for,  be  intent  on: 

Greg.  105.14:  Saette  sua  hwelc  sua  inweard  higige  to  gangenne  on  Sa  duru 
Saes  ecean  lifes  =  72.18:  ut  quisquis  intrare  aeternitatis  januam  nititur. 

Wcerf.  178. 3a>  b:  gif  we  higia&  to  oSra  aeSelra  wera  wundrum  Sa  to  gereccanne 
7  to  asecganne  =  B.  204  C2:  ut  si  ad  aliorum  miracula  enarranda  tendimus. 

oferhogian  [and  forgieman],  despise: 

Laws  453,  Gerefa,  Inscr.,  c.  3,  §  la>  b:  quoted  under  forgieman  above, 
onscunian,  shun,  fear: 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  3464  3 :  Hwi  onscunast  Su  to  underfonne  Sisne  lichaman? 

/Elf.  Hept.:  Ex.  8.26:  Sa  Sing,  Se  Egipstisce  onscuniad  to  offrianne  =  abomi- 
nationes  enim  iEgyptiorum  immolabimus  domino  deo  nostro? 
reccan,  care  for: 

Laws  40,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  40:  Leases  monnes  word  ne  rec  Su  no  Saes  to 
gehieranne. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  440.122:  gif  ge  rohton  hit  to  gehyrenne. 
swerian,  swear: 

Chron.  268 m,  1140  Ef’  g:  Bis  .  .  .  suoren  to  halden  (sic!)  Se  King  7  te  eorl; 
.  .  .  alle  .  .  .  suoren  Se  pais  to  halden  (sic!). 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


43 


teon,  accuse: 

Laws  102,  Ine  B,  c.  30:  Gif  man  cyrliscne  mannan  flymanfeormienne  teo,  be 
his  agenon  were  geladige  [he]  hine.  [MS.  E:  .  .  .  fliemanfeorme  teo ;  MS.  H.: 
.  .  .  flyman  feormie,  /  hine  mon  teo.} 

wandian,  hesitate,  he  neglectful  of: 

Chron.  178*,  1052  Eb:  he  ne  wandode  na  him  metes  to  tylienne,  eode  up. 

Laws  138,  I  Eadweard,  Prol.:  Ne  wandiad  for  nanum  bingum  folcriht  to 
geregceanne  [MS.  B:  to  gerecanne]. 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  554* 2 :  swa-beah  ne  wandiaS  to  licgenne  on  stuntnysse  heora 
asolcennysse. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  699:  (5a  wandode  he  lange  him  bset  to  secgenne.  —  lb. 
XXXI.  1036:  He  eac  ne  wandode  on  Sam  .  .  .  f elda  (5a  hsebenan  to  cristnigenne. 

Wulf.  191.6:  bydelas  .  .  .,  be  .  .  .  wandiaS  godes  riht  to  sprecanne. 

warenian,  shun: 

Bede  474.20:  bone  hie  .  .  .  warenedon  to  anfonne  =  348.9:  quern  .  .  . 
uitabant. 

wibcweban,  refuse: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  516b:  Ne  wiScwetre  ic,  Drihten,  to  deorfenne  gyt. 

wibsacan,  refuse: 

Greg.  383.19:  hu,  ne  wiSscecS  se  bonne  eallunga  Godes  begn  to  hionne,  se  be 
wibssecb  bset  etc.?  =  298.17:  profecto  esse  se  Dei  denegat,  qui  etc.? 


6.  Habban,1  have. 

Most  of  the  examples  are  doubtful.  In  some  examples  it  is  difficult  to  tell 
whether  the  infinitive  depends  on  hahban  or  on  a  neighboring  noun  or  adverb. 
In  some  examples  the  infinitive  seems  to  denote  futurity;  in  others,  necessity. 
The  examples  in  full  are :  — 

Boeth.  52.27 :  Nsere  hit  no  bset  hehste  god  gif  him  senig  butan  wsere,  forbsem 
hit  bonne  hcefde  to  wilnianne  sumes  godes  be  hit  self  nsefde  =  52.10:  quoniam 
relinqueretur  extrinsecus,  quod  posset  optari  (?). 

Laws  106,  Ine,  c.  42:  Gif  ceorlas  gserstun  hcebben  gemsenne  obbe  ober  gedal- 
land  to  tynanne  (or  final?). 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  78m:  gecyrrab  nu  huru-binga  on  ylde  to  fifes  wege,  nu  ge 
habba&  hwonlice  to  swincenne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  16.23:  gearwiab  to  morgen,  bset  ge  to  gearwienne  hcebbon 
=  quodcumque  operandum  est,  facite,  et  quse  coquenda  sunt,  coquite.  —  J udges 
3.20a:  ic  hcebbe  be  to  secganne  ures  godes  serende  =  Verbum  dei  habeo  ad  te. 

Mat.  20.22:  Mage  gyt  drincan  bone  calic  be  ic  to  drincenne  hcebbe? 
=  Potestis  bibere  calicem  quern  ego  bibiturus  sum  ? 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II:  15.149:  Geswiga  bu  earmingc,  ne  hcefst  bu  nan 
binge  on  me  to  donne  (or  with  noun?). 


The  following  is  a  complete  alphabetic  fist  of  the  verbs  having  only  the 
inflected  infinitive  as  object:  — 


adrsedan,  fear. 
aeteowan,  show. 
anbidian,  expect. 
anforlaetan,  abandon. 


antSracian,  fear. 
aftencan,  intend. 
behatan,  promise. 
beoti(g)an,  threaten. 


1  Cf.  Buchtenkirch,  l.  c.,  p.  32;  Wiilfing,2  l.  c.,  II,  p.  209;  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  109. 


44 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


bodian,  preach. 

cySan  (and  beodan),  make  known. 

elcian,  delay. 

fleon,  shun. 

forgieman,  neglect. 

forgiemeleasian,  neglect. 

forsacan,  refuse. 

forseon,  despise. 

forwieman,  prevent  from,  prohibit. 
gaelan,  hinder  from. 
geceosan,  choose. 
gedihtan,  direct,  order. 
gedyrstlaecan,  presume,  dare. 
gefon,  attempt,  undertake. 
gehyhtan,  hope. 
geliefan,  believe,  hope. 
geswutelian  [-eot-],  show,  explain. 
geteohhian,  think,  determine. 
getilian,  strive  for,  attempt. 
ge<5encan,  think,  strive  for  (?). 
gieman,  desire,  yearn  for. 
habban,  have. 

higian,  strive  for,  be  intent  on. 
ieldan,  delay. 
laeran,  teach. 
liefan,  allow. 


lofian,  praise,  allow  (?). 

muman,  care  for,  lament. 

mynnan,  direct  one’s  course  to,  intend. 

oferhogian  [and  forgieman],  despise. 

onfon,  undertake,  begin. 

ongietan,  understand. 

onscunian,  shun,  fear. 

reccan,  care  for. 

sirwan,  plot. 

smeagan  [smean],  think  upon,  meditate. 

swerian,  swear. 

tacan,  take  (to). 

taecan,  teach. 

tellan,  account,  consider. 

teon,  accuse. 

tih(h)ian,  think,  determine. 

8eahti(g)an,  think  upon,  meditate. 
underfon,  undertake. 
understandan,  understand. 
wandian,  hesitate,  be  neglectful  of. 
warenian,  shun. 
weddian,  contract,  agree. 
wieman,  desist  from. 
witan  [nytan],  know  (know  not). 
witScweSan,  refuse. 
wiSsacan,  refuse. 


III.  The  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are  each  found  as 
the  object  with  the  following  groups  of  verbs:  — 

1.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Commanding  and  the  like:  — 

bebeodan,  command.  biddan,  request. 

beodan,  command.  forbeodan,  forbid. 

bewerian,  prohibit,  forbid.  gehatan,  order. 

2.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Permitting:  — 

aliefan,  allow.  sellan,  grant,  allow. 

geSafian,  allow. 

3.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 

findan,  find.  leornian,  learn. 

geleornian,  learn.  myntan,  think,  intend. 

gemyntan,  intend,  determine.  <5encan,  think,  attempt. 

gestihhian,  determine,  decide.  wenan,  hope ,  expect. 

4.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing:  — 

ablinnan,  cease,  desist  from.  forlastan,  abandon,  omit. 

aginnan,  begin.  geswican,  stop,  desist  from. 

beginnan,  begin.  onginnan,  begin. 

fon,  undertake,  begin. 

5.  With  the  following  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 


forhogian,  despise,  neglect. 
forhycgan,  despise,  neglect. 
ge-eamian,  deserve,  earn. 
gemed(e)mian,  deign,  vouchsafe. 
geftristlaecan  [-y-],  presume. 
gewil(l)nian,  desire. 


gewunian,  use,  be  wont. 
gieman,  care. 
ondrsedan,  fear. 
secan,  seek. 

tilian  [teolian],  attempt,  strive  for . 
\vil(l)nian,  desire. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


45 


Typical  examples  are  the  following:  — 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding:  — 

bebeodan  [bi— ],  command: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

El.  1018:  Da  seo  cwen  bebead  craeftum  getyde  sundor  asecean. 

Ju.  232:  gelcedan  bibead  to  carcerne.  —  lb.  295:  bset  he  Iohannes  bibead 
heafde  biheawan . 

Bede  36.31a<  b:  het  ba  7  bebead  hrabe  swingan  7  tintregian  'bone  Godea 
andettere  =  19.31:  caedi  .  .  .  Dei  confessorem  a  tortoribus  praecepit. —  lb. 
388.20:  Da  bebead  se  biscop  beosne  to  him  Icedan  =  283.27:  Hanc  .  .  .  adduci 
praecipit  episcopus. 

Laws  46,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  7:  he  bebead  bone  hlaford  lufian  swa  hine. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  380b  1- 2:  Nero  bebead  Petrum  and  Paulum  on  bendum  geheal- 
dan,  and  ba  sticca  Simones  hreawes  mid  wearde  besettan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  412.1 :  ba  bing,  be  ic  bebead  him  to  secganne  =  297.30:  quae  tibi  dicenda 
praecepi  (or  final?). 

Oros.  292.27:  bser  Maximus  mid  firde  bad  set  Aquilegia  bsere  byrig,  7  his 
ealdormen  Andregatia  hcefde  beboden  ba  clusan  to  healdanne  =  293.28:  Aquileiae 
tunc  Maximus  victoriae  suae  spectator  insederat.  Andragathius  comes  ejus 
summam  belli  administrabat  (or  final  ?). 

Chron.  206*,  1070  Ab:  se  arcebiscop  .  .  .  bebead  bam  biscopan  .  .  .  ba 
serfise  to  donde  (sic!  for  to  donne). 

Laws  42,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49a:  Dis  sindan  ba  domas  be  se  .  .  .  God  seif 
sprecende  wses  to  Moyse  7  him  bebead  to  healdanne. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  316b:  gif  ge  wyrcende  beob  ba  bincg  be  ic  bebeode  eow'  to 
gehealdenne. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  22.203:  foresceawige  hwset  heo  gehwylcum  lime  bebeode  to  donne. 

Wulf.  294.28:  ba  godan  weorc,  be  god  us  beboden  hcef&  to  adreoganne  on  bam 
drihtenlican  dsege.  —  lb.  296.5:  wite  ge  .  .  .  bset  ic  sefre  fram  frymbe  bebead 
bone  drihtenlican  dseg  to  healdenne. 

beodan,  command: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  262*:  bsedon  bset  he  bude  ba  byrgene  besettan  mid  wacelum 
weardum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  47.13:  bonne  he  for  nanre  anwielnesse  ne  wibcuib  bam  nyttan  weor- 
cum  be  him  mon  beode&  to  underfonne  =  24.24:  cum  ad  respuendum  hoc,  quod 
utiliter  subire  praecipitur ,  pertinax  non  est. 

Pr.  Ps.  39.7:  Ne  bud  (sic!)  bu  me  na  selmessan  to  syllan  (sic!),  ne  for 
minum  synnum  =  holocaustum  et  pro  peccato  non  postulasti. 

Laws  42,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  3a:  we  geascodon  bset  ure  geferan  sume  .  .  . 
to  eow  comon  7  eow  hefigran  [wisan  budon]  to  healdanne  bonne  we  him  budon. 

Wulf.  231.1  :behealdab  .  .  .  ba  fsestendagas,  be  men  eow  beodaS  to  healdenne. 

beweri(g)an  [bi-],  prohibit ,  forbid: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  82.24:  we  him  ne  sculon  biwerigan  bam  halgan  geryne  onfon  =  58.27b: 
a  nobis  prohiberi  non  debet  accipere. 


46 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  80.7:  mid  Sy  seo  ae  monig  Sing  hewer e&  to  etanne  swa  swa  unclaene 
=  56.32:  Nam  cum  multa  lex  uelut  immunda  manducare  prohibeat. 

biddan,  request,  demand: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Versuchung  Christi  9:  brohte  him  to  bearme  brade  stanas,  heed  him  for 
hungre  hlafas  wyrean. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  182m:  se  Se  hitt  cerceran  his  sunu. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.152°:  hoed  wyrean  scearpa  piles  =  0. —  Ih. 
15.288a>  b:  heed  Saere  faemne  (sic!)  fet  and  handan  (sic!)  tosomne  gebindon  (sic!) 
and  innen  Sone  weallende  cetel  gesetton  (sic!)  =  217.320a>b:  Tunc  iuhet  prae- 
fectus  afferi  vas  magnum  plenum  aqua  et  ligari  manus  et  pedes  beatae  Marga- 
retae  et  ibi  earn  mortificari. 

Apol.  23.34a:  Apollonius  hi  heed  ealle  gretan  and  on  scip  astah  =  42*:  vale 
dicens  omnibus  conscendit  ratem. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Leece  58.27 :  aefter  Sam  spiwaS,  sona  him  to  gifanne  bidda<5. 

forbeodan,1  forbid: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  70.8:  seo  .  .  .  ae  bewereS  y  forbeodeS  Sa  scondlicnesse  onwreon 
maegsibba  =  50.34 :  lex  prohibet  cognationis  turpitudinem  reuelare. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  369.3:  Godes  ae,  Se  us  forhiet  diofulum  to  offrianne  =  286.5:  legem 
Dei,  quae  idcirco  data  est  ut  sacrificia  satanae  prohibeat. 

Laws  214,  Kronungseid,  Prol.:  Sa  hine  man  halgode  to  cinge,  y  forbead  him 
aelc  wedd  to  syllanne. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  122* :  Moyses  &  forbead  to  hrepenne  aenigne  hreoflan.  —  76. 
II.  534b:  se  Drihten  Se  forbead  Sam  bydelum  to  berenne  pusan  oSSe  codd. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXV.  89 :  moyses  forbead  swyn  to  etenne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  De  V.  T.  4.43:  he  forbead  se  Seah  blod  to  cSicgenne. 

Mlf.  Gr.  242.7:  de  intus  wiSinnan,  de  foris  wiSutan  forbead  Donatus  to 
cwe&enne. 

Wulf.  200.3a>  b:  h eforbyt  aelcum  men  aSor  to  byeganne  oSSe  to  syllanne. 

gehatan,  order,  promise: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  144.27,  28:  he  gehet  .  .  .  stapolas  asetton  (sic!)  y  .  .  .  ceacas  ona- 
hon  =  118.11:  erectis  stipitibus,  aereos  caucos  suspendi  iuberet. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  316.22:  se  cyning  him  geheht  ge  lond  ge  micel  feoh  to  gesyllenne 
«  243.16:  promiserit  se  ei  terras  ac  pecunias  multas  esse  donaturum. 

Bl.  Horn.  181.26:  se  Se  englas  gehet  wiS  me  to  sendenne. 

2.  Verbs  of  Permitting: — 

aliefan,  allow: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gosp.:  Mat.  8.21b:  Drihten,  alyfe  me  aerest  to  farenne  and  bebyrigean 
minne  faeder  =  Domine,  permitte  me  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem  meum  (or 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  e.,  pp.  373,  475. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


47 


predicative?).  —  L.  9.59:  alyf  me  aeryst  bebyrigean  minne  faeder  =  permitte 
mihi  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem  meum  (or  predicative?). 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mat.  8.21a:  quoted  above. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  102.227 :  bam  alyfde  se  casere  heora  cristendom  to  healdenne. 

gebafian,  allow ,  consent: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  606:  him  ne  ge&afode  fulfremodlice  on  ba  eorban 
astreccan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  276.31:  hwaeber  heo  geSajedon  ba  domas  to  healdenne  =  215.24:  si 
consentirent  ea  .  .  .  custodire. 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  4b:  Se  .  .  .  God  ge&afa$  bam  arleasan  Antecriste  to  wyrcenne 
tacna. 

sellan,  grant,  allow: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  3056:  nefne  god  sylfa  .  .  .  sealde,  bam  be  he  wolde  (he  is  manna 
gehlyd)  hord  openian. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Schopf.  30:  bonne  him  frea  sylle  to  ongietanne  godes  agen  bibod. 

3.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 

findan,  find,  strive: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

El.  1255 :  swa  ic  on  bocum  fand  wyrda  gangum,  on  gewritum  cy&an  be  bam 
sigebeacne. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Dan.  544:  baed  hine  areccan,  hwaet  seo  run  bude,  hofe  haligu  word  7  in 
hige  funde  to  gesecganne  sobum  wordum,  hwaet  etc. 

geleomian,  learn: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  404.22:  he  geleornode  .  .  .  ingong  geopenian  baes  heofonlican  lifes 
=  292.17:  didicerat  .  .  .  patere  .  .  .  introitum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  210.31:  eall  ba  be  he  geleornade  to  donne  =  164.22:  quae  agenda 
didicerat. 

gemyntan,  intend,  determine: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Ex.  199:  hcefdon  hie  gemynted  to  bam  maegenheapum  to  bam  aerdaege  Isra- 
hela  cynn  billum  abreotan  on  hyra  broborgyld. 

Chron.  22h,  616  Fa>  b:  he  hcefde  gemynt  eal  bis  land  forlcetan  7  ouer  s&faran. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  154.127b:  se  hcefde  gemynt  mynster  to  araerenne  and  mid  munecum 
qesettan.  —  lb.  502.255:  ba  halgan  be  he  ealre  worulde  .  .  .  onwreon  gemynte. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  4141:  baba  God  gemynte  his  yfelnysse  to  geendigenne.  —  lb. 
II.  578*  2:  baet  tempel  be  his  faeder  gemynte  to  arcerenne. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  154.1273:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above.  —  lb.  212.51: 
swa  hwaet  swa  bu  gemyntest  on  forbsibe  to  donne.  —  lb.  XXV.  769:  Heliodorus 
ba  gemynte  ba  mabmas  to  genimenne. 


48 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Mlf.  Hept.:  Num.  24.11:  ic  hcefde  gemynt  be  to  arwurSienne  =  decreveram 

.  .  .  honor  are  te. 

Wulf.  277.26:  Dauid  cyning  hit  hcefde  gemynt  aer  to  donne. 

gestihhian,  determine ,  decide: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  218.9:  gestihhade  his  life  geendian  =  168.2:  uitam  finire  disposuit. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Solil.  38.1:  be  bam  bingum  be  bu  me  aer  sedest  bat  bu  gestyohhod  hceafde  to 
forletanne  =  0. 

leomian,  learn: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  416b:  baet  men  leornion  agyldan  god  for  yfele. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  246.7:  ba  ba  he  in  wreotum  leornade  to  donne  =  194.29:  quae  in  scrip- 
turis  agenda  didicerat. 

Greg.  441.17:  Donne  hi  leorniad  mid  fulre  estfulnesse  ba  soban  god  to 
secanne  =  368.15:  Tunc  igitur  pleno  voto  discunt  vera  bona  discere. lb. 
441.28:  Leornad  bonne  to  lujianne  baet  he  aer  forhogde  =  368.25:  discat  diligere 
quae  contemnebat. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  132.242:  Da  be  habbab  geleafan  and  leornodon  to  campienne.  — 
76.  344.127b:  Ne  het  he  us  na  leomian  heofonas  to  wyrcenne. 

myntan,  think,  intend: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  713:  Mynte  se  manscaba  manna  cynnes  sumne  besyrwan  in  sele  bam 
hean. 

Chr.  1058:  TEr  sceal  gebencan  gaestes  bearfe,  se  be  Gode  mynteS  bringan 
beorhtne  wlite. 

Met.  26.72:  mynton  forlcetan  leofne  hlaford. 

Bede  392.20:  mynte  heo  for  hiere  to  abbuddissan  gesettan  =»  286.1:  abbatis- 
sam  earn  pro  se  facere  disposuerat. 

Wcerf.  12.11:  ob  baet  hit  [=  clif]  com  baer  hit  mynte  feallan  ofer  baet  mynster 
=  15  A2:  0.  —  76.  123.1:  stan  .  .  .,  bone  hi  mynton  hebban  upp  =  B.  154  A: 
lapis  .  .  . ,  quern  in  aedificium  levare  decreverant.  —  76.  254.35 :  mynte  slean 
bone  Godes  wer  =  312  A1:  0. 

Bl.  Horn.  223.7:  mynte  hine  slean;  —  so:  223.11.  —  76.  223.16:  he  hine 
stingan  mynte. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  265m,  1137  Ef:  alse  he  mint  to  don  (sic!)  of  be  horderwycan. 

bencan,1  think,  attempt: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  800,  801:  on  healfa  gehwone  heawan  Sohton,  sawle  secan. 

Gen.  2437:  Wit  be  bisse  straete  stifle  AencaA  saeles  bidan.  —  76.  2891:  hwaer 
is  baet  tiber,  baet  bu  torht  gode  to  bam  brynegielde  bringan  Sencest  f 

Ex.  51 :  baes  be  hie  wideferb  wyrnan  dohton  Moyses  magum. 

Ju.  637:  baer  hi  stearcferbe  burh  cumbolhete  cwellan  dohtun. 

El.  296:  be  eow  .  .  .  lysan  8ohte. 

Gu.  260:  gif  bu  ure  bidan  Sencest. 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  423. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE.  49 

And.  150,  151,  152:  t5aet  hie  banhringas  abrecan  &ohton,  .  .  .  tolysan  lie 
and  sawle,  and  bonne  todcelan  etc. 

Met.  1.12:  sceotend  Sohton  Italia  ealle  gegongan. 

Ps.  61.4:  Swa  ge  mine  are  ealle  ftohton  wrabe  toweorpan  =  honorem  meum 
cogitaverunt  repellere. 

Jud.  59:  &ohte  (5a  .  .  .  idese  mid  widle  and  mid  womme  besmitan. 

Seaf.  52:  bam  be  swa  fenced  on  flodwegas  feor  gewitan. 

Bede  36.8:  gif  bu  gewitan  Bencest  fram  bam  bigange  ure  aefaestnysse  =  19.11: 
si  .  .  .  discedere  temtas.  —  lb.  456.2:  baet  he  $ohte  hine  him  to  yrfewearde 
gedon  =  324.32 :  ut  heredem  sibi  ilium  facere  cogitasset. 

Boeth.  93.32:  &enc&  aetgaedere  bion  =  80.100:  id  unum  esse  desiderat. 

Greg.  55.12:  Donne  baet  mod  <5ence<5  gegripan  him  to  upahefenesse  ba 
eabmodnesse  =  32.2:  arripere  .  .  .  cogitat. 

Oros.  54.21:  for  bon  he  him  eweman  &ohte=  55.18:  adfectans  tyranni 
amicitiam.  —  lb.  150.12:  Da  baet  ba  obre  geascedon  baet  he  hie  ealle  beswican 
cSohte  =  151.7:  cum  decipi  se  ab  Antigono  sigillatim  viderent.  —  lb.  200.17:  to 
bon  baet  hie  hit  acwencan  Sohton  —  201.9:  ad  extinguendum  ignem  concurrerunt. 

Bened.  23.3:  caflice  cuman  &enca&  =  46.4:  volumus  velociter  pervenire. 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  1059:  c Sohte  .  .  .  cetberstan  bam  deabe. 

JElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  48.17b:  &ohte  hi  to  ahebbanne  of  Ephraimes  heafde  and 
gesettan  ofer  Manases  heafod  =  manum  patris  .  .  .  levare  conatus  est  de  capite 
E.  et  transferre  super  caput  M. 

L.  1.1:  For  bam  be  witodlice  manega  dohton  bara  binga  race  geendebyrdan 
be  on  us  gefyllede  synt  =  Quoniam  quidem  multi  conati  sunt  ordinare  narra- 
tionem  etc. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Ps.  118.59:  Swa  ic  wegas  bine  wise  Sence  to  ferenne  fotum  minum  « 
Cogitavi  vias  tuas,  et  converti  pedes  meos  in  testimonia  tua  (or  with  adjective?). 

Charms  V.  C.  4a*  b- c’ d,  5a>  b:  swa  ic  &ence  bis  feoh  to  findanne  naes  to  od- 
feorrganne  and  to  witanne  naes  to  otSwyrceanne  and  to  lufianne  naes  to  o&lcedanne. 

Boeth.  53.11:  beah  hi  .  .  .  dencan  to  cumanne  =  0. 

Greg.  11.14:  bonne  hit  AencA  fela  godra  weorca  to  wyrcanne=32.6:  Quod  mens 
praeesse  volentium  plerumque  sibi  ficta  bonorum  operum  promissione  blanditur. 

Oros.  282. 9a:  Sohte  his  sunu  [to]  beswicanne,  y  him  sibban  fon  to  baem  on- 
walde  =  283.8:  Maximianus  .  .  .  confirmatum  jam  in  imperio  filium  potestate 
regia  spoliare  conatus  etc.  —  lb.  292.28b:  &uhte  (should  be  &ohte?)  him  self  on 
scipum  to  farenne  east  ymbutan,  y  bonne  bestelan  on  Theodosius  hindan 
=  293.29:  dum  navali  expeditione  hostem  praevenire  et  obruere  parat. 

Chron.  224m,  1087  Ec:  se  eorl  .  .  .  &ohte  to  gewinnanne  Engleland. 

Laws  206,  IV  Eadgar,  c.  1,  §  2:  gif  he  .  .  .  hit  8enc5  to  cetstrengenne. 

Wcerf.  119.9:  Bohte  to  acwellane  ba  sawla  =  B.  148  C3:  se  ad  exstinguendas 
discipulorum  animas  accendit. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  454b  2:  ge  <5enca&  to  awendenne  eowerne  freond. 

Mlj.  Hept.:  Gen.  37.21:  he  &ohte  hine  to  generianne  of  hira  handum 
=  nitebatur  liberare  eum.  — Gen.  48.17a:  quoted  above  under  “  Uninflected.” 

wenan,  hope,  expect : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  934:  Daet  waes  ungeara,  baet  ic  aenigra  me  weana  ne  wende  to  widan 
feore  bote  gebidan. 


50 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Met.  1.83:  ne  wende  bonan  aefre  cuman  of  baem  clammum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  267b,  1140  Ec:  Eustace  .  .  .  nam  be  Kinges  suster  of  France  to 
wife,  wende  to  bigceton  (sic!)  Normandi  baerburh. 

4.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing:  — 

ablinnan,  cease,  desist  from: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

AElf.  L.  S.  XXX.  39 :  beheold  bone  heort  and  wundrode  his  micelnysse  and 
ablan  his  cehtan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

AElf.  Horn.  II.  74*:  he  .  .  .  ne  ablind  to  asendenne  bydelas  and  lareowas  to 
laerenne  his  folc. 

aginnan,  begin: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Pr.  Ps.  9.30:  bonne  aginS  he  sylf  sigan,  obbe  afylb  =  9.10:  inclinabit  se  et 
cadet. 

Chron.  206m,  1070  Ac:  Da  agann  se  arcebiscop  Landfranc  atywian  mid 
openum  gesceade. 

Laws  310,  II  Cnut,  c.  4:  we  beodab,  baet  man  eard  georne  clcensian  aginne 
on  aeghwylcum  ende. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  24.49:  agynd  beatan  hys  efenbeowas  =  Et  coeperit  percutere 
conservos  suos.  —  L.  14.29:  agynna&  hine  tcelan  =  incipiant  illudere  ei. 

Wulf.  85.1:  he  agin&  leogan  deoflice  swybe. 

Minor  Prose:  Apol.  19.28:  agan  rowan,  ob  baet  he  becom  to  Antiochiam 
—  38m:  navigans  attigit  Antiochiam.  —  Apol.  25.9:  ba  agan  se  cyngc  plegan 
wib  his  geferan  =  43m:  dum  cum  suis  pilse  lusum  exerceret. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  6b,  40  F:  Matheus  on  Judea  agan  his  godspell  to  writen  (sic!).  —  lb. 
8b,  49  F:  Her  Nero  agann  to  rixiende  (sic!  for  to  rixienne).  —  lb.  8b,  116  F:  Her 
Adrianus  se  casere  agann  to  rixienne.  —  lb.  8b,  137  F:  Her  Antoninus  agann 
to  rixienne.  —  lb.  137m,  1006  Eb:  Agan  se  cyng  georne  to  smeagenne  wib  his 
witan. 

beginnan,  begin: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Creed  37:  he  xl  daga  folgeras  sine  runum  arette  y  ba  his  rice  began,  bone 
uplican  ebel  secan. 

Chron.  201 m,  1067  D:  Da  begann  se  cyngc  Malcholom  gyrnan  his  sweostor 
him  to  wife. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  142m:  Da  begann  se  wer  dreorig  wepan. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  216.96:  begunnon  hi  teon  to  .  .  .  galnysse  huse.  —  lb.  230.186: 
Da  began  se  halga  petrus  him  eallum  secgan. 

L.  7.49:  Da  begunnon  ba  be  bar  saeton  betwux  him  cweSan  =  Et  coeperunt 
qui  simul  accumbebant  dicere  intra  se. 

Wulf.  214.24:  baet  gelamp  iu,  bset  an  halig  ancer  .  .  .  began  hine  Sreatigan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  243*,  1110  Eb:  Dises  geares  me  began  aerost  to  weorcenne  on  bam 
niwan  mynstre. 

Bened.  32.1:  begintS  to  healdenne  =  60.1:  incipiet  custodire. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


51 


JElf.  Horn.  I.  22b:  and  begunnon  t5a  to  wyrcenne.  —  lb.  II.  196b  *:  Sa  Saer 
begann  to  brcestligenne  micel  Sunor,  and  liget  sceotan  on  Saes  folces  gesihSe. 

JElf.  L.  S.  36.184:  begann  hi  to  wrcegenne.  —  lb.  530.704:  on  Sam  fyrmestan 
dagan  Se  decius  se  casere  to  rixianne  begann. 

JElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  8.3:  Da  waeteru  .  .  .  begunnon  to  wanigenne  =  coeperunt 
minui.  — Gen.  18.27:  Nu  ic  sene  begann  to  sprecanne  to  minum  drihtne  =  Quia 
semel  coepi ,  loquar  ad  dominum  meum. —  Num.  3.10:  gif  hwa  .  .  .  beginne 
to  cf enienne,  swelte  he  deaSe  =  externus,  qui  ad  ministrandum  acceserit,  morietur. 

—  Judges  10.6:  folc  begunnon  to  geeacnienne  heora  .  .  .  synna  =  Filii  .  .  .  pec- 
catis  veteribus  jungentes  nova. 

fon,  undertake,  begin: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Wulf.  133. 14a- b:  Sonne  feh3  seo  wealaf  sorhful  and  sarigmod  geomrigendum 
mode  synna  bemcenan  and  sarlice  syfian. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Wcerf.  197.6:  Saet  Sa  Se  in  Sone  biscop  fengon  to  healdenne,  Saet  hi  ne  mihton 
adreogan  Sa  mycelnesse  Saes  regnes  =  240  D :  ut  hi  qui  eum  custodiendum 
acceperat,  immensitatem  pluviae  ferre  non  possent  (or  final?). 

JEIJ.  L.  S.  70.345:  fcengon  on  .  .  .  maergen  ealle  to  clypienne  kyrrieleyson. 

—  lb.  XXXIV.  64:  he  f eng  to  rcedene  (sic!). 

JEIJ.  Hept.:  Judges  3.6:  fengon  to  lufienne  heora  fulan  Seawas  =  0. — 
Judges  13.1:  hig  fengon  eft  to  gremienne  Sone  .  .  .  god  =  fecerunt  malum  in 
conspectu  domini. 

Wulf.  105.33:  Sa  haeSenan  .  .  .  fengon  to  wurSienne  aet  nyhstan  mistlice 
entas. 

forlaetan,  abandon,  omit: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

And.  802b:  forlaetan  moldern  wunigean  open  eorSscraefu. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  393.28:  Saet  hie  n e  forlaeten  to  wilnianne  Sara  Se  Godes  sien  =  310.26: 
ut  tamen  appetere,  quae  Dei  sunt,  non  omittant. 

geswican,  stop,  desist  from: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

JEIJ.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  206:  Ic  bidde  Se  Saet  Su  ne  geswice  gebiddan  me  Saet  ic 
mote  findan  etc. 

L.  5.4:  Da  he  sprecan  geswac,  he  cwaeS  to  Simone  =  Ut  cessavit  autem  loqui, 
dixit  ad  Simonem. 

(2)  Inflected: 

jElf.  Horn.  I.  46*:  Ne  geswicd  Ses  man  to  sprecenne  tallice  word  ongean  Sas 
halgan  stowe  and  Godes  ae.  —  lb.  II.  156*:  se  .  .  .  munuc  ne  geswac  na  Se 
hraSor  Sam  oSrum  to  Senigenne  on  gedafenlicum  tidum. 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  497 :  se  feeder  ne  geswac  hine  to  biddenne  mid  wope. 

onginnan  [-y— ],  begin  (occasionally  attempt) : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  101:  oS  Saet  an  ongan  fyrene  fremman.  —  lb.  244:  no  her  cuSlicor 
cuman  ongunnon  lindhaebbende ! 

Gen.  1316:  ongan  ofostlice  Saet  hof  wyrcan.  —  lb.  1355:  stigan  onginned. 

Ex.  584:  ongunnon  saelafe  segnum  dcelan. 

Dan.  49 :  Saet  he  secan  ongan.  —  lb.  599 :  Ongan  Sa  gyddigan. 


52 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


'  Chr.  1383:  OnginneS  Sonne  to  Sam  yflum  ungelice  wordum  mceSlan. 

Ju.  27:  ongon  faemnan  lufian.  —  75.  298:  sacan  ongon. 

El.  157:  fricggan  ongan.  —  lb.  1205:  ongan  Iceran. 

Gu.  261:  Origin  Se  generes  wilnian.  —  lb.  533:  secan  onginnad. 

And.  450:  ongan  clypian.  —  lb.  671:  Huscworde  ongan  Surh  inwitSanc 
ealdorsacerd  herme  hyspan. 

Bede  28.17:  ongunnon  eardigan  Sa  norSdaelas  =  12.10:  habitare  .  .  .  coe- 
perunt.  —  lb.  58.2a>  b:  Sa  ongunnon  heo  forhtigan  y  ondredan  him  Sone  siSfaet 
=*  42.25:  perculsi  timore.  —  lb.  106.19:  taltrigan  ongunne  =  86.29:  uacillare  inci- 
peret.  —  75.  106.25:  Sa  ongon  .  .  .  Sa  staSolas  .  .  .  ecan =  87.6:  augmentare 
.  .  .  curauit.  —  lb.  148.30:  cirican  .  .  .,  Sa  he  timbran  ongon  =  125.22: 
ecclesiam  .  .  quam  ipse  coepit.  —  lb.  154.34:  dagian  ongan  =  129.11: 
incipiente  diluculo.  —  lb.  180. 3a:  ongunnon  .  .  .  seofian  =  146. 17a:  cum  .  .  . 
quererentur.  —  lb.  180.29:  ongon  .  .  .  byrnan  =  147.17:  contigit  culmen  domus 
.  .  .  flammis  impleri. —  lb.  200.12:  Da  ongunnon  .  .  .  oncras  upp  teon 
=*  158.13:  temtabant  .  .  .  nauem  retinere.  —  75.352.21:  ongan  hatlice  y  biter- 
lice  wepan  =  264.18:  solutus  est  in  lacrimas.  —  75.  438.4:  ongon  cSrowian 
«  311.17:  acri  coepit  dolore  torqueri. 

Boeth.  3.6:  hine  ongan  frefrian  =  0.  —  75.  34.11:  Sa  eorSan  ongan  delfan 
aefter  golde  =  40.30:  primus  .  .  .  fodit.  —  75.91.2:  hit  wanian ongind  =  78.39: 
cum  uero  unum  esse  desinit.  —  75.  127.2:  Da  ongon  he  smearcian  y  cwaeS 
=»  107.5:  arridens. 

Greg.  25.20:  Seah  Sa  woroldlecan  lsecas  scomaS  Saet  hi  ong[i]nnen  Sa  wunda 
lacnian  =  6.9:  videri  medici  carnis  erubescunt.  —  75.  213.8:  Sa  ongon  he  seresS 
herigean  etc.  =  160.2:  laudat. 

Oros.  58.32a*  b:  ongan  Sa  singan  y  giddian=*  5 9.1:  carmine  .  .  .  recitato.  —  75. 
60.18:  ongon  ricsian=  61.19:  regnare  coepit.  —  75.  182.7:  Sa  ongunnon  Sardinie, 
swa  hie  Pene  gelserdon,  winnan  wiS  Romanum=  183.6:  Sardinia  .  .  .  rebellavit. 

Solil.  10.6:  hy  eft  onginnaS  searian  =  0. 

Pr.  Ps.  3.4:  Da  ongan  ic  slapan  and  slep,  and  eft  aras  =  3.6:  Ego  dormivi 
et  somnum  cepi,  exsurrexi.  —  75.  31.3:  min  ban  and  min  maegn  forealdode;  Sa 
ongan  ic  clypian  ealne  dseg  =*  inveteraverunt  ossa  mea,  a  clamando  me  tot  a  die. 

Chron.  20m,  597  A:  Her  ongon  Ceolwulf  ricsian. 

Laws  306,  I  Cnut,  c.  28,  §  1 :  gyf  Saer  hwylc  SeodsceaSa  scea&ian  onginneS. 

Wcerf.  11.14:  hine  ongunnon  Sa  his  magas  bysmrian  =  153  C2:  cceperunt 
eum  parentes  ejus  irridere.  —  75.  64.34,  65.1:  he  ongan  .  .  .  andswarian  .  .  . 
7  cwedan  =  196  A1* 2:  coepit  .  .  .  respondere ,  dicens.  —  75.  73.21:  Sa  ongunnon 
hi  helpan  hire  lichaman  =■  201  B1:  cujus  carni  magicis  artibus  ad  tempus  pro - 
desse  conarentur.  —  75.  145. 17a*  b:  he  ongan  .  .  .  earfoSnyssa  gebetan  ...  7 
.  .  .  hi  hyrtan  =  B.  172  C2-3:  studuit  .  .  .  corrigere  et  .  .  .  sublevare.  —  75. 
207.3:  Sa  ongan  he  beon  sarig  =  252  C3:  affligi  coepit.  —  75.  266.28:  se  man 
onginne&  .  .  .  neowiinga  lifigean  =  325  B :  hie  vero  tunc  vivere  inchoat.  —  75. 
317.2:  se  gewunode,  Sset  he  me  ongan  seegan  =  381  C1:  mihi  narrare  consue - 
verat.  —  75.  321.27:  se  gewunode,  Saet  he  ongan  sceos  wyrean  =  388  B2:  qui 
calceamenta  solebat  operari. 

Pr.  Gu.  II.  105:  Saet  he  Sa  ongan  wilnian  westenes  and  sundersetle  =  petere 
meditabatur.  —  75.  III.  17:  ealand  .  .  .  Saet  .  .  .  eardian  ongunnon  =  insulam 
.  .  .,  quam  multi  inhabitare  tentantes.  —  75.  IV.  34:  Sona  Saes  Se  he  westen 
eardigan  ongan  »  Sub  eodem  .  .  .  tempore  ...  eremitare  initiavit . 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


53 


Bl.  Horn.  55.10a<  b:  ongan  smeagan  &  ftencan. —  lb.  105.6:  Singian  ongan. 

—  Ib.  151.1:  hie  (5a  ongunnon  mid  sweordum  &  mid  strengbum  byder  gan. 
Mlf.  Horn.  I.  62b:  he  ongann  Godes  geleafan  openlice  bodian.  —  Ib.  I. 

380m:  ongann  fleogan.  —  lb.  II.  138b:  he  his  geferan  befrinan  ongann. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  32.118:  ba  gebrobra  sona  ceosan  ongunnen  eugenia  to  abbude. — 
lb.  124.118:  ba  ongunnon  heora  magas  mycclum  behreowsian.  —  Ib.  426.199: 
absalon  .  .  .  ongan  winnan  wib  bone  faeder. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  4.26:  Enos  ongan  aerest  onclypian  drihtnes  naman 
=  coepit  invocare  nomen  domini. 

Mat.  4.2:  ba  ongan  hyne  sybban  hingrian  =  postea  esuriit.  —  Ib.  11.7a: 
ba  ongan  se  Haelynd  secgan  be  Iohanne  =  Coepit  Jesus  dicere. 

Wulf.  44.26,  27:  ongan  ba  singan  and  bus  secgan.  —  Ib.  191.9:  gif  bar 
hwilc  beodscaba  sca&ian  onginneG. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Boeth.  127.23 :  ic  sceal  beah  hwaethwugu  his  onginnan  be  to  tcecanne  =  108.16: 
aliquid  deliberare  conabimur  (or  final?). 

Greg.  423.8:  for  baem  lytlan  gode  be  hi  gebenceab,  &  no  ne  anginnatS  to 
wyrceanne  =  344.29:  ut  et  illi  dum  de  bono  aliquid  agunt,  quod  tamen  non 
perficiunt. 

Pr.  Ps.  48.7 :  gif  he  sylf  na  ne  onginS  to  tilianne  baet  he  baet  weorb  agife  to 
alysnesse  his  sawle  =  48.8:  Non  dabit  Deo  propitiationem  suam,  et  pretium 
redemptionis  animae  suae. 

Chron.  30*,  656  Ea:  se  abbot  .  .  .  ongan  to  wircene.  —  Ib.  147*,  1016  Ea: 
Da  ongan  se  aebeling  Eadmund  to  gadrienne  fyrde. 

Bened.  62.5:  onginne  to  rcedenne  =  116.9:  audeat  legere. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  50ra:  hine  ongunnon  aerest  to  torfienne.  —  Ib.  I.  140m:  bonne 
onginS  he  to  murcnienne.  —  Ib.  I.  150*:  swa  hrabe  swa  he  ongann  man  to  beonne. 

—  Ib.  I.  314*:  ongunnon  to  sprecenne  mid  mislicum  gereordum.  —  Ib.  I.  448b: 
Iulianus  ba  ongann  to  lufigenne  haebengyld.  —  Ib.  II.  78b:  Witodlice  .  .  . 
ongann  se  hiredes  ealdor  to  agyldenne  bone  pening.  —  Ib.  II.  128b:  Ongann  ba 
Augustinus  mid  his  munecum  to  geefenlcecenne  baera  apostola  lif.  —  Ib.  II.  160*: 
Ongunnon  ba  ba  aebelborenan  on  Rome-byrig  him  to  befcestenne  heora  cild  to 
Godes  lareowdome.  —  Ib.  II.  178b4:  Ongann  to  flowenne  mid  ele.  —  Ib.  II. 
486b  2 :  Da  ongunnon  ba  apostoli  hi  to  Icerenne,  and  to  secgenne  hu  etc.  —  lb. 
II.  488bs:  hi  baerrihte  ongunnon  to  ceowenne  heora  lichaman.  —  Ib.  II.  488b7: 
Da  ongunnon  ealle  ba  naeddran  to  ceowenne  heora  flaesc  and  heora  blod  sucan. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  228.154:  Ongan  ba  to  secgenne  bone  soban  geleafan.  —  Ib.  328.112: 
cwaeb  .  .  .  baet  .  .  .  menn  ongunnon  godspel  to  writenne.  —  Ib.  538.820: 
nebwlite  ongann  to  scinenne  swilce  seo  .  .  .  sunne.  —  Ib.  XXVI.  45:  ongann 
embe  godes  willan  to  smeagenne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Jos.  3.7 :  ic  onginne  be  to  nicer sigenne  =  incipiam  exaltare  te.  —  Jos. 
3.16:  swa  aetstod  se  stream  and  ongan  to  Sindenne  ongean  =  steterunt  aquae  de - 
scendentes.  —  Judg.  13.5:  he  ongintS  to  alysenne  his  folc  =  incipiet  liberare  Israel. 
^Elfric’s  Minor  Prose:  Mlf.  Gr.  212.3:  ic  onginne  to  wearmigenne  =  calesco. 

—  Ib.  212.4:  ic  onginne  to  anSracigenne  =  horresco.  —  Ib.  212.7:  ic  onginne  to 
blacigenne  =  pallesco. —  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  102.31b:  ba  ongunnon  hi  to 
ceorigenne  ongean  bam  hiredes  ealdre.  —  Ib.  102.37b2:  ongan  to  forktienne. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  12.143:  Sume  men  onginnad  god  to  donne.  —  Ib. 
12.146:  sume  men  onginna<5  yfel  to  donne. 


54 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Wulf.  195.1:  Sonne  onginS  he  hy  to  pinsianne  on  mistlicre  wisan.  —  76. 
199.8:  Sonne  onginS  he  to  winnanne  togenes  Sam  twam  godes  Segnum.  —  lb. 
200.1:  he  onginS  deoflice  to  wedanne. 

Nic.  416.25:  ongan  Sa  cnyhtas  to  axienne  etc. 

6.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 

forhogian,  despise,  neglect: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  464.10:  hine  forhogde  onfon  =  329.29:  eum  suscipere  contemsit . 

Wcerf.  34.6:  Saet  he  forhogode  togenes  gretan  =■  172  A:  resalutare  despiceret. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chr.  1288:  hu  hi  fore  goddaedum  glade  blissiaS,  Sa  hy,  unsaelge,  aer  for - 
hogdun  to  donne,  Sonne  him  dagas  laestun. 

Wcerf.  180.18:  he  .  .  .  forhogode  hit  to  gehyrenne  =  217  B2:  sed  etiam  audire 
despiceret. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  376b3:  Sume  sind  gelaSode,  and  forhogiaft  to  cumenne. 
forhycgan,  despise,  neglect: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  76.30a:  Ssette  wiif  forhycgaS  heora  beam  fedan  =  55.9:  nutrire  con - 
temnant.  —  76.  76.33:  heo  forhycga&  fedan  Sa  Se  heo  cennaS  =  55.12:  despiciunt 
lactare. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bl.  Horn.  41.36:  Sa  Se  .  .  .  forhycgaS  Sa  Godes  dreamas  to  geherenne. 

geeamian,  deserve,  earn: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  350.23:  Su  geearnie  hine  Se  mildne  metan  =«  263.20:  propitium  eum 
inuenire  merearis.  —  76.  470.9:  Sset  he  geearnode  swylce  gife  onfon  *  345.29: 
quod  tale  munusculum  .  .  .  mereretur  acdpere. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  446b2:  forSan  Se  hi  geearnodon  Sset  beon  Sset  hi  heriaS. — 
76.  II.  598m:  Sset  we  geearnion,  on  naman  Sines  leofan  Suna,  genihtsumian 
on  godum  weorcum.  —  76.  II.  600b:  Sset  we  geearnion  beon  wurSful  wunung 
etc. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXX.  431:  Sset  we  .  .  .  moston  .  .  .  geeamian  to  onfone  Sone 
gemanan  Sara  haligra. 

gemed(e)mian  [gi-],  deign,  vouchsafe: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Laws  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  3,  §  2a:  we  biddaS,  gisende  Su  gimeodumia 
Gast  Sin  halig  =  quesumus,  mittere  digneris  Spiritum  tuum  sanctum.  —  76., 
§4:  ah  Su  soS  7  halig  dom  bifora  allum  on  Sassum  uel  in  Sissum  cedeawa  Su 
g[i\meodum  =  sed  tu  uerum  et  sanctum  iudicium  coram  omnibus  in  hoc  mani- 
festare  digneris.  [See  Note  2  at  the  end  of  this  chapter.] 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  50* 2:  Done  deaS  soSlice  Se  se  Hselend  gemedemode  for  mannum 
Srowian. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  713:  ic  bidde  .  .  .  Sset  Su  lytles  hwsebhwegu  gemede- 
mige  underfon  me  Sses  Se  ic  hider  brohte.  —  76.  XXIII  B.  738:  goldhord,  Se  Su 
me  sylfum  ser  gemedemodest  ceteowan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mlf.  Mthelw.  51:  Su  Se  gemedemedest  met  (sic!  for  me?)  to  gehealdene  on 
Sissere  nihte  =  qui  me  dignatus  es  in  hac  nocte  custodire.  [With  this  compare 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


55 


the  following  passages,  in  which  the  infinitive  is  probably  consecutive  after 
gemedemian,  used  reflexively  in  the  sense  of  ‘humble  one’s  self’: — Greg.  301. 
13 :  ure  Aliesend  .  .  .  hine  gemedomode  to  bionne  betwiux  baem  laesbum  j  baem 
gingestum  monnum  =  228.5 :  Redemtor  .  .  .  fieri  inter  omnia  dignatus  est  par¬ 
vus; —  /Elf.  Horn.  II.  464*:  burh  baet  se  .  .  .  Godes  Sunu  hine  sylfne  gemede - 
mode  baet  gecynd  to  under fonne;  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  210:  biddan  we  god  baet 
he  hine  gemedemige  to  cetywenne  hwaet  sy  gedon  be  his  dehter.  Compare,  too, 
/Elf.  Horn.  I.  32*,  in  which  gemedemian  ( hine ),  ‘humble  one’s  self,’  is  followed 
by  a  consecutive  clause  introduced  by  <5cet.\ 

gebristlaecan  [-y-],  presume,  undertake: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Laws  46,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  9«:  Forbam  ic  ne  dorste  ge&ristloecan  bara 
minra  awuht  fela  on  gewrit  settan. 

Woerf.  207.24:  by  laes  se  halga  wer  .  .  .  ge&ristlcehte  ofer  baet  aenigne  man 
wyrgan  =  253  A1:  ne  vir  .  .  .  intorquere  ultra  proesumeret  jaculum  maledic- 
tionis. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  277:  naht  geSrystloehte  specan .  —  lb.  XXIII  B,  645: 
[ne]  gedrystlcecende  aht  secgan.  —  lb.  XXIII  B.  745:  ne  ge&rystlcehte  he  .  .  . 
nan  ober  baes  lichaman  o&hrinan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Laws  414,  Judicium  Dei  VII,  c.  13  A1* 2:  ic  halsige  be  (eow)  .  .  .  baet  bu  (ge) 
na  geSristloece  (- loecon )  natestohwi  to  bisum  husle  to  ganne  ne  furbon  to  bisum 
weofude  to  genealcecenne. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  721:  he  ne  ge&rystlcehte  aeniga  binga  heo  to  lettenne. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  11.122:  naefre  nan  man  ne  ge&ristlcece  aenigne 
deofles  bigencg  to  donne. 

Wulf.  34.14,  15:  ac  se  .  .  .  man  .  .  .,  se  be  ge&ristlcecS  to  moessianne 
obbon  husl  to  Sicganne. 

gewilnian,  desire: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Woerf.  208.14:  se  gewilnode  feran  to  him  =  253  C2:  pergere  studuit. 

/Elf.  Horn.  I.  608*:  Drihten  ...  us  gewilnaS  gearwe  gemetan.  —  lb.  II. 
588* 2 :  swa  eac  nu  of  eallum  beodum  gewilniatS  men  to  geseonne  bone  .  .  . 
Crist  burh  geleafan,  and  bone  .  .  .  wisdom  gehyran  (sic!). 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  187 :  he  gewilnode  hine  geSeodan  bam  be  baer  fleah. 

Mat.  13.17b:  managa  .  .  .  gewilnudon  ba  bing  to  geseonne  be  ge  geseab 
(sic!),  and  hig  ne  gesawon;  and  gehyran  ba  bing  etc.  =  multi  .  .  .  cupierunt 
videre  quae  videtis  .  .  . ;  et  audire  quae  auditis. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  219m,  1086  Eb:  Gif  hwa  gewilnige cf  to  gewitane  hu  gedon  mann  he 
waes. 

Laws  45,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  3b:  ba  gewilniad  hira  sawla  (to)  syllanne  for 
Dryhtnes  noman. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  550*:  forban  be  hi  gewilniad  fela  to  hoebbenne.  —  lb.  I.  552*: 
gewilniad  God  to  geseonne.  —  lb.  II.  588*:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  196.22:  gewilnode  to  Srowigenne  for  cristes  naman.  —  lb.  XXIII 
B.  358:  ic  gewilnode  mid  him  to  far enne. 

Mat.  13.17a:  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above. 

Minor  Prose:  Apol.  18.17:  he  .  .  .  baet  gefremede  man.  gewilnode  to  bedig- 
lianne  =  37b :  perpetratoque  scelere  .  .  .  impietatem  .  .  .  cupit  celare. 


56 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


gewuniaxi,  use,  be  wont: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  62.4:  in  baere  cirican  seo  cwen  gewunade  hire  gebiddan  =  47.13:  orare 
consuerat.  —  lb.  172.16:  monige gewunedon  .  .  .  secan  .  .  .  mynster  =  142.19: 
monasteria  adire  solebant. 

Laws  38,  iEIfred,  Intr.,  c.  30:  Da  faemnan  be  gewuniaS  onfon  gealdorcrsefti- 
gan  .  .  .  ne  laet  bu  ba  libban. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  164a-  b,  165:  he  gewunode  .  .  .  bone  ryne  his  sibfaetes 
gefcestnian  and  standende  singan  and  mid  gebigedum  cneowum  gebiddan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  273.17:  baet  baet  hit  aer  gewunode  to  fleonne  hit  gemet  =  206.14:  cor 
quod  fugere  consuevit  invenitur. 

Oros.  34.5:  Da  saede  .  .  .  baet  he  gewunode  monige  wundor  to  wyrcenne 
=  35.3:  Nam  et  prodigiorum  sagacissimus  erat. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  368:  Ic  .  .  .  ba  swingle  me  fram  awearp,  be  ic  seldon 
gewunode  on  handa  to  hcebbenne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Num.  22.4:  swa  swa  oxa  gewunad  to  awestenne  gaers  =  quomodo 
solet  bos  herbas  .  .  .  carpere. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  12.45:  gewuniacf  of  to  drincanne. 

gieman  [-e-,  -y-],  care: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  364.1 :  degolnesse  witan  ne  gymde  =0.  —  lb.  412.26:  he  ba  his  geferum 
.  .  .  brytian  gemde  =  298.25:  prodesse  curabat.  —  lb.  442.2,  3:  Daer  he  .  .  .  ba 
gedwolan  .  .  .  gereccan  gemde  7  ..  .  from  .  .  .  eagum  ahwerfan  =  313.19, 
20:  Qui  si  .  .  .  errores  .  .  .  corrigere  .  .  .  ac  .  .  .  a  .  .  .  oculis  abscondere 
curasset. 

(2)  Inflected : 

Beow.  2452 :  obres  ne  gyme<5  to  gebidanne  burgum  in  innan  yrfeweardes. 

Bede  208.16:  ma  gemde  for  bam  ecan  rice  to  compienne  =  162.28:  militare 
curaret.  —  lb.  362.10:  folc  ...  to  lufan  .  .  .  gemde  to  gehwyrfenne  =  269.16: 
uulgus  .  .  .  ad  .  .  .  conuertere  curabat  amorem. 

ondraedan,  fear: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  72.9b:  ba  be  him  ne  ondrcedaS  weotonde  syngian  =  52.2:  qui  non 
metuunt  sciendo  peccare.  —  lb.  326.15:  ba  ondred  he  ondettan  =  250.8:  timuit 
se  militem  fuisse  confiteri. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  552:  ba  ic  me  ondrcede  eft  genydan  to  bam  geligre. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg.  49.18:  Daet  ilce  baet  he  untaelwyrblice  ondred  to  underfonne  =  26.23:  hoc 
.  .  .  expavit. 

Solil.  43.3:  ba  bing  ic  ondrede  acac  to  forleosenne  swibor  =  caetera  .  .  . 
deesse  timeo. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  104b:  ne  ondrcet  (sic!)  bu  be  to  dcdenne. 

Mat.  1.20:  neile  bu  ondraedan  Marian  bine  gemaeccean  to  onfonne  =  noli 
timere  accipere  Mariam.  —  lb.  2.22:  he  ondred  bj^der  to  faranne  =  timuit  illo 
ire. 

Wulf.  248.14:  bisses  ic  me  ondrcede  swybe  to  gebidanne.  —  lb.  286.27:  ne 
ondrcet  (sic!)  bu  be  to  dcelenne. 

Nic.  500.15:  hwaet  ondrcetst  bu  be  bone  haelend  to  onfonne ? 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


57 


secan,  seek: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Wald.  A.  18:  5u  .  .  .  feohtan  sohtest  msel  ofer  mearce.  —  lb.  20:  5y  ic  5e 
metod  ondred,  5aet  5u  to  fyrenlice  feohtan  sohtest. 

Bl.  Horn.  167.2:  he  .  .  .  feSan  sohte. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  12.46:  5a  stod  hys  modor  and  his  gebro5ra  5aer  ute,  secende 
spcecon  (sic!)  to  him  =  qucerentes  loqui  ei.  —  L.  20.19:  Da  sohton  5ara  sacerda 
ealdras  and  5a  boceras  hyra  handa  on  5sere  tide  on  hine  wurpan  =  quoerebant 
.  .  .  mittere  in  ilium  manus. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Pr.  Ps.  34.4 :  5a  5e  seca&  mine  sawle  to  fordonne  =  qucerentes  animam  meam. 
—  76.  36.32 :  seed  hine  to  fordonne  =  queerit  mortificare  eum. 

AElf.  Hept.:  Ex.  2.15:  Da  Pharao  .  .  .  sohte  Moises  to  of sleanne  =  queerebat 
oeddere  Moysen. 

L.  6.19:  eal  seo  menigeo  sohte  hine  to  cethrinenne  =  queerebat  eum  tangere . 

tilian  [teol-],  attempt ,  strive  for: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Met.  10.22:  hwy  ge  ymb  5aet  unnet  ealnig  swincen,  5aet  ge  5one  hlisan 
habban  tiliad  ofer  5ioda  ma,  5onne  eow  5earf  sie?  —  lb.  11.79:  5e  we  mid  5sem 
bridle  becnan  tilia&. 

Bede  230.26:  Da  teolode  se  .  .  .  wer  .  .  .  stowe  .  .  .  clcensigan  =  175.23: 
Studens  .  .  .  locum  .  .  .  purgare. 

Greg.  233.22:  5aet  he  tiolode  menn  forlceran  5set  hie  wurden  eac  forlorene  - 
176.20:  damnationem  suam  perditus  adhuc  alios  perdendo  cumulavit. 

Pr.  Ps.  25.5:  ic  nsefre  ne  teolade  sittan  on  anum  willan  mid  5am  arleasum  =* 
cum  impiis  non  sedebo. 

Bl.  Horn.  165.31a>  b:  hine  ser  monnum  gecySan  &  geseegan  teolode ,  ser5on  5e 
he  sylfa  lifde  &  mennisc  leoht  gesawe. 

jElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  403a:  teolode  toforan  5am  temple  becuman. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  210.32:  eall  ...  he  bighygdelice  teolode  to  healdanne  =  164.23: 
cuncta  .  .  .  sollicitus  agere  curabat.  —  76.  372.12:  5u  wast  5set  ic  .  .  .  teolode 
to  lifigenne  to  .  .  .  bebode  =  275.2:  ad  .  .  .  imperium  .  .  .  uiuere  studui. 

Boeth.  43.15:  hu  nearo  se  .  .  .  hlisa  bion  wile  5e  ge  5ser  ymb  swincatS  7 
unrihtlice  tiolia&  to  gebreedanne ?  =  45.33:  gloria  quam  dilatare  ac  propagare 
laboratis  f 

Greg.  61.18:  He  sceal  tilian  sua  to  libbanne  swa  etc.  =  36.20:  Qui  sic  studet 
vivere ,  ut  etc.  =  76.  463.5:  him  self  ne  afealle,  5ser  5ser  he  o5re  tiolaS  to  mranne 
=  398.11:  ne  alios  erigens  cadat. 

Pr.  Ps.  25.3:  ic  symle  tilode  mid  rihtwisnesse  5e  and  him  to  licianne 
-  complacui  in  veritate  tua. 

Bl.  Horn.  219.18:  teolode  to  arisenne. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII B.  686:  teoligende  his  cneowu  to  bigenne  hire  ongean- 
weardes. 

wil(l)nian,  desire ,  be  desirous  of: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Met.  29.3:  Gif  5u  nu  wilnige  weorulddrihtnes  heane  anwald  hlutre  mode 
ongitan  giorne. 

Bede  182.17:  heo  wilnade  gehealdan  .  .  .  ban  =  148.9:  desiderabat  .  .  . 


58 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


ossa  recondere.  —  76.  218.6:  5a  wilnade  he  hine  seolfne  from  eallum  bigongum 
5isse  worulde  frem5ne  gedon  =  167.31:  cupiens  se  .  .  .  alienare.  —  lb.  418.28: 
he  willnade  from  him  onfon  .  .  .  reliquias  =  301.26:  reliquias  .  .  .  se  sperans 
accipere. 

Boeth.  14.19:  gif  5u  wilnige  on  rihtum  geleafan  5aet  so5e  leoht  oncnawan 
=  23.22:  si  uis  lumine  claro  cernere  uerum.  —  lb.  52.19:  hi  wilniad  ealle  5urh 
mistlice  pa5as  cuman  to  anum  ende  =  52.5:  nititur  peruenire. 

Greg.  17.19:  5a  5e  5an  [ne]  git  will[ni]ad  o5erra  monna  gereafian  =  246.11: 
qui  rapiunt  aliena.  —  lb.  43.1:  5ara  goda  5e  hie  wilniad  synderlice  habban 
=  20.25:  quae  privata  habere  appetunt,  bonis  privant. 

Solil.  13.1:  ic  wilnege  cuman  to  5e  =  ad  te  ambio. 

Pr.  Ps.  13.9:  5a  5e  wilniad  f retan  min  folc  =  13.4:  qui  devorant  populum 
meum. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  432b1-2:  We  wilniad  mid  urum  hlaforde  clsenlice  sweltan , 
swi5or  5onne  unclaenlice  mid  eow  lybban. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  142:  ic  .  .  .  wilnode  to  munuclicum  life  gecyrran. 

L.  23.8:  mycelre  tide  he  wilnode  hine  geseon  =  Erat  enim  cupiens  ex  multo 
tempore  videre  eum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Met.  19.44:  Hi  wilniad  welan  7  sehta  7  weor5scipes  to  gewinnanne. 

Bede  68.13:  wilniad  him  to  aerfeweardum  to  habbenne  =  50.12:  habere 
heredes  quaerunt. 

Boeth.  42.12:  ge  wilniad  eowerne  hlisan  ungemetlice  to  brcedanne?  =  44.20: 
de  peruulganda  fama  .  .  .  cogitatis  f — lb.  55.23:  wilniad  to  begitanne  =  53.52: 
qui  nihilo  indigere  nituntur.  —  lb.  56.4:  wilnad  to  begitanne  =  53.58b:  adipisci 
.  .  .  laborat.  —  lb.  56.19:  wilnad  to  begitanne  =  54.67 :  quod  habere  fruique 
delectet.  —  lb.  56.20:  wilniad  to  begitanne  -  54.68:  adipisci  .  .  .  uolunt. 

Greg.  25.9:  wilniad  5eah  lareowas  to  beonne  =  4.8:  docere  concupiscunt. — 
lb.  145.12:  Se  5onne  5e  wilnad  woh  to  donne  =  104.17:  Qui  ergo  et  prava 
studet  agere.  —  Ib.  203.8b:  5set  hie  wielnien  to  wietanne  5aet  etc.  =  152.6:  ut 
appelant  scire.  —  lb.  399.3:  5eah  ne  bio5  na  gemengde  buton  5onne  hi  wilniad 
beam  to  gestrienanne  =  316.20:  sed  tamen  extra  suscipiendce  prolis  admixtionem 
debitam,  nulla  carnis  voluptate  solvuntur. 

Oros.  54.16:  wilnade  sum  se5eling  to  ricsianne  in  Argentine  =  55.16:  arrepta 
tyrannide. 

Solil.  32.20:  Wilnast  5u  maran  to  witanne  5onne  be  Gode  and  be  5e  silfum? 
=  Amasne  aliquid  praeter  tui  Deique  scientiam?  —  76.  37.1:  simle  swa  ic  ma 
wilnige  5set  leoht  to  geseonne  =  nam  quanto  augetur  spes  videndae  illius  .  .  . 
pulchritudinis.  —  76.  56.5:  Hwses  wilnast  5u  ma  to  witanne  ?  =  quid  scire  prius 
mavis  ? 

Pr.  Ps.  41.  Intr.:  5a  he  wilnode  to  hys  e51e  to  cumanne  of  his  wraecsi5e  =  0. 

jElf.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  253:  ic  wilnode  5e  geseonne  (sic,  without  to). 

Mat.  20.28a:  Ge  wilniad  to  gedeonne  on  gehwaedum  5inge  =  0. 


The  following  is  a  complete  alphabetic  list  of  the  verbs  having  both  the 
uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object:  — 


ablinnan,  cease,  cease  from. 
aginnan,  begin. 
aliefan,  allow. 


bebeodan,  command. 
beginnan,  begin. 
beodan,  command. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


59 


bewerian,  prohibit,  forbid. 
biddan,  request,  demand. 
findan,  find. 
fon,  undertake,  begin. 
forbeodan,  forbid. 
forhogian,  despise,  neglect. 
forhycgan,  despise,  neglect. 
forlaetan,  omit. 
ge-earnian,  deserve,  earn. 
gehatan,  order,  promise. 
geleomian,  learn. 
gemed(e)mian,  deign,  vouchsafe. 
gemyntan,  intend,  determine. 
gestihhian,  determine,  decide. 
geswican,  stop,  desist  from. 


geCafian,  allow. 

getSristlaecan  [-y-],  presume,  undertake. 
gewil(l)nian,  desire. 
gewunian,  use,  be  wont. 
gieman,  care. 

leornian,  learn. 

'  •» 

myntan,  think,  intend. 
ondraedan,  fear. 

onginnan,  begin  (occasionally  attempt). 

secan,  seek. 

sellan,  grant,  allow. 

tilian  [teolian],  attempt,  strive  for. 

Sencan,  think,  attempt  (?). 

wenan,  hope,  expect. 

wil(l)nian,  desire. 


2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

At  times  the  Modern  English  John  told  me  the  story  is,  in  the  passive,  ren¬ 
dered,  unhappily  I  think,  by  I  was  told  the  story  by  John,  in  which  latter  the 
direct  object,  story,  of  the  active  is  illogically  retained  in  the  passive.  This 
objective  in  the  passive  construction  is  by  not  a  few  grammarians  called  “  the 
retained  objective/’ — an  awkward  name,  but,  despite  his  objurgatory  remarks 
thereon,  not  inferior,  I  think,  to  that  proposed  by  Professor  C.  Alphonso  Smith,1 
“  the  objective  by  position.”  Similarly,  at  times,  an  active  infinitive  is  found 
as  the  retained  object  of  a  few  passive  verbs  which,  when  active,  take  a  dative 
and  an  accusative  as  objects  or  an  accusative  and  an  infinitive  as  an  objective 
phrase.  This  construction  with  the  infinitive  after  passive  verbs  is  by  many, 
especially  in  Germany,  called,  not  “  the  retained  objective,”  but  “  the  nomi¬ 
native  with  the  infinitive.”  Both  terms  seem  to  me  infelicitous,  but,  as  I  am 
unable  to  suggest  a  good  substitute,  I  adopt  the  former  as  the  less  objection¬ 
able  of  the  two.  See,  further,  Einenkel,1 1.  c .,  p.  257,  who  discusses  this  idiom 
in  Middle  English,  and  Erckmann,  l.  c.,  pp.  10-11,  who  discusses  it  in  Modern 
English. 

I.  This  objective  infinitive  is  uninflected  only  with  the  passive  of  the  fol¬ 
lowing  verbs:  — 

aliefan,  allow.  (ge)seon,  see. 

(ge)fremman,  make.  hatan,  command. 

The  examples  in  full  are :  — 

aliefan  [— y-],  allow: 

Ex.  44:  Wceron  hleahtorsmibum  handa  belocene,  alyfed  labsib  leode  gretan. 

(ge)fremman,  make: 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  38:  Wei  oft  eac  swilce  baes  be  hi  rehton  baet  he  weere 
gefremed  wyrbe  beon  baere  godcundan  onlihtnysse  burh  aeteowednyss  fram  gode 
baere  gastlican  gesihbe  (or  consecutive?). 

(ge)seon,  see: 

Bede  68.14,  15a:  heora  weoruldgod,  (5a  heo  agan,  him  healdab  ba  be  heo 
geare  gesegene  beotf  eahtan  j  witnian  —  50.13:  quae  possident,  ipsis  seruant, 
quos  irati  insequi  uidentur.  —  lb.  142.5:  baet  he  wees  gesewen  Criste  Seowian 


1  See  his  interesting  discussion  of  this  idiom  in  his  Studies  in  English  Syntax,  pp.  66-71. 


60 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


7  eac  deofolgeldum  =  116.7:  Christo  seruire  uideretur  et  diis.  —  lb.  338.3: 
Sa  woes  heo  gesegen  mid  .  .  .  beorhtnesse  leohtes  scinan  =  256.6:  refulgere 
uidebatur. 

Chron.  235m,  1100  Ea:  to  bam  Pentecosten  wees  gesewen  ...  set  anan  tune 
blod  weallan  of  eorban.  (Cf.  Oros.  162.6:  mon  geseah  weallan  blod  of  eorban 
=  163.5:  sanguis  e  terra  .  .  .  visum  est  manare  de  coelo.) 

Laws  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  3,  §  2b:  gisende  bu  gimeodumia  Gast  bin 
halig  .  .  .  ofer  bas  gescaeft  waetres,  bio  from  fyre  giwalla  bid  gesene  =  aque, 
que  ab  igne  feruescere  uidetur. 

Woerf.  203.21,  22:  an  bing  waes,  baet  gesewen  wees  on  him  taelwyrbe  beon,  baet 
full  oft  swa  mycclu  blis  in  him  waes  gescegenu  beon,  baet  he  etc.  =  248  C1, 2:  unum 
erat  quod  in  eo  reprehensibile  esse  videatur,  quod  nonnunquam  tanta  ei  lsetitia 
inerat,  ut  illis  tot  virtutibus  nisi  sciretur  esse  plenus,  nullo  modo  crederetur. 

hatan,  command: 

Bede  278.18:  Gif  .  .  .  haten  ham  hweorfan,  ne  wille  =  216.16:  noluerit 
inuitatus  redire. 

II.  The  objective  infinitive  is  inflected  only  with  the  passive  of  these 

verbs: —  *>h 

deman,  condemn.  (ge)myngian,  remind . 

forbeodan,  forbid. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 

deman,  condemn: 

Wcerf.  254.13:  baet  se  Sanctulus  .  .  .  wees  gedemed  to  acwellanne  =  309  D: 
Cognito  itaque  quod  Sanctulus  qui  inter  eos  pro  sanctitatis  reverentia  magni 
honoris  habebatur  occidendus  esset. 

forbeodan,  forbid: 

JElf.  Hept.:  Lev.  11.8:  Hara  and  swyn  synd  f orb  odene  to  cethrinenne  =  Le- 
pus  quoque  et  sus,  horum  carnibus  non  vescemini  nec  cadavera  contingetis. 

(ge)myngian,  remind: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  3.3:  we  synd  gemyngode  .  .  .  eow  nu  to  seegenne  sum 
bing. 

III.  The  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are  each  found  as 
the  object  with  the  passive  of  forlaetan,  permit.  Only  one  example  of  each 
infinitive  has  been  found :  —  uninflected :  Bede  424.3 :  earn  eft  forlceten  mid 
monnum  liifgan  =  304.12:  apud  homines  sum  iterum  uiuere  permissus;  — 
inflected:  Bede  412.29:  Da  baet  se  .  .  .  wer  .  .  .  geseah,  baet  he  ne  wees  for- 
leeten,  beodum  godcunde  lare  to  bodienne  =  298.30:  Ut  .  .  .  uidit  uir  .  .  ., 
quia  nec  ipse  ad  praedicandum  gentibus  uenire  permittebatur. 

For  the  infinitive  active  (uninflected  and  inflected)  after  a  few  verbs  passive 
in  form  but  active  in  sense,  see  Note  2  to  this  chapter. 

pH  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

It  is  by  no  means  easy  to  discover  what  differentiates  the  use  of  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  from  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object  in  the  groups  (I  and  II) 
in  which  only  one  form  of  the  infinitive  is  used;  this  differentiation  is  still 
less  easy  in  the  group  (III)  in  which  the  same  verb  has  as  its  object  either  the 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


61 


uninflected  infinitive  or  the  inflected  infinitive.  And  yet  a  few  general  prin¬ 
ciples  seem  to  emerge  from  an  examination  of  the  groups,  principles  helpful 
to  a  solution  of  the  problem  despite  the  difficulty  of  precise  formulation  and 
despite  a  number  of  apparent,  if  not  real,  exceptions  thereto. 

To  begin  with  group  I,  verbs  having  as  object  only  the  Uninflected  Infini¬ 
tive,  it  is  to  be  observed:  — 

1.  The  objective  infinitive  in  most  instances  appears  to  the  modern  Eng¬ 
lishman  as  a  direct  (accusative)  object,  and  doubtless  so  appeared  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon,  for  it  occurs  usually  with  verbs  having  the  direct  object  in  the 
accusative,  as  may  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  the  list  given  on  page  36.  Of 
this  list,  the  verbs  most  frequently  so  used  are  the  verb  of  commanding  ( hatan ), 
the  verb  of  causing  and  permitting  ( Icetan ),  the  verbs  of  sense  perception,  and 
the  verbs  of  mental  perception. 

2.  Occasionally,  however,  the  uninflected  objective  infinitive  occurs  with 
verbs  having  another  regimen  than  that  of  1,  and  it  occurs:  — 

(a)  Occasionally  with  verbs  governing  ( aa )  a  genitive  or  an  accusative 
(cunnian,  ‘  attempt;  ’  hogian  ( hycgan ),  ‘think/  ‘intend;’  lystan,  ‘desire;’ 
tweogean  ( tweon ),  ‘  doubt  ’)  or  ( bb )  an  accusative  or  a  dative  ( wunian ,  ‘  use/ 

‘  be  wont  ’),  though  verbs  of  double  regimen  usually  (especially  when  one  of 
the  cases  is  an  accusative),  as  we  shall  see,  govern  both  the  uninflected  and 
the  inflected  infinitive. 

(b)  Very  rarely  with  a  verb  governing  the  genitive  only  ( blinnan ,  ‘  cease 
from  ’) .  As  we  shall  see  below,  p.  68,  the  compound,  ablinnan,  is  followed  by 
either  infinitive. 

(c)  Very  rarely  with  a  verb  not  found  with  a  case  ( onmedan ,  ‘presume/ 
‘  undertake  ’) . 

As  to  group  II,  verbs  having  as  object  only  the  Inflected  Infinitive,  it  is  to 
be  noted :  — 

1.  To  the  modern  mind,  in  the  majority  of  instances,  the  objective  infini¬ 
tive  appears  as  the  “  indirect  object,”  under  which  phrase  I  here  include  geni¬ 
tive  objects  (occasionally  also  instrumental  objects)  as  well  as  dative  objects; 
and  as  a  rule  it  doubtless  so  appeared  to  the  Anglo-Saxon;  for  in  most  instances 
this  inflected  infinitive  is  found  as  the  object  with  verbs  whose  noun  object 
is  in  the  genitive  or  the  dative  (occasionally  the  instrumental) ;  or  with  verbs 
followed  by  a  preposition  plus  an  oblique  case;  or  with  verbs  followed  indiffer¬ 
ently  by  an  “  indirect  ”  case  or  by  a  prepositional  phrase.  To  be  more  specific, 
the  inflected  infinitive  as  object  occurs:  — 

(a)  With  certain  verbs  having  an  accusative  of  the  direct  object  and  a 
dative  of  the  indirect  object,  with  most  of  which  ( osteowan ,  ‘  show;  ’  cy&an, 
1  make  known;  ’  geswutelian,  ‘  show;  ’  geteohhian,  ‘  arrange;  ’  Iceran,  ‘  teach;  ' 
tcecan,  ‘  teach  ’)  the  infinitive  appears  to  us  as  the  indirect  object  toward  which 
the  action  of  the  main  verb  tends.  With  one  ( geceosan ,  ‘  choose  ’)  the  simplex 
governs  a  genitive;  in  one  (lief an,  ‘  allow  ’)  the  datival  sense  is  strong;  one 
( swerian ,  ‘  swear  ’)  is  found  only  in  the  later  Chronicle ;  while  the  remaining 
verb  (tellan,  ‘  tell  ’)  is  found  only  once. 

(b)  (1)  With  certain  verbs  followed  by  an  accusative  plus  a  prepositional 
phrase  ( gefon ,  ‘  undertake,’  -f-  to;  Iceran,  ‘  teach/  ‘  direct/  +  to  or  on;  under - 


62 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


standan,  ‘  understand/  +  be  or  ymbe;  warenian,  1  shun/  +  from  or  wi6)  or 
(2)  with  certain  verbs  followed  by  a  prepositional  phrase  ( beotigan ,  1  threaten/ 
4-  to;  elcian,  1  delay/  +  to;  gehyhtan,  1  hope/  +  on;  giernan,  1  desire/  +  oefter; 
higian,  1  strive  for/  +  to;  murnan,  ‘  lament/  +  cefter  or  for;  sierwan,  ‘  plot/ 
+  ymb;  smeagan,  ‘  meditate/  +  be  or  on  or  ymb;  &eahti(g)an,  ‘consult/  +  embe). 
While  to  us  of  to-day  a  few  of  these  infinitives  (as  with  beotigan,  giernan,  under - 
standan,  and  warenian)  at  first  appear  as  direct  objectives,  we  soon  see  that 
this  is  unnecessary  with  the  two  former;  and  the  other  infinitives  appear  to  us 
as  genitival,  datival,  or  instrumental  in  sense,  as  with  the  corresponding  phrases 
made  up  of  a  preposition  and  a  noun. 

(c)  With  certain  verbs  having  the  object  in  the  genitive  {elcian,  1  delay/ 
also  followed  by  to+  a  dative).  The  infinitive  at  first  appears  as  an  accu¬ 
sative  objective,  but  later  is  seen  to  be  an  adverbial  genitive  or  dative- 
instrumental. 

(d)  With  certain  verbs  having  the  object  in  the  dative  ( gedihtan ,  1  direct/ 
and  wi&sacan,  1  refuse  ’)•  To  the  modern  Englishman  the  infinitive  appears 
with  the  former  as  a  true  dative  objective;  with  the  latter,  as  an  accusative 
objective,  as  would  the  dative  noun  therewith. 

(e)  With  certain  verbs  having  a  double  (occasionally  a  triple)  regimen :  — 

(aa)  Those  governing  the  accusative  or  the  genitive  ( adrcedan ,  1  fear; ; 

anbidian,  1  await;  ’  an&racian,  1  fear;  ’  behatan,  1  promise;  ’  bodian,  1  preach; ' 
ge&encan,  1  think; 7  giernan,  1  desire;  ’  habban,  1  have;  ’  reccan,  ‘  care  for; ; 
weddian,  ‘  contract;  ’  and  witan  ( nytan ),  ‘  know  *  (‘  know  not  ’)),  with  which 
the  infinitive  appears  to  the  modern  reader  as  accusative  objects  rather  than 
genitive  objects,  as  would  also  the  noun  in  the  genitive. 

(bb)  Those  governing  the  accusative  of  the  person  and  the  genitive  of  the 
thing  (gcelan,  1  hinder  from;  ’  teon,  1  accuse  ’),  in  which  the  infinitive  after 
gcelan  appears  to  us  moderns  as  a  genitive  of  separation;  that  after  teon,  as  a 
genitive  of  specification. 

(cc)  Those  governing  the  genitive  or  the  dative  ( geliefan  (also  accusative), 
‘  believe;  ’  getilian  (also  accusative),  ‘  attempt/  ‘  strive  for;  ’  onfon  (also  accu¬ 
sative),  ‘  undertake;  ’  wandian,  1  delay;  ’  and  wi&cwe&an,  1  refuse  ’).  The 
infinitive  with  geliefan  appears  to  us  as  a  dative  or  an  accusative  objective; 
that  with  getilian,  as  the  dative  of  the  end  toward  which;  that  with  onfon  and 
widcwe&an,  as  an  accusative  objective;  and  that  with  wandian,  as  the  genitive 
of  specification. 

(dd)  Those  governing  the  dative  of  the  person  and  the  genitive  of  the  thing 
{forwiernan,  1  prohibit;  ’  wiernan,  1  desist  from;  ’  and  wi&cwe8an,  ‘  refuse  ’)• 
The  infinitive  with  the  two  former  appears  to  us  of  the  present  day  as  a  geni¬ 
tive  of  separation;  with  the  latter,  as  an  accusative  objective,  as  would  the 
noun  in  the  dative. 

2.  Not  a  few  times,  however,  the  inflected  infinitive  appears  to  us  moderns 
as  a  direct  object.  This  is  more  or  less  true,  as  already  pointed  out,  with  a  few 
of  the  verbs  treated  under  1  above.  But  the  feeling  for  the  direct  objective 
is  perhaps  somewhat  stronger  when  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  as  object: — 

(a)  With  certain  verbs  governing  an  accusative  of  the  direct  object.  Sev¬ 
eral  of  these  are  compounds  whose  simplex  governs  another  case  than  the  ac¬ 
cusative  or  another  case  beside  the  accusative  ( a&encan ,  1  think/  ‘  attempt; 1 
forgieman,  ‘  neglect;  ’  forgiemeleasian,  1  neglect;  ’  oferhogian,  ‘  despise;  ’  un- 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


63 


derfon,  ‘  undertake  ’).  With  several  ( tcecan ,  ‘  teach/  tihhian ,  ‘direct;’  pos¬ 
sibly,  also:  murnan,  ‘lament;’  sierwan,  ‘plot;’  smeagan,  ‘consider’),  the 
infinitive  may  be  considered  adverbial  (consecutive)  rather  than  objective. 
Several  ( anforlcetan ,  ‘  abandon;  ’  forsacan,  ‘  refuse;  ’  forseon,  ‘  despise;  ’  ieldan, 
‘  delay;  ’  lofian,  ‘  allow;  ’  onscunian,  ‘  shun  ’)  have  the  inflected  infinitive 
when  we  should  expect  the  uninflected;  but  ieldan  may  follow  the  analogy  of 
other  verbs  of  delaying,  like  elcian;  while  lofian  in  the  passage  in  question  is 
datival  in  sense. 

(6)  With  a  verb  not  found  with  a  case  ( gedyrstlcecan ,  ‘  presume,’  ‘  dare  ’), 
with  which  the  infinitive  appears  to  us  as  an  accusative  objective;  and  mynnan , 
‘  direct  one’s  course  to,’  ‘  intend,’  with  which  the  infinitive  wavers  in  sense 
between  the  direct  and  the  indirect  object. 

In  a  word,  while  the  inflected  infinitive  only  is  found  with  a  few  verbs  that 
govern  the  accusative  only,  this  happens  chiefly  with  compounds  whose  simplex 
govern  a  dative  or  a  genitive ;  in  the  main,  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  with 
verbs  that  govern  an  object  in  the  genitive  or  in  the  dative  (occasionally  in  the 
instrumental),  or  in  both;  or  with  verbs  that  are  followed  by  a  preposition 
plus  an  oblique  case;  and,  while  occasionally,  even  after  verbs  governing  the 
genitive  or  the  dative  (or  both),  to  the  modem  mind  the  infinitive  appears  as 
if  it  were  an  accusative  objective,  the  same  thing  would  be  true  of  the  noun  in 
the  genitive  or  the  dative  with  these  verbs.  Taken  as  a  whole,  the  infinitive 
in  this  group  of  verbs  normally  is  a  genitive  or  a  dative  (occasionally  an  in¬ 
strumental)  object  to  the  chief  verb,  though  occasionally  the  objective  idea 
so  pales  away  that  the  infinitive  may  be  considered  adverbial  in  the  narrower 
sense,  and  be  regarded  as  consecutive  or  final. 

In  group  III,  verbs  having  as  object  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the 
Inflected  Infinitive  each,  we  note :  — 

1.  In  the  majority  of  examples,* 1  the  double  construction,  with  uninflected 
and  inflected  infinitive,  occurs  with  verbs  having  a  double  (occasionally  a 
triple)  regimen,  that  is,  with  verbs  governing  (1)  two  cases  at  once  2  or  (2)  any 
one  of  two  or  three  cases  (or  that  govern  a  case  or  are  followed  by  a  preposi¬ 
tional  phrase);  and  the  distinction  between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the 
inflected  infinitive  is  in  the  large  such  as  we  find  with  the  different  cases  (geni¬ 
tive,  dative,  instrumental,  and  accusative)  with  these  verbs,  though  with  not 
a  few  exceptions  duly  pointed  out  in  the  several  groups.  The  objective  infini¬ 
tive  is  both  uninflected  and  inflected :  — 

(a)  With  a  few  verbs  governing  the  accusative  of  the  direct  and  the  dative 
of  the  indirect  object  ( aliefan ,  ‘  allow;  ’  secan ,  ‘  seek;  ’  sellan,  ‘  grant,’  ‘  allow  ’). 
The  double  construction  with  these  verbs  is  due  in  part,  no  doubt,  to  their 
double  regimen,  but  the  inflected  infinitive  does  not  appear  to  us  as  an  indirect 
object.  With  aliefan  we  have  found  the  double  construction  with  the  sub¬ 
jective  infinitive,  due  partly  to  its  double  regimen,  partly  to  the  datival  sense 
thereof;  and,  as  a  rule,  the  subjective  infinitive  is  inflected  when  near  aliefan , 
but  uninflected  when  remote  therefrom.  So  here  with  the  objective  infinitive: 
the  uninflected  infinitive  {Mat.  8.21b)  is  the  second  in  a  series  of  two,  the  first 
of  which  is  inflected  and  is  near  to,  but  not  juxtaposed  with,  the  chief  verb. 


1  If  we  except  onginnan,  an  apparent  rather  than  a  real  exception,  as  is  shown  below, 

i  (i)  =  **  double  regimen  ”  in  the  looser  sense;  (2)  =  “  double  regimen  in  the  narrower  sense. 


64 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  in  this  passage, 
moreover,  translate  a  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive.  In  the  second  example 
(/Elf.  L.  S.  102.227)  the  inflected  infinitive  is  separated  from  aliefan  by  four 
words.  Hence  I  think  that  the  datival  force  is  of  more  importance  than  the 
distance  from  the  verb.  —  In  all  probability  the  original  construction  with 
secan  was  the  uninflected  infinitive,  which  alone  is  found  in  the  poetry  (twice), 
and  which  occurs  three  times  in  the  prose  ( Gosp .,  2;  Bl.  Horn .,  1).  In  each 
of  the  instances  of  the  inflected  infinitive,  it  is  possible  that  the  infinitive  is 
final  in  sense;  that,  for  instance,  in  Pr.  Ps.  34.4  (<5a  be  secad  mine  sawle  to 
fordonne  -  confundantur  .  .  .  qucerentes  animam  meam ),  to  fordonne  is  an  ad¬ 
verbial  modifier  of  seca&  rather  than  its  object,  —  an  interpretation  favored 
by  the  fact  that  secan  at  times  means  ‘  strive  for  ’  as  well  as  ‘  seek; ’  and 
that  secan  is  followed  by  to  plus  a  noun  in  the  dative  in  Anglo-Saxon,  though 
this  phrase  expresses,  not  the  object  sought,  but  the  source  whence  something 
is  sought.  —  In  the  single  instance  of  sellan  followed  by  an  inflected  infinitive, 
the  infinitive  is  juxtaposed  with  the  verb,  while  the  uninflected  is  separated 
therefrom,  but  the  double  construction  is  probably  due  to  the  double  regimen 
of  sellan.  Compare  “  Subjective  Infinitive, ”  p.  24.  —  Forlcetan,  ‘  abandon/ 
‘  omit/  may  be  put  in  this  group,  as  it  is  followed  by  an  accusative  and  a 
prepositional  phrase  introduced  by  to. 

( b )  With  certain  verbs  governing  the  accusative  of  the  thing  and  the  dative 
of  the  person  ( bebeodan ,  ‘  command; ;  beodan ,  ‘  command;  ’  bewerian ,  4  pro¬ 
hibit/  ‘  forbid:  ’  cf.  1  (c)  and  (d);  forbeodan,  ‘  forbid; ’  gehatan ,  ‘  command/ 
‘  promise:'  cf.  1  (d);  geSajian  (occasionally  genitive  instead  of  accusative), 
‘  allow; ’  cf.  1  (d)).  With  this  group  of  verbs  the  double  construction  rests 
primarily  upon  the  double  regimen  of  the  verbs;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  how  in 
these  verbs,  particularly  those  of  commanding  and  forbidding,  the  dative  and 
the  accusative  objectives  could  be  interchanged  without  any  essential  altera¬ 
tion  in  sense.  Gehatan  in  the  sense  of  ‘  command/  like  the  simplex,  hatan} 
governs  the  uninflected  infinitive  only;  in  the  sense  of  ‘  promise/  the  inflected 
infinitive,  though  in  one  of  these  examples  (Bede  316.22)  the  inflected  infinitive 
is  doubtless  due  to  the  Latin  future  infinitive  (esse  donaturum). 

(c)  With  a  few  verbs  followed  by  (1)  an  accusative  or  by  a  prepositional 
phrase  (gemedemian  (accusative  or  with  to),  ‘  humiliate/  ‘  condescend;  ’  gemyn - 
tan  (accusative  or  with  to),  ‘  intend/  ‘  determine; 1  tilian  (accusative  or  with 
to), ‘  attempt/  ‘strive  for:  ’  cf.  1  (d))  or  by  (2)  a  prepositional  phrase  (bewerian 
(wi&  and  dative  of  the  thing),  ‘  prohibit/  ‘  forbid:  ’  cf.  1  (b);  fon  (to  or  on), 
‘undertake/  ‘  begin:  ’  see  also  1  (d);  geswican  (from),  ‘  stop/  ‘  desist  from: ’  cf. 
1  (d)).  With  this  group,  too,  the  chief  factor  in  the  double  construction  is  the 
double  (or  triple)  regimen.  The  difference  in  sense  between  the  uninflected 
and  inflected  infinitive  in  the  group  as  a  whole  is  no  greater  and  no  less  than 
that  between  ‘  stop  ’  and  ‘  desist  from  ’  or  ‘  attempt 1  and  ‘  strive  for  ’  in  present 
English.  Substantially  the  same  situation  exists  in  Greek,  as  is  evident  from 
this  statement  in  Goodwin’s  Moods  and  Tenses  of  the  Greek  Verb ,  §  807: 
“  After  verbs  and  other  expressions  which  denote  hindrance  or  freedom  from 
anything,  two  forms  are  allowed,  the  simple  infinitive  and  the  genitive  of  the 
infinitive  with  rov.  Thus  we  can  say  (a)  dpyet  <re  rovro  Trotetv  (747)  and  (b) 
etpyet  a-e  rov  rovro  Trotetv,  both  with  the  same  meaning,  ‘  he  prevents  you  from 
doing  this.’  ” 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


65 


0 d )  With  certain  verbs  having  a  double  (or  occasionally  a  triple)  regimen 
in  the  narrower  sense :  — 

(aa)  Those  governing  the  accusative  or  the  genitive  ( bewerian ,  ‘  prohibit/ 
1  forbid:’  cf.  1  (b)  and  (c);  biddan,  ‘  request/  ‘demand:’  cf.  1  (d)  ( bb );  ge- 
hatan ,  ‘  order/  ‘  promise:  ’  cf.  1  (b);geSafian,  ‘  allow: ’  cf.  1  (b);  gieman,  ‘  care 
(for); 1  ondrcedan  (also  with  reflexive  dative),  ‘  fear;  ’  tilian,  ‘  attempt/  ‘  strive 
for:  ’  cf.  1  (c);  Sencan ,  *  think/  ‘  think  of;  ’  wenan  (also  with  dative  of  person), 
‘  hope  for/  ‘  expect;  ’  ml(l)nian,  ‘  desire  ’).  Again,  the  double  construction 
is  the  result,  I  believe,  of  the  double  regimen  of  these  verbs;  and  the  line  be¬ 
tween  the  uninflected  and  the  inflected  infinitive  is  in  most  cases  as  patent  and 
as  thin  as  that  between  ‘  hope  for  ’  and  ‘  expect  ’  and  ‘  attempt  ’  and  ‘  strive 
for.’  —  For  one  of  these  verbs,  however,  Sencan,  it  has  been  declared  1  that  we 
have  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  a  rule  when  the  infinitive  precedes  the  verb, 
Sencan,  and  the  inflected  infinitive  when  following  it,  the  author  of  this  theory, 
Dr.  van  der  Gaaf,  declaring  that  he  could  find  only  eight  examples  of  the  un¬ 
inflected  infinitive  following  &encan.  But  I  find  a  total  of  35  (or,  omitting  two 
doubtful  examples,  of  33)  uninflected  infinitives  following  Sencan,  while  the 
total  number  of  inflected  infinitives  is  34,  all  following  the  finite  verb.  Another 
objection  to  the  contention  of  Dr.  van  der  Gaaf  is  the  fact  that  in  several 
instances  we  find  one  and  the  same  verb  both  preceded  and  followed,  in 
the  same  sentence,  by  an  uninflected  infinitive,  as  in  Beow.  800,  801;  Gen. 
1274,  1275;  And.  150,  151,  152;  Ps.  93.20a-  b,  149.7a-  b,  8a-  b;  Fallen  Angels 
183,  184,  208-209.  Moreover,  Dr.  van  der  Gaaf  declares  that  only  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  is  found  in  the  poetry  with  this  verb.  As  my  statistics  show, 
however,  at  least  one  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  occurs  in  the  poems 
(Ps.  118.59:  Swa  ic  wegas  bine  wise  Gence  to  ferenne  fotum  minum),  and  six 
more  occur  in  the  Charms  (V,  C,  4a-  b- c>  d,  5a>  b),  which  six  occur  in  the  prose 
prologue  to  the  Charms ,  and  doubtless  were  excluded  from  Dr.  van  der  Gaaf’s 
poetic  count,  though  given  in  Wiilker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Poesie. 
That  nearness  to  or  distance  from  the  chief  verb  is  not  an  important  factor  in 
the  double  regimen  with  Senca-n  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  we  have  the  in¬ 
flected  infinitive  when  separated  therefrom  ( Wcerf .  252.4,  253.7;  Greg.  11.14; 
Oros.  212.29;  Chron.  190b,  1065  Cb,  229b,  1094  Ed,  233m,  1097  Ea;  Mf.  Hept.: 
Gen.  37.18,  21;  Charms  V,  C,  4b-  c>  d,  5a>  b)  as  well  as  when  juxtaposed  there¬ 
with  (in  the  remaining  instances),  as  is  true,  also,  of  the  uninflected  infinitive 
(three  of  which,  however  —  Oros.  282. 9b,  292.29  (with  <$uhte  for  Sohtef); 
AElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  48.17b  —  are  the  second  in  a  series  of  two  commencing  with 
an  inflected  infinitive).  As  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive  are  found  in  poetry  and  in  Early  West  Saxon,  it  is  probable  that 
from  the  beginning  each  infinitive  was  allowable  with  this  verb,  though  the 
uninflected  was  the  favorite  in  poetry  in  the  ratio  of  61  to  l.2  —  For  the  same 
reason  it  is  likely  that  either  infinitive  was  allowable  also  with  tilian  and  with 
wil(l)nian  from  the  first,  but  neither  verb  was  common  in  the  poetry,  only  two 
examples  occurring  therein  of  each  (tilian,  2  U.;  wilnian:  1  U.,  1  I.). 

(bb)  Those  governing  the  accusative  or  the  dative  (biddan  (accusative  or 
dative  of  person),  ‘request/  ‘demand:’  cf.  1  (d)  (aa)).  With  this  verb, 

1  See  van  der  Gaaf,1 1.  c.,  pp.  52-62. 

2  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  come  upon  the  following  statement  by  Dr.  H.  Willert,  in  his  “  Vom  In- 
finitiv  with  To,”  p.  103:  “  So  soli,  wenn  &encan  and  wenan  sich  mit  dem  prapositionalen  Infinitiv  verbinden,  die 
Sache  bezeichnet  werden,  auf  welche  sich  die  Gedanken  richten.’' 


66 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


confusion  between  inflected  and  uninflected  infinitive  rests  upon  the  double 
regimen  of  the  verb,  and  confusion  is  peculiarly  easy  to  arise  either  with  in¬ 
finitive  or  with  noun.  The  only  instance  of  the  infinitive  with  this  verb  in 
the  poetry  is  uninflected. 

(cc)  Those  governing  the  genitive  or  the  dative  ( geswican ,  ‘  stop/  1  desist 
from: '  cf.  1  (c) ).  Of  the  very  slight  difference  between  the  two  kinds  of  infini¬ 
tive  here,  arising  from  the  double  (or  triple)  regimen  of  geswican ,  I  have  already 
spoken  in  1  (c)  above.  This  verb  is  not  found  with  an  infinitive  in  the  poetry. 

(dd)  Those  governing  the  genitive  or  the  dative  or  the  accusative  (gewil(l)~ 
nian ,  ‘  desire  ’)•  The  double  construction  here,  also,  rests  on  the  triple  regi¬ 
men  of  the  verb;  and  the  difference  between  the  two  infinitives  is  a  matter  of 
phraseology  rather  than  reason,  as  also  with  the  noun  in  different  cases.  This 
verb  is  not  found  with  an  infinitive  in  the  poetry. 

(ee)  Those  governing  the  accusative  or  the  instrumental  ( fon ,  ‘  undertake/ 
‘  begin cf.  1  (c);  gewunian,  ‘use/  ‘bewont’)-  Of  the  double  construction 
with  fon,  due  to  its  regimen,  I  have  already  spoken  in  1  (c).  The  twofold 
construction  with  gewunian  is  likewise  due  to  its  double  regimen. 

2.  At  times,  however,  we  find  the  objective  infinitive  both  uninflected  and 
inflected  after  verbs  not  having  a  double  regimen,  as  in  the  following  groups :  — 

(a)  With  a  few  verbs  governing  the  accusative  of  the  direct  object  ( aginnan , 
1  begin/  beginnan,  1  begin/  ‘  undertake/  ‘  attempt;  ’  findan,  ‘  find/  ‘  strive;  ’ 
forhogian,  ‘  despise/  ‘  neglect;  ’  forhycgan, *  1  despise/  ‘  neglect;  ’  ge-earnian , 
‘  deserve/  ‘  earn;  ’  leornian,  1  learn;  ’  myntan,  ‘  think/  ‘  intend; ,  onginnan , 
‘  begin/  ‘  undertake/  ‘  attempt  ’)•  Several  of  these  verbs  are  compounds 
whose  simplex  governs  another  case  besides  the  accusative  (forhogian,  forhycgan , 
ge-earnian),  —  a  fact  that  may  account  for  the  double  construction  with  the 
compounds. 

As  to  the  compounds  of  ginnan 1  (aginnan,  beginnan,  and  onginnan),  they 
constitute  apparent  rather  than  real  exceptions  to  the  principle  stated  in  1 
above,  for,  while  I  have  found  no  instance  of  these  verbs  governing  any  case 
except  the  accusative  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Professor  Delbriick,  in  his  Synkretismus, 
p.  38,  tells  us  that  both  the  accusative  and  the  genitive  are  found  with  biginnan 
in  Old  Saxon,  that  in  Old  High  German  the  genitive  is  very  common  with 
biginnan,  and  that  the  genitive  was  probably  at  the  outset  the  normal  case  in 
the  West  Germanic  languages  with  the  ginnan  compounds.  It  may  be,  there¬ 
fore,  that  these  compounds  had  a  double  regimen  in  Anglo-Saxon,  though  not 
so  recorded  in  the  dictionaries;  and  that  the  use  of  the  two  infinitives  is  due  to 
this  double  regimen.  It  should  be  added  that  not  only  the  uninflected  infini¬ 
tive  in  - an  but  also  the  genitive  infinitive  in  -annes  are  found  after  biginnan  in 
Old  High  German.2  In  Middle  High  German,  too,  beginnan  is  followed  by 
both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive.3  That,  when  in¬ 
flected,  the  objective  infinitive  is  in  close  proximity  to,  usually  in  juxtaposi¬ 
tion  with,  beginnan,  but  that,  when  uninflected,  it  is  usually  remote  therefrom, 
is  an  interesting  but  puzzling  fact.  This  fact  seems  to  me,  however,  to  tend 
to  prove  the  contention  of  Professor  Delbriick  that,  in  all  probability,  the 


1  Cf.  Dr.  H.  Willert,2 1.  c.,  p.  104:  “  Nicht  erklaren  kann  ich  mir,  warum  ginnan  [sic  for  beginnan ?]  und  ongin¬ 
nan  neben  zahlreichen  reinen  Infinitiven  vereinzelt  auch  den  mit  to  aufweisen  und  warum  beginnan  den.letzteren 
bevorzugt.”  *  See  Erdmann,1  l.  c.,  I,  p.  210;  Wilmanne,  l.  c.,  p.  125. 

1  See  Monsterberg-Munckenau,  l.  c.,  pp.  106,  114-120. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


67 


genitive  was  originally  the  normal  case  with  the  ginnan  compounds  in  the 
West-Germanic  languages,  especially  with  beginnan:  in  proximity  to  begin¬ 
nan,  we  have  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  inflected  infinitive,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
normally  represents  an  “  indirect  ”  case.  Which  infinitive  represents  the 
original  construction  with  beginnan  in  Anglo-Saxon,  it  is  difficult  to  determine : 
only  one  example  of  the  infinitive  occurs  in  the  poetry  ( Creed  37),  that  unin¬ 
flected;  none  is  found  in  Alfred;  only  two  are  found  in  the  Chronicle ,  one  un¬ 
inflected  (201ra,  1067  D)  and  one  inflected  (243*,  1110  Eb);  and  by  far  the 
majority  of  the  examples  occur  in  iElfric  (73  out  of  a  total  of  85).  Since, 
however,  the  examples  of  the  uninflected  form  in  the  Chronicle  and  in  the  poetry 
are  each  late,  and  since,  out  of  a  total  of  about  85  examples,  57  are  inflected, 

I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  inflected  infinitive  represents  the  original 
construction  in  Anglo-Saxon.  This  preponderance  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  fact,  stated  by  Professor  Delbriick,  that,  in  Old 
High  German,  the  genitive  case  was  very  frequent  with  beginnan.  Of  course, 
the  fluctuation  in  the  two  forms  of  the  infinitive  may  be  due  in  part  merely 
to  the  lateness  of  iElfric’s  works,  by  whose  time  the  distinction  between  the 
two  forms  had  begun  to  break  down.  However,  I  believe  that  the  fact  that 
the  majority  of  iElfric’s  examples  (54  out  of  73)  are  inflected,  probably  points 
to  what  was  the  original  construction. 

That  with  onginnan,  on  the  contrary,  the  uninflected  infinitive  was  the 
original  idiom,  seems  probable  from  these  facts :  977  examples  of  the  uninflected 
infinitive  occur  to  only  37  examples  of  the  inflected;  only  the  uninflected  form 
is  found  in  the  poems  (18  of  them  in  Beowulf) ;  in  Alfred  there  are  246  unin¬ 
flected  to  2  inflected  infinitives;  and  the  majority  of  the  inflected  infinitives 
(25  out  of  37)  occur  in  A51fric,  but  even  with  him  the  uninflected  preponderate 
in  the  ratio  of  82  to  25.  As  with  beginnan,  though  not  to  the  same  extent,  so 
with  onginnan  the  infinitive,  when  inflected,  is  usually  near  the  finite  form  of 
onginnan.  As  stated  in  the  preceding  paragraph,  the  double  construction  with 
onginnan  is  probably  due  to  the  assumed  double  regimen  of  that  verb.  The 
twofold  construction  may  be  due  in  part,  also,  to  the  lateness  in  time  of  M\- 
fric’s  works;  and  in  part  to  the  two  well-known  different  meanings  of  onginnan / 

1  begin/  and  ‘  attempt;  ’  though  we  find  each  use  in  each  sense:  the  former 
needs  no  illustration;  for  the  latter  cf.  Boeth.  127.23  (ic  sceal  beah  hwsethwugu 
his  onginnan  to  tcecanne  =  108.16:  aliquid  deliberare  conabimur )  with  Bede  200.12 
(Da  ongunnon  .  .  .  oncras  upp  teon  =  158.13:  temtabant  .  .  .  nauem  retinere). 
Again,  in  his  Grammar,  A^lfric  tells  us  that  onginnan  plus  the  inflected  infinitive 
is  the  proper  translation  for  the  Latin  inchoative  verbs,  giving  as  paradigms, 
on  p.  212,  “  ic  onginne  to  wearmigenne  =  calesco,”  “  ic  onginne  to  anbracigenne 
=  horresco,”  “  ic  onginne  to  blacigenne  =  pallesco;  ”  but  he  does  not  state, 
nor  is  it  easy  for  me  to  conceive,  why  the  inflected  infinitive  is  better  in  such 
cases  than  the  uninflected  infinitive.  Alfred  evidently  thought  the  uninflected 
infinitive  proper,  for  in  Bede  256.24  (sona  swa  he  trumian  ongon  =  203.30: 
cum  conualescere  coepisset)  we  find  trumian  ongan  translating  conualescere 
coepisset.  Be  the  reason  what  it  may,  the  inflected  infinitive  caught  the  fancy 
of  HSlfric,  and  to  him  we  owe  25  out  of  the  total  of  37  inflected  infinitives  after 
onginnan.  On  the  other  hand,  iElfric  uses  the  uninflected  infinitive  82  times, 
without  making  any  rational  differentiation  between  the  two  so  far  as  I  can 


1  Cf.  the  quotation  below  from  Dr.  Henry  Sweet. 


68 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


discover.  It  remains  only  to  add  that  to  many  grammarians  onginnan  seems 
to  have  paled  into  a  mere  auxiliary,  and  its  infinitive  seems  “  complementary  ” 
in  the  narrower  sense  rather  than  objective.  To  me,  too,  onginnan  often 
seems  auxiliary,  though  oftener  not,  and  the  difficulty  of  drawing  a  hard-and- 
fast  line  between  the  two  uses  has  led  me  to  put  it  here  rather  than  under  the 
complementary  use. 

With  aginnan ,  too,  the  uninflected  infinitive  was  probably  the  original  con¬ 
struction:  it  is  found  28  times,  while  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  only  5 
times  ;  and  the  latter  occurs  only  in  the  late  manuscript  F  of  the  Chronicle  or, 
once,  in  the  later  years  of  manuscript  E. 

With  findan ,  the  uninflected  infinitive  ( Elene  1255)  is  probably  better  con¬ 
sidered  predicative  to  a  subject  accusative  to  be  supplied.  The  inflected  infinitive 
(. Daniel  544)  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  findan  here  means  ‘to  strive  for/ 

In  the  one  example  of  geleornian  with  an  inflected  infinitive  {Bede  210.31) 
the  infinitive  corresponds  to  a  Latin  gerundive;  but  see  the  next  paragraph, 
on  leornian. 

Leornian  is  once  followed  by  the  uninflected  infinitive,  but  in  all  other 
instances  it  is  followed  by  an  inflected  infinitive.  In  one  of  the  latter  instances 
{Bede  246.7),  the  inflected  infinitive  is  in  translation  of  a  Latin  gerund.  The 
only  explanation  that  occurs  to  me  of  the  six  other  inflected  infinitives  is  this: 
possibly  leornian  denoted  the  striving  for  an  end  rather  than  the  attainment 
thereof,  and  was  consequently  followed  by  an  inflected  infinitive.1  Once 
(in  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  253a,  256)  we  have  a  series  of  two  infinitives, 
each  inflected. 

The  only  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  myntan  occurs  in  the  later 
Chronicle  (265m,  1137  Ef),  but  several  times  the  uninflected  infinitive  occurs 
both  in  prose  and  in  poetry.  Possibly  the  double  regimen  of  the  compound, 
gemyntan  (with  accusative  (or  to  +  dative)  of  thing  and  dative  of  person),  has 
affected  the  simplex,  myntan. 

(i b )  With  a  verb  governing  the  genitive  only  {ablinnan,  ‘  cease/  1  desist 
from  ’).  The  single  inflected  infinitive  after  ablinnan  {Mlf.  Horn.  II.  741) 
immediately  follows  the  verb;  the  one  uninflected  (. /Elf.  L.  S.  XXX.  39) 
follows  with  but  one  word  intervening;  and  the  double  construction  is  prob¬ 
ably  due  to  the  analogy  of  other  verbs  of  cessation,  which,  as  we  saw  in  the 
preceding  section,  have  a  double  regimen  with  the  infinitive  as  with  the  noun. 

(c)  With  a  few  verbs  not  found  with  a  case  (j gestihhian , 1  determine/  1  decide; y 
gedristlcecan,  ‘  presume  ’)• 

To  sum  up  the  matter  for  the  verbs  taking  both  the  uninflected  and  the 
inflected  infinitive,  the  double  construction  is  found,  in  far  the  larger  number 
of  instances,2  with  verbs  having  a  double  or  triple  regimen,  that  is,  with  verbs 
governing  two  cases  at  once  or  any  one  of  two  or  three  cases,  or  with  verbs 
followed  by  a  case  or  by  a  preposition  plus  an  oblique  case;  and  the  distinction 
between  the  uninflected  and  the  inflected  infinitive  is  in  the  large  such  as  we 
find  with  the  different  cases  (genitive,  dative,  instrumental,  and  accusative) 


1  After  writing  the  above,  I  came  upon  the  following  sentence  in  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  116:  “  Nur  bei  wenigen 
hat  sich  der  blosse  Infinitiv  behauptet:  bei  den  Prat.-Prasentia  ausser  wissen,  also  bei  mdgen,  konnen,  diirfen, 
sollen,  milssen,  und  bei  wollen  und  lernen;  doch  verbinden  wir  lernen  mit  dem  Inf.  mit  zu,  wenn  nicht  das  Objekt, 
Bondern  das  Ziel  des  Lernens  bezeichnet  werden  soli.” 

2  Exclusive  of  onginnan,  an  apparent  rather  than  a  real  exception. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


69 


with  these  verbs,  though  with  not  a  few  exceptions,  duly  pointed  out  in  the 
several  groups.  But  with  some  verbs  that  govern  only  the  accusative,  or  that 
are  not  found  with  a  case,  we  also  find  both  infinitives;  and  the  double  con¬ 
struction  here  seems  to  be  due  at  times  to  the  double  regimen  of  another  verb 
of  the  same  root;  at  times  to  the  analogical  influence  of  verbs  of  different  roots 
but  of  kindred  signification;  and  at  times  to  the  fact  that  some  of  the  in¬ 
finitives  fluctuate  in  sense  between  the  adverbial  and  the  objective  uses.  With 
all  groups,  occasional  disturbing  factors  are  the  occurrence  of  the  infini¬ 
tive  in  a  series,  in  which  case  at  times,  but  by  no  means  habitually,  the  second 
infinitive,  even  when  following  an  inflected  infinitive,  is  likely  to  be  uninflected; 
and  the  influence  of  the  Latin  original,  which  at  times,  as  with  the  gerund  or 
the  gerundive,  tends  to  cause  the  inflected  infinitive  to  be  used,  and  at  other 
times,  as  with  the  accusative  and  infinitive  construction,  tends  to  cause  the 
uninflected  infinitive  to  be  used.  Once  more,  the  distinction  between  the  two 
infinitives,  which,  as  stated,  rested  originally  on  slight  differences  in  meaning 
in  the  chief  verb  as  indicated  in  the  different  cases  of  its  noun  objects,  early 
began  to  fade  away,  and  is  very  pale  in  Late  West  Saxon.  Despite  occa¬ 
sional  exceptions  that  I  have  pointed  out  to  this  theory,  I  hope  and  believe 
that  the  main  principles  here  formulated  as  to  the  differentiation  of  the  two 
infinitives  will  meet  with  acceptance,  the  more  so  that,  as  will  be  seen  in 
Chapter  XVI,  they  seem  as  applicable  to  the  Germanic  languages  in  general  as 
to  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  foregoing  has  been  written  concerning  the  active  infinitive  with  active 
verbs;  but  the  same  general  principles  apply  to  the  active  infinitive  with  pas¬ 
sive  verbs.  In  the  group  followed  by  the  inflected  infinitive  only,  after  deman 
( Wcerf .  254.14)  the  inflected  infinitive  is  doubtless  due  to  the  gerundial  peri¬ 
phrastic  of  the  Latin  original.  Forbeodan  and  ( ge)manian ,  in  the  active,  are 
followed  by  either  infinitive,  each  being  a  verb  of  double  regimen.  ( Ge)myngian 
governs  an  accusative  or  a  genitive. 

I  do  not  know  of  any  detailed  attempt1  by  previous  investigators  to 
differentiate  the  two  infinitives  as  object  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Dr.  van  Draat’s 
“  The  Infinitive  with  and  without  Preceding  to,”  in  his  Rhythm  in  English  Prose 
(1910),  does  not  touch  upon  the  Anglo-Saxon  period.  But  several  helpful 
suggestions  have  been  made  by  others.  In  his  Anglo-Saxon  Grammar,  §  453, 
for  instance,  Professor  March  notes  this  interesting  fact:  “  The  gerund  [=  in¬ 
flected  infinitive]  as  genitive  object  is  pretty  common:  ondred  to  faranne, 
dreaded  to  go  (Mat.  ii,  22);  wished  to  see  (xiii,  17).  Other  objects  occur, 
§  448,  2.”  The  second  passage  cited  by  Professor  March,  Matthew  xiii.  17 
(gewilnudon  ba  bing  to  geseonne  .  .  .  and  gehyran  ba  bing)  contains  both  an  un¬ 
inflected  infinitive  and  an  inflected  infinitive  as  objects  of  the  same  verb,  but 
no  explanation  is  offered  of  the  double  construction.  Dr.  Wiilfing,  likewise, 
in  his  Die  Syntax  in  den  Werken  Alfreds  des  Grossen,  II,  p.  204,  tells  us  that 
“  Der  Infinitiv  mit  to  als  Objekt  an  Stelle  eines  Akkusativs  oder  eines  Genetivs 
steht  bei  transitiven  Zeitwortern,”  but  he  does  not  indicate  when,  in  his  judg¬ 
ment,  we  have  an  accusative  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  and  when  a  genitive 
use;  nor  does  he  say  anything  of  a  dative  objective  use  of  the  inflected  infini- 


1  Dr.  H.  Willert’s  “  Vom  Infinitiv  with  To  ”  is  based  upon  the  selections  in  Zupitza’s  Alt-  und  Mittelen- 
glisches  Ubungsbuch.  As  this  article  appeared  after  my  study  had  been  put  in  its  final  form,  what  seems  note¬ 
worthy  therein  has  been  incorporated  in  my  footnotes. 


70 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


tive.  Again,  Dr.  Wiilfing  duly  records  that  certain  verbs  govern  both  an  un¬ 
inflected  and  an  inflected  infinitive,  but  he  offers  no  explanation  of  that  fact. 
Helpful,  too,  is  this  statement  by  Dr.  Henry  Sweet,  in  his  A  New  English 
Grammar,  II,  p.  118:  “  The  substitution  of  the  supine  [=  inflected  infinitive] 
for  the  infinitive  [=  uninflected  infinitive]  began  in  Old  English  itself.  Thus 
the  supine  of  purpose,  as  in  hie  comon  3cet  land  to  sceawienne,  1  they  came  to 
spy  out  the  land/  gradually  supplanted  the  older  infinitive  with  many  verbs 
of  desiring,  intending,  attempting,  etc.,  so  that  while  such  a  verb  as  willan , 

1  will/  continued  —  as  it  still  does  in  Modern  English  —  to  take  the  infinitive 
only,  other  verbs  of  similar  meaning,  such  as  wilnian ,  ‘  desire/  together  with 
such  verbs  as  onginnan,  1  undertake/  ‘  begin/  began  to  take  the  supine  as  well 
as  the  infinitive.”  Nor  is  Dr.  Sweet’s  view  in  essential  conflict  with  that  given 
by  me  above :  he  mentions  here  only  one  factor,  while  I  have  discussed  in  addi¬ 
tion  other  factors. 

Finally,  the  quotation  from  Dr.  Sweet  raises  the  interesting  question  as  to 
whether,  in  the  objective  use,  the  uninflected  infinitive  or  the  inflected  was  the 
original  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Dr.  Sweet  seems  to  declare  for  the  former,  as 
does  Dr.  Kenyon,  who,  in  his  The  Syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  Chaucer ,  p.  100, 
writes:  “  In  0.  E.  [=  A.  SJ  the  simple  infinitive  seems  to  have  been  the  original 
construction,  but  the  prepositional  came  in  early.”  My  own  view,  as  implic¬ 
itly  indicated  in  the  exposition  of  the  objective  infinitive  with  the  various 
groups  of  verbs,  is  that,  while  the  uninflected  infinitive  was  by  far  the  commoner 
form  and  was  with  most  verbs  the  original  construction,  the  inflected  infinitive 
was  with  other  verbs  not  uncommon,  and  was  with  these  verbs  the  original  con¬ 
struction.  Indeed,  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  100,  considerably  modifies  his  first 
statement  above  given,  as  immediately  thereafter  he  adds:  “  Aside  from  the 
general  tendency  to  substitute  the  prepositional  for  the  simple  infinitive,  the 
prepositional  is  used  in  M.  E.  after  many  words  like  commeven,  compellen, 
constreynen,  driven,  enclynen,  and  the  like,  after  which  the  original  force  of  the 
preposition  to  is  still  evident  and  appropriate,  and  after  which  to  with  noun 
objects  is  also  used,  as  in  Bo.  V,  p.  3,  166:  constreineth  hem  to  a  hitydinge  .  .  . 
This  is  true  of  verbs  of  causing,  such  as  maken,  techen,  etc.,  but  not  of  verbs  of 
perception,  like  sen,  heren,  etc.,  which  still  have  the  simple  infinitive  in  Chaucer 
as  in  O.  E. 

“  The  same  relation  between  the  prepositional  infinitive  and  the  preposi¬ 
tions  to  and  for  with  nouns  can  be  seen  also  in  connection  with  verbs  which 
take  the  complementary  infinitive  (see  p.  88,  above).  It  is  perhaps  noteworthy 
that  there,  in  connection  with  auxiliary  verbs  where  such  an  analogy  between 
to  +  inf.  and  to  +  nouns  as  R.  A.  597,  I  entende  to  nothing  But  .  .  .  for  to 
kembe  and  tresse  me,  did  not  work,  and  also  here  in  the  case  of  verbs  of  percep¬ 
tion,  the  simple  infinitive  never  gave  place  to  the  prepositional  to  any  extent. 
This  suggests  that  the  great  spread  of  the  prepositional  infinitive  was  not  wholly 
due,  perhaps  only  slightly,  to  a  general  substitution  of  the  latter  for  the  simple 
infinitive,  but  wras  rather  due  to  an  extension  of  the  original  construction  of  the 
prepositional  infinitive  as  more  closely  related  to  the  construction  of  preposi¬ 
tion  +  abstract  nouns.  This  possibility  is  to  be  considered  also  in  connection 
with  the  spread  of  the  prepositional  infinitive  as  subject,  which,  as  we  have  seen 
under  Adjectives,  was  probably  greatly  enhanced  by  a  transference  of  the 
dependent  infinitive  to  the  subject  relation,  as  in  it  is  good  to  do.  See  pp.  49  ff.” 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


71 


If  the  interpretation  given  by  me  of  the  illustrative  examples  in  this  chapter 
is  correct,  Dr.  Kenyon’s  second  statement  is  much  nearer  the  truth  than  the 
first.  It  remains  only  to  add  that  my  interpretation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
statistics  had  been  written  out  in  full  before  the  appearance  of  Dr.  Kenyon’s 
work;  and  that  it  is  a  pleasure  to  find  a  conclusion  based  upon  an  independent 
study  of  Anglo-Saxon  so  strongly  supported  by  that  of  Dr.  Kenyon  based  upon 
an  independent  study  of  Middle  English. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1 .  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

Occasionally  (about  24  times)  the  passive  infinitive  is  found  as  the  object 
of  the  following  active  finite  verbs :  — 

aginnan,  begin.  onginnan,  begin. 

geearnian,  earn,  merit.  wil(l)nian,  desire. 

gewilnian,  desire.  witan,  know. 

habban,  have. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 
aginnan  [-y-],  begin: 

L.  12.45d:  agyntS  beatan  ba  cnihtas  .  .  .  and  etan  and  drincan  and  beon 
oferdruncen  =  coeperit  percutere  servos  .  .  .  et  edere,  et  bibere,  et  inebriari. 
geearnian,  earn ,  merit: 

Bede  372.34:  geearnode  onfongen  beon  =  275.21:  meruisset  recipi.  —  lb. 
406.16:  bset  he  .  .  .  geearnade  .  .  .  onfongen  beon  =  294.10b:  recipi  mereretur. 

gewilnian,  desire: 

Wcerf.  204.4:  bonne  hi  gewilniaS  fullfremede  beon  =  249  A1:  quatenus  dum 
appetunt  perfedi  esse. 

Mat.  20.28b:  Ge  gewilniaS  to  gebeonne  on  gehwaedum  binge,  and  beon 
gewanod  on  bam  msestan  binge  =  no  Latin, 
habban,  have: 

L.  12.50:  ic  hcebbe  on  fulluhte  beon  gefullod  =  Baptismo  autem  habeo  baptizari. 
onginnan,  begin: 

Bede  88.3:  bonne  onginnetS  bser  seo  syn  acenned  beon  =  61.14:  peccatum 
incipit  nasci.  —  lb.  128.12:  ongon  .  .  .  swenced  beon  =  108. 18a:  coepit  .  .  . 
affici.  —  lb.  358.14:  ongan  .  .  .  gewanad  beon  =  267.1  lb:  coepit  .  .  .  referri. 

Wcerf.  74.3:  heo  ba  ongan  .  .  .  beon  onstyred  =  201  B3:  coepit  .  .  .  agitari. 
—  Ib.  206.14:  ba  ongan  bis  .  .  .  beon  gedon  =  252  B1:  Coepit  itaque  hoc  in- 
desinenter  agere.  —  Ib.  206.24:  ba  ongan  .  .  .  se  hlisa  .  .  .  beon  gemcersad 
=  252  B3:  coepit  .  .  .  fama  longe  lateque  crebescere. 

Mk.  13.4:  hwylc  tacen  bib  bsenne  ealle  bas  bing  onginnaS  beon  geendudf 
=  quando  hsec  omnia  incipient  consummari  ? 
wil(l)nian,  desire: 

Bede  234.1b:  Woldon  heo  7  willnadan  .  .  .  lifgan  .  .  .  obbe  forbferde  bser 
bebyrged  beon  =  176.30:  cupientes  .  .  .  sepeliri. 

Greg.  302.18:  bonne  hie  [ma]  wilniaS  obrum  monnum  underS iedde  beon  bonne 
hie  byrfen=  230.1:  cum  student  plus  quam  necesse  est  hominibus  subjid. 
witan,  know: 

Bede  402.24:  Ondswarode  ic  .  .  .  baet  ic  .  .  .  wiste  .  .  .  a&wegen  beon 
=  291.13:  respondi,  quia  salutari  fonte  in  remissionem  peccatorum  essem  ablutus. 


72 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


2 .  With  Passive  Verbs . 


In  a  few  instances  we  have  the  passive  infinitive  as  “the  retained  object  ” 
after  the  passive  of  these  verbs:  — 

aeteawan  [-ie-],  show.  (ge)liefan,  believe.  ongietan,  understand. 

bewerian ,  forbid.  (ge)seon,  see.  '■< 

The  examples  in  full  are :  — 

seteawan  [-ie-],  show: 

Bede  80.13:  is  gessegd,  bsette  bast  from  .  .  .  Gode  unclsene  y  besmiten 
ceteawed  bi&  in  weorce  beon ,  bsette  of  wyrtruman  .  .  .  accenned  bib  =  57.5: 
indicatum  est,  quia  illud  ab  .  .  .  Deo  pollutum  esse  in  opere  ostenditur. 

bewerian,  forbid: 

Bede  78.4:  heo  wceron  bewered  heora  weorum  gemengde  beon  =  55.16:  uiris 
suis  misceri  prohibentur. 

(ge)  lief  an  [-y-],  believe : 

Wcerf .  203.23:  bset  he  nane  binga  nces  gelyfed  beon  gefylled  =  248  C3:  ut  illis 
tot  virtutibus  nisi  sciretur  esse  plenus,  nullo  modo  crederetur. 

(ge)seon,  see: 

Bede  424.28:  saula  .  .  .,ba  .  .  .  gesegene  weeran  .  .  .  worpene  beon  =  305.6: 
quae  .  .  .  uidebantur  .  .  .  iactari. 

ongietan  [-y-],  understand: 

Bede  88.5:  bonne  bi&  ongyten  bser  syn  gefremed  beon  =  61.15:  tunc  peccatum 
cognoscitur  perjici. 

For  the  objective  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter 
XVI,  section  ii. 

NOTES. 


1.  The  Objective  Infinitive  in  a  Series.  —  In  the  following  passages,  quoted  on  the  pages 

indicated,  we  have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  the  first  is  inflected,  but  the  succeeding  is 
not:  Oros.  282. 9a>  b,  p.  49;  ib.  292.28,  29,  p.  49;-—^/.  Horn.  II.  196b  lf  2,  p.  51;  ib. 
488b7, 8,  p.  53;  ib.  55 \  —  Mf.  Hept.:  Gen.  48.17a’b,  p.  49;— JElf.  L.S.  154.127a’b, 

p.  47;  —  Gosp.:  Mat.  8.21a,b,  p.  46;  Mat.  13.17a,b,  p.  55.  In  the  following  passages  we 
have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  each  infinitive  is  inflected,  after  an  active  verb:  Bede 
330. 25a’ b;  334.4,  5;  430.33a,b;  —  Boeth.  41.4,  5;  103.15a  b;  110.29b,  30;  —  Greg.  249.20a-b; 
293.3a,b;  423.2,  3;  453.32a*b;  —  Laivs  414,  VII,  c.  13,  A1’2;  453,  c.  3,  §  la>b;  —  Bened. 
56.18a,b;  —  Pr.  Ps.  34.14a,b;  —  rElf.  Hept.:  Deut.  3.25a,b;  32.46a,b;  —  JElf.  Horn.  II.  486b1,2; 
—  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  223a,b;  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.:  1.  253b,  256;  —  Wulf.  34.14,  15; 
200.3a,b;  —  Poems:  Charms  V,  C.  4a,b’ Ci  d,  5a,b.  It  seems  unnecessary  to  give  the  series  in 
which  each  infinitive  is  uninflected. 

2.  Infinitive  after  a  Finite  Verb  Passive  in  Form ,  but  Active  in  Sense.  —  In  the  following 
passages  we  have  an  objective  infinitive  after  the  passive  of  ( ge)medemian ;  or,  rather,  the 
finite  verb,  though  passive  in  form,  is  active  in  sense,  the  passive  form  being  due  to  the  trans¬ 
lator’s  mistaking  the  deponent  verb  dignor  for  a  passive:  —  Wcerf.  206.4,  5a:  bsed  baet  he  ware 
gemedemod  him  f orgy  fan  7  sellan  hwylcehugu  frofre  to  eardigenne  =  252  A2, 3 :  ab  .  .  . 
Domino  petiit  ut  ei  ad  habitandum  aliquod  solatium  donare  dignaretur;  —  Laws  409,  Judi¬ 
cium  Dei  IV,  c.  2C :  bses  ilea  Godes  allmsehtiges  msegen  ofer  hine  bis  gibrehtan  sie  gimeodu- 
mad  =  eiusdem  Dei  omnipotentis  uirtus  super  eum  hoc  declarare  dignetur;  ib.  409,  c.  3:  of 
Mar’  hehstald  flaesc  onfoa  gimeodumad  ar<5  =  ex  Maria  uirgine  carnem  assumere  dignatus  es; 
ib.  411,  c.  4,  §  5b:  bis  giidlage  sie  gimeodumml  =  ueritas  hoc  euacuare  dignetur;  —  AElf. 
L.  S.  XXIII  B.  466:  ic  wees  gemedemod  gebiddan  ba  gerynu  bsere  .  .  .  rode  [MS.  G.:  to 
gebiddanne]',  —  ib.  XXX.  354:  bone  eac  swylce  se  haelend  sylf  wees  gemedemod  burh  bone 
heort  to  his  mildheortnesse  gecigan;  —  inflected:  Mart.  120.16:  drihten  God,  beo  bu  geme- 
dernad  me  to  geheranne.  The  same  thing  has  happened  with  (ge)eaxSmedan  in  Bede  340.1: 
Drihten  hire  forbfore  .  .  .  mid  sweotolre  gesyhbe  wees  geeaSmeded  to  onwreonne  -  257.4: 
Dominus  .  .  .  obitum  .  .  .  manifesta  uisione  reuelare  dignatus  est. 


CHAPTER  III. 

OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


Aside  from  the  Subjective  and  the  Objective  uses  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  we  find  occasionally  the  following  additional  Substantival  Uses:  (A)  as 
a  Predicate  Nominative  and  (B)  as  an  Appositive.  Of  (C)  the  infinitive  as  the 
Object  of  a  Preposition,  I  find  no  clear  example. 

A.  AS  A  PREDICATE  NOMINATIVE. 

The  use  of  the  infinitive  as  a  predicate  nominative  is  specifically  denied  to 
Anglo-Saxon  by  some  scholars,  as  by  Buchtenkirch,  l.  c.,  p.  9;  by  Ortmann, 
l.  c.,  p.  53;  and  by  Redepenning,  l.  c.,  p.  84.  But  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  23, 
cites  what  he  considers  an  example  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  predicate 
nominative  from  Thorpe’s  Analecta  Anglo-Saxonica,  p.  112:  Me  ys  geftuht  Godes 
beowdom  betweoh  bas  craeftas  ealdorscipe  healdan.  Possibly  healdan  is  a  predi¬ 
cate  nominative  here;  but,  as  has  been  pointed  out  by  Professor  Albert  S.  Cook,1 
it  may  be  considered  as  predicative  to  an  accusative  subject;  or,  as  the  context, 
seems  to  me  to  make  more  probable,  it  may  be  used  predicatively  with  the 
quasi-auxiliary,  ys  ge&uht :  see  p.  82  below.  In  his  The  Gerund  in  Old 
English ,  p.  35,  Dr.  T.  J.  Farrar  writes:  “The  only  instance  of  the  Gerund 
as  a  pure  sentence-predicate  is  in  poems  325.4: 2  to  findanne  naes  to  obfeorr- 
ganne  and  to  witanne  naes  to  obwyrceanne  and  to  lufianne  naes  to  oblaedanne.” 
Dr.  Farrar  does  not  quote  the  first  part  of  this  clause,  swa  ic  8ence  8is  feoh,  — - 
a  fact  that  may  in  part  account  for  his  interpretation?  At  any  rate,  I  take 
these  infinitives  to  be  objects  of  Sence,  and  naes  to  be  an  adverb  instead  of  a 
verb.  As  indicated,  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  examples  cited  below,  admit  of  a 
different  explanation.  I  quote  all  of  the  less  doubtful  examples  that  I  have 
observed,  giving  first  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  then  the  inflected. 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bl.  Horn.  189.30:  hit  is  my  cel  nedbearf  baet  h[ie]  man  forspille,  &  mid 
irenum  bislum  &  ordum  hie  man  slea  in  anr[e]  stowe  for  (sic!)  niman  mid 
witum  (or  subjective?).  [Possibly  an  and  has  dropped  out  before  for  f] 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  490 * x* 2:  Hwaet  is  lange  lybban  buton  lange  swincan  (or  sub¬ 
jective?)? —  76.  I.  584tl>2-3*4:  Hwaet  is  god  willa  buton  godnys,  baet  he 
obres  mannes  ungelimp  besargige,  and  on  his  gesundfulnysse  faegnige,  his 
freond  na  for  middengearde  ac  for  gode  lufige;  his  feond  mid  lufe  forberan, 
nanum  gebeodan  baet  him  sylfum  ne  licige,  his  nextan  neode  be  his  mihte  gehel- 
pan,  and  ofer  his  mihte  wyllan  (the  infinitives  may  be  appositive)? 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  643:  to  bam  mynstre  ferde  on  baere  ylcan  tide  be 
heora  easter-gewuna  wceron  togaedere  becuman  [Bosworth-Toller,  sub  v.  gewuna, 
suggests  woes  for  wceron].  —  76.  XXV.  310b:  Nis  nan  earfobnyss  baem  .  .  . 

1  In  his  A  First  Book  in  Old  English,  p.  131.  Thorpe’s  quotation  is  from  iElfric’s  Colloquy,  a  work  not  in¬ 
duced  in  my  “  Statistics,”  and  is  found  on  p.  30  of  the  edition  of  the  Analecta  cited  in  my  bibliography. 

2  =  Charms  V,  C.  4  a'  b>  °>  d,  5a-  b.  —  M.  C.,  Jr. 


73 


74 


OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


gode  on  feawum  mannum  obbe  on  micclum  werode  to  helpenne  on  gefeohte 
and  healdan  ba  t5e  he  wile  (or  subjective?). 

(2)  Inflected: 

With  beon  +  a  noun  or  pronoun,  arranged  in  alphabetic  order  of  noun  or 
pronoun : 

—  earfobnes,  difficulty: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXV.  310a:  Nis  nan  earfo&nyss  bsem  selmihtigan  gode  on  feawum 
mannum  obbe  on  micclum  werode  to  helpenne  on  gefeohte  and  healdan  ba  tSe 
he  wile  (or  subjective?). 

—  frecednes,  difficulty : 

Mlj.  Horn.  II.  160b:  wees  bam  gebrobrum  micel  frecednys  to  astigenne 
dseghwomlice  of  bam  cludum  to  wseterscipe  (or  subjective?). 

—  gemet,  propriety,  right: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  10.521:  He  ba  Ioseph  cwseb  mid  bifiendre  stefne: 
Nis  min  gemet  swilcum  cilde  to  onfonne,  forban  be  ic  hsebbe  fela  bearna  and  ba 
synd  ealle  yldran  bonne  heo. 

—  hwaet,  what? 

Mlj.  Horn.  II.  764:  Hwcet  is  to  ewedenne,  bset  nan  man  us  to  bam  wingearde 
ne  gehyrde,  buton  bset  nan  man  us  ne  bodade  lifes  weig?  —  lb.  II.  574*:  Hwcet 
is  to  cweSenne,  “Ne  cann  ic  eow,”  buton  bset  ic  ne  worhte  eow byllice?  [Or  is 
the  infinitive  subjective  in  each?] 

—  hwile  [-y-],  which,  what: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  614*:  Understandab  nu  hwile  sy  on  weges  geswince  to  ateori - 
genne,  and  beah  nelle  bone  weg  geendigan. 

Wulf.  214.22:  gif  ge  nellab  gelefan,  men  ba  leofestan,  bses  serendgewrites, 
bonne  ne  gebencab  ge  na,  hu  bset  deofol  bam  ancre  ssede,  hwylc  hit  in  helle 
wcere  to  wunianne. 

—  maeb,  power,  ability: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  298 4 :  Nis  na  eower  meet f  to  witenne  bone  timan,  be  min  Fseder 
burh  his  mihte  gesette. 

—  sorh,  sorrow: 

Beow.  473 :  Sorh  is  me  to  seeganne  .  .  .  gumena  sengum,  hwset  me  Grendel 
hafab  .  .  .  gefremed  (or  subjective,  as  Dr.  K.  Kohler,  l.  c.f  p.  45,  holds?). 

—  beaw,  custom: 

Bede  202.29:  Bset  eac  swilce  his  Seawwces  on  obrum  cyninges  tune  to  donne 
=  160.1:  quod  ipsum  et  in  aliis  uillis  regiis  facere  solebat. 

J.  19.40:  Hig  namon  bses  Hselendes  lichaman,  and  bewundon  hine  mid 
linenum  clabe  mid  wyrtgemangum,  swa  Iudea  <5eaw  ys  to  bebyrgenne  =  sicut 
mos  est  Judseis  sepelire. 

—  wundor,  wonder: 

Beow.  1724:  Wundor  is  to  seeganne,  hu  mihtig  god  manna  cynne  burh  sidne 
sefan  snyttru  bryttab,  eard  and  eorlscipe  (or  subjective?  Dr.  K.  Kohler,  l.  c., 
p.  48,  strange  to  say,  holds  that  the  infinitive  modifies  the  noun,  wundor). 

gebyrian,  be  jilting: 

Wulj.  279.5a*  b:  ne  gebyretS  set  cyrican  senig  bing  to  donne,  butan  god  to 
herianne  and  hine  to  gebiddanne  (or  subjective?). 

As  to  the  differentiation  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  predicate  nominative 
from  the  inflected  infinitive,  it  is  substantially  the  same  as  in  the  subjective 


THE  APPOSITIVE  INFINITIVE. 


75 


use:  the  infinitive  is  inflected  because  of  the  influence  of  the  noun  in  the  verbal 
phrase  made  up  of  is  etc.  +  a  noun.  In  the  few  instances  of  the  uninflected 
infinitive  as  predicate  nominative,  the  infinitive  is  usually  considerably  re¬ 
moved  from  the  noun  of  the  verbal  phrase,  and  in  one  instance  (JElf.  L.  S. 
XXV.  310b)  is  the  second  of  a  series  of  two  infinitives,  of  which  the  first 
is  inflected. 

At  times  an  inflected  infinitive  is  used  as  an  adjectivized  predicate  nomina¬ 
tive,  concerning  which  see  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  180-181. 

For  the  infinitive  as  predicate  nominative  in  the  other  Germanic  languages, 
see  Chapter  XVI,  section  iii. 

B.  AS  AN  APPOSITIVE. 

We  have  a  few  examples  in  which  the  infinitive  is  used  as  an  appositive 
to  a  noun  or  a  pronoun.  I  give  all  the  examples  observed,  arranged  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  case  involved :  — 

(a)  Nominative:  — 

(1)  Uninflected: 
forhaefednes,  restraint: 

JZlf.  Horn.  I.  360b1’2:  DeorwyrSe  is  Seos  forhcefednys,  and  wulderful 
Srowung  on  Godes  gesihSe,  Sa  yfelan  geSohtas  and  unlustas  mid  agenre  eyne- 
gyrde  gestyran,  and  fram  derigendlicere  spraece  and  pleolicum  weorce  hine 
sylfne  forhabban. 
hwaeSer,  which  ? 

Gosp.:  Mk.  2.9b:  HwceSer  is  eSre  to  secgenne  to  Sam  laman,  Se  synd 
Sine  synna  forgyfene;  hwaeSer  Se  cweSan,  Aris,  etc.  =  Quid  est  facilius,  dicere 
paralytico:  Dimittuntur  tibi  peccata,  an  dicere,  Surge  etc.;  so:  L.  5.23b. 

Saet,  that: 

Bede  78.22a>  b* c-  d* 6  =  55.32,  quoted  on  p.  3  above. 

Mk.  12.33:  Saet  he  si  gelufod  of  ealre  heortan  .  .  .  and  lufigean  his  nehstan 
swa  hine  sylfne,  Scet  is  mare  eallum  onsaegdnyssum  and  offrungum  =  ut  diligatur 
ex  toto  corde  .  .  .  et  diligere  proximum  tanquam  se  ipsum,  majus  est  omnibus 
etc. 

(2)  Inflected: 
aegSer  [egSer],  each: 

Solil.  16.16,  17:  forSam  me  ys  egSer  Sara  alyfad,  ge  Saet  good  to  lufianne  ge 
Saet  yfel  to  hatianne  =  Licet  enim  mihi  in  quovis  arnare  rationem,  cum  ilium 
jure  oderim  qui  male  utitur  eo  quod  amo.  [Or  is  the  infinitive  a  genitive 
appositive  to  Sara?  See  note  to  oSer  on  p.  77.] 
hwaet,  what: 

Mat.  9.5a>  b :  Hwaet  is  eaSlicre  to  cweSenne,  Be  beoS  forgyfene  Sine  synna, 
oSSe  to  cweSanne,  Aris  and  ga?  =  Quid  est  facilius,  dicere:  Dimittuntur  tibi 
peccata,  an  dicere,  Surge  et  ambula? 
hwaeSer,  ivhich  ? 

Gosp.:  Mk.  2.9a  and  L.  5.23a,  both  quoted  under  “  Uninflected  ”  above, 
syn,  sin: 

Boeth.  84.32:  Baet  is  Seah  micel  syn  to  geSencanne  be  Gode,  Saette  aenig  god 
sie  buton  on  him  =  74.72:  0. 
ylce,  same: 


76 


OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


Pr.  Ps.  39,  Intr.:  swa  ylce  gebyreS  aelcum  Cristnum  men,  Sas  twegen 
sealmas  to  singanne  =  0. 

(b)  Genitive:  — 

(1)  Uninflected: 
behaes,  promise: 

Chron.  227b,  1093  Eb- c*  d:  on  his  broke  he  Gode  fela  behcesa  behet  his  agen 
lif  on  riht  to  laedene  7  Godes  cyrcean  gri&ian  7  fri&ian  7  naefre  ma  eft  wiS  feo 
gesyllan  7  ealle  rihte  lage  on  his  Seode  to  habbene. 
forhasfednes,  restraint: 

Mlf.  Horn.  1. 360m  h  2>  3:  OSer  forhcefednysse  cynn  is  deorwurSre  and  healicre, 
Seah  seo  oSer  god  sy:  styran  his  modes  styrunge  .  .  .,  and  campian  daeg- 
hwamlice  wiS  leahtras,  and  hine  sylfne  Sreagian. 

(2)  Inflected: 
behaes,  promise: 

Chron.  227b,  1093a-e:  quoted  under  “Uninflected.” 

Saet,  that: 

Greg.  273.3:  Saet  hie  geornlice  tiligen  to  wietanne  Saet  him  nis  na  Sees  anes 
Searf  to  Senceanne  hwelce  hie  hie  selfe  utane  eowien  mannum  =  206.3:  ut  scire 
sollicite  studeant,  non  solum  quales  foris  ostendere,  sed  etiam  quales  se  debeant 
intus  exhibere. 

Oros.  50.16:  For  Son  nis  me  Searf,  cwaeS  0.,  to  secgenne  =  51.11:  nec 
per  ordinem  nunc  retexere  nostrum  est. 

(c)  Dative:  — 

(1)  Uninflected: 
onginn,  undertaking: 

Pr.  Gu.  IV.  58:  Sa  waes  his  mod  (5aes  eadigan  weres  swibe  gedrefed  on  him 
be  <5am  onginne,  <5e  he  ongan,  baet  westen  swa  ana  eardigan  =  tunc  miles 
Christi  totis  sensibus  turbatus  de  eo,  quod  incoeperat,  desperare  coepit,  et  hue 
illucque  turbulentum  animum  convertus,  quo  solo  sederet,  nesciebat. 

(2)  Inflected: 
aegtSer,  each: 

Solil.  2.16,  17:  forgife  me  (5aet  me  to  eeg&rum  onhagige,  ge  her  nytwyrbe  to 
beonne,  ge  huru  <5ider  to  cumanne  =  0. 

(d)  Accusative:  — 

(1)  Uninflected: 
aegSer,  each: 

Oros.  178.10,  11:  he  him  geswor  on  his  goda  noman  <5aet  he  cegSer  wolde,  ge 
<5aet  aerende  abeodan,  swa  swa  hi  hiene  heton,  ge  eac  him  <5aet  anwyrde  eft 
gecydan  =  0. 
bu,  both: 

Mart.  60.3a’  b:  hu  meahte  ic  bu  somod  ge  inheofon  geheran  ge  her  sprecanf 
hwaet,  what: 

Laws  455,  Gerefa,  c.  131-12:  A  he  maeig  findan,  hwcet  he  maeig  on  byrig  betan  — 
ne  (5earf  he  na  unnyt  beon,  Sonne  he  Saer  binnan — :  oSSe  hus  godian ,  rihtan  7 
weoxian  7  grep  hegian,  dicsceard  betan ,  hegas  godian ,  weod  wyrtwalian,  betweox 
husan  briegian ,  beoddian ,  bencian,  horsan  styllan,  flor  feormian  oSSe  synnes 
(sic!)  sum  Sing  Se  to  nyte  maege. 
naSer,  neither: 

Pr.  Gu.  XVI.  14a>  b:  swa  sarlice  he  waes  mid  Sam  sare  geswcnced,  Saet  he 


THE  APPOSITIYE  INFINITIVE. 


77 


na<5er  'Sara  ne  gesittan  ne  standan  mihte  =  ut  sedere  aut  stare  vel  jacere  nequi vis- 
set  (see  note  to  o&er  below). 

oSer,  one: 

Boeth.  53.20a*  b:  Sa  wilniaS  oder  twega,  oSSe  him  selfe  ricsian,  o<5<5e  hi  to 
Saera  ricena  freondscipe  geSiodan  =  52.20,  21 :  hi  uel  regnare  ipsi  uolunt  uel 
regnantibus  adhaerere  conantur  (the  infinitives  may  be  considered  appositive 
to  the  genitive,  twega ,  but  are  more  probably  appositive  to  o&er :  see  examples 
from  Orosius  below). 

Oros.  44.9:  secgan  het  Saet  hie  o$er  sceolden,  oSSe  Saet  land  set  him  alesan, 
oSSe  he  hie  wolde  mid  gefeohte  fordon  7  forhergian  =  0.  —  lb.  120. 31a-  b: 
<5aet  hie  siSSan  o$er  sceoldon,  oSSe  for  metelieste  heora  lif  alcetan  oSSe  Somnitum 
an  hand  gan  =  0.  —  lb.  138.32a’b:  to  tacne  Saet  hie  o&er  woldon,  oSSe  ealle 
libban  oSSe  ealle  licgean  =  0. 

Maldon  208a*b:  hi  woldon  <5a  ealle  oder  twega,  lif  forlcetan  oSSe  leofne 
gewrecan  (see  note  to  examples  from  Boethius  above). 

weorc,  work: 

Beow.  76:  ic  wide  gefraegn  weorc  gebannan  manigre  maegSe  geond  Sisne 
middangeard,  folcstede  frcetwan. 

Bede  458.24:  he  aerest  ongan  <5aet  weorc  Cristes  godspell  Iceran  =  326.18: 
ipse  primus  ibi  opus  euangelicum  coepit. 

(2)  Inflected: 

segSer,  each: 

Greg.  355.22a>  b:  forSaem  he  wisse  Saet  hit  biS  swiSe  unieSe  ceg&er  to  donne, 
ge  wdS  Sone  to  cidanne  Se  yfel  deS,  ge  eac  sibbe  wiS  to  habbenne  =  276.1:  Diffi¬ 
cile  quippe  erat  ut  si  male  acta  corriperent,  habere  pacem  cum  omnibus  possent. 

weorc,  work: 

Bede  56.24:  Agustinus  .  .  .  hwearf  eft  on  Saet  weorc  Godes  word  to  Iceranne 
7  com  on  Breotone  =  44.29:  A.  .  .  .  rediit  in  opus  uerbi}  peruenitque  Britan- 
niam  (or  does  to  Iceranne  modify  weorc  attributively  instead  of  being  apposi¬ 
tive  thereto?). 

A  careful  inspection  of  the  foregoing  examples  will  show  that  normally  the 
appositive  infinitive  is  uninflected.  If  inflected,  the  infinitive  is  inflected 
because  of  its  relative  proximity  to  some  word  that  is  usually  accompanied  by 
the  inflected  infinitive  (as  aliefan:  Solil.  16.16,  17;  earlier e:  Mat.  9.5a>  b; 
ea&re:  Mk.  2.9a,  L.  5.23b;  gebyrian:  Pr.  Ps.  39.  Intr.;  onhagian:  Solil.  2.16, 
17;  syn:  Boeth.  84.32;  unie&e:  Greg.  355. 22a>  b;  behatan  [(?):  or  on  rihtf]: 
Chron.  227b,  1093a).  I  know  not  how  to  account  for  the  inflected  infinitive  in 
Chron.  227b,  1093®  (in  which  an  inflected  infinitive  occurs  after  three  preceding 
uninflected  infinitives)  unless  it  be  due  to  the  disturbing  influence  of  rihte;  in 
Bede  56.24,  as  there  stated,  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  noun  {weorc)  as  an 
attributive  genitive  instead  of  as  an  appositive.  —  In  two  instances  {Mk.  2.9b, 
L.  5.23b,  p.  75  above)  the  uninflected  infinitive  occurs  in  a  series  beginning 
with  an  inflected  infinitive,  while  in  one  instance  {Chron.  227b,  1093e),  as  already 
stated,  the  reverse  is  the  case. 

For  the  appositive  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter 
XVI,  section  iii. 


78 


OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


C.  AS  THE  OBJECT  OF  A  PREPOSITION. 

Aside  from  the  inflected  infinitive  made  up  of  the  preposition  to  1  plus  a 
dative  of  the  verbal  noun  in  -ne,  which  we  regard  as  a  unit  and  which,  therefore, 
does  not  strictly  fall  under  the  above  heading,  I  have  found  no  clear  case  of  an 
infinitive  used  as  the  object  of  a  preposition.  Dr.  T.  J.  Farrar,  l.  c.,  p.  35,  cites 
Bede  82.22  (bes  mon  is  his  seolfes  dome  to  forlsetenne,  obbe  be  cirican  ingonge, 
obbe  to  onfonne  bsem  geryne  =  58.25:  iste  profecto  siue  de  ingressu  ecclesiae, 
seu  de  sumendo  dominici  corporis  sanguinisque  mysterio,  suo  est  iudicio  relin- 
quendus)  as  an  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  used  with  the  preposition 
be;  and  it  is  possible  so  to  construe  to  onfonne ,  especially  in  view  of  its  close 
correspondence  to  the  Latin  de  sumendo.  It  is  also  possible,  however,  to  con¬ 
sider  to  onfonne  as  an  adverbial  infinitive  of  specification  without  dependence 
upon  the  preposition  be:  see  Chapter  XII,  section  B.  In  sentences  like  Wulf. 
279.5a* b  (ne  gebyreb  set  cyrican  senig  Sing  to  donne,  butan  god  to  herianne  and 
hine  to  gebiddanne),  butan  is  probably  a  conjunctive  adverb  instead  of  a  prepo¬ 
sition,  and  the  infinitives,  instead  of  being  objects  of  butany  are  nominatives. 
—  In  Wcerf.  71.11  (he  wses  geornful  mid  teolone  his  singalra  gebeda  =  200  B: 
continuse  orationis  studio)  one  is  tempted  to  consider  teolone  an  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  that  has  lost  its  to  and  that  is  the  object  of  the  preposition  mid.  But  more 
probably  teolone  is  a  noun,  though  I  do  not  find  it  so  recorded  in  the  dictionaries. 

To  turn  to  the  uninflected  infinitive,  it  is  probable  that  in  such  instances  as 
JElf.  Horn.  I.  490* 2  (Hwset  is  lange  lybban  buton  lange  swincan )  and  JElf.  L.  S. 
XXV.  198,  199  (hwset  wille  we  leng  don  buton  licgan  ealle  set  his  arwurbum 
cneowum  and  eadmodlice  biddan  bset  he  us  gebingie  to  byllicum  gode?)  buton 
is  a  conjunctive  adverb,  not  a  preposition.  —  So,  too,  in  Bede  78.26  (Ond  hwset 
elles  is  to  secenne  wib  bsem  hungre  nemne  ondlifen,  wib  burst  drync,  wib  hseto 
celnis,  wi b  cyle  hrsegl,  wib  werignesse  reste,  wib  untrymnesse  lacedom  secan 
=  56.3 :  Et  quid  est  aliud  contra  famem  alimenta,  contra  sitim  potum,  contra 
aestum  auras,  contra  frigus  uestem,  contra  lassitudinem  requiem  quaerere, 
nisi  medicamentum  quidem  contra  egritudines  explorare)  nemne  is  probably  a 
conjunction,  as  is  the  Latin  nisi;  and  secan  in  reality  completes  the  sense  of 
is,  as  does  to  secanne,  but,  owing  to  its  remoteness  from  is,  is  uninflected:  see 
Chapter  VII,  p.  98.  —  In  Lcece.  5.37  (gif  mon  on  sinwe  beslea  oet  blodlcetan 
and  45.10  (Gif  mon  cet  blodlcetan  on  sinwe  beslea),  we  have  a  compound  noun, 
I  think,  although  I  do  not  find  this  word  so  recorded  in  the  dictionaries. 

For  the  idiom  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  iii. 


1  Also  sporadically  of  for  to. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Perhaps  the  most  frequent  use  of  the  active  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  is 
to  complete  the  sense  of  these  auxiliary  verbs: 

agan  (nagan),  owe  (not),  ought  (not).  mot,  may,  must. 

cunnan,  know,  can.  sculan,  owe,  shall . 

dear(r),  dare.  tSurfan,  need. 

magan,  can,  may.  willan,1  desire,  will. 

No  doubt,  as  is  generally  believed,  the  complementary  infinitive  after  these 
verbs  was  originally  scarcely,  if  at  all,  distinguishable  from  the  objective  in¬ 
finitive,  treated  in  Chapter  II;  for  the  auxiliary  verbs  originally  were  transitive 
in  sense  and  could  govern  a  noun  object,  as  is  still  true  of  willan  in  its  primary 
sense  of  ‘  desire/  As,  however,  the  transitive  sense  more  and  more  paled  away 
in  the  auxiliaries,  the  latter  came  to  seem  more  and  more  to  be  mere  copulas 
between  the  subject  and  the  infinitive;  and  the  infinitive,  instead  of  seeming 
to  be  the  object  of  the  auxiliary,  appears  to  us  as  the  most  significant  element 
in  the  verb  phrase.  Hence  it  is  that  I  have  put  the  use  of  the  infinitive  with 
auxiliary  verbs  under  the  general  heading  of  the  more  verbal  (or  the  predica¬ 
tive)  uses  of  the  infinitive. 

The  predicative  infinitive  with  auxiliaries  is  habitually  uninflected,  though 
occasionally  it  is  inflected.  The  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  are  so 
numerous  and  are  so  normal  that  it  has  not  seemed  profitable  to  me  either  to 
collect  or  to  publish  the  complete  statistics  thereof.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  this 
infinitive  is  very  frequent  in  poetry  and  in  prose,  in  Early  West  Saxon  and  in 
Late  West  Saxon,  and  in  the  more  original  works  as  well  as  in  the  translations. 
Nor  have  I  sought  with  a  verb  like  willan,  which  is  sometimes  a  transitive  verb 
and  sometimes  an  auxiliary,  to  separate  the  two  uses.  In  a  word,  the  paucity 
of  my  statistics  as  to  the  predicative  uninflected  infinitive  is  intentional,  and 
is  based  on  the  belief  that  what  is  peculiar  in  such  verbal  phrases  rests  on  the 
shift  in  meaning  of  the  auxiliaries,  and  belongs  rather  to  a  history  of  the  auxili¬ 
aries  than  to  a  history  of  the  infinitive.  Moreover,  the  history  of  the  auxiliaries 
has  already  been  worked  out  to  a  greater  or  less  degree,  especially  in  the  case 
of  the  two  most  interesting  ones,  sculan  and  willan.2  A  few  examples,  there¬ 
fore,  will  suffice  for  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  auxiliary 
verbs.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  tried  to  collect  all  the  examples  of  the  rarer 
construction,  the  inflected  infinitive  as  complement  to  the  auxiliaries.  I  do 
not  forget  that  this  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  complement  to  auxiliary 
verbs  is  denied  by  some  careful  students  of  Anglo-Saxon,  as  by  Dr.  K.  Kohler, 
l.  c.,  p.  45,  Professor  Blackburn,2 1.  c .,  p.  57,  and  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  pp.  9,  68,  70, 

1  For  reasons  already  given,  I  do  not  put  here,  but  under  the  objective  use,  beginnan,  don,  gewunian,  habban, 
onginnan,  and  wunian.  Beon  ( wesan )  is  treated  in  Chapter  VII.  .Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  pp.  88  ff.,  uses  the  terms 
complement  and  complementary  so  as  to  include  a  very  large  number  of  verbs,  transitive  and  intransitive. 

2  See,  in  the  bibliography,  the  works  by  Blackburn,  C.  B.  Bradley,  H.  Bradley,  Graef,  K.  Kohler,  H. 

Kurrelmeyer,  Ljunggren,  Liittgens,  and  Riggert.  .  ....  ••  f 

79 


80 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 


and  75;  but  I  think  that  the  scarcity  of  examples  in  the  poetry  has  misled 
these  gentlemen,  and  that  the  construction  will  hardly  be  questioned  by  any 
one  after  reading  the  complete  statistics  thereof  given  below.  It  is  difficult 
to  discover  the  view  of  Dr.  Wiilfing  and  of  Dr.  Farrar:  the  former,  l.  c.,  II,  pp. 
209-210,  gives  one  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  after  willan  1  and  agan 
each,  but  calls  it  objective;  the  latter  nowhere  differentiates  the  complemen¬ 
tary  and  the  objective  uses  of  the  inflected  infinitive. 

As  to  the  position  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs,  my 
observation  tallies  with  that  of  Dr.  Riggert,  who,  l.  c.,  p.  10,  declares:  “  Der 
Infinitiv  pflegt  im  Hauptsatze  dem  Hilfsverb  zu  folgen,  im  Nebensatze  ihm 
voranzustehen.  Zwar  ist  die  Regel  nicht  streng  durchgefiihrt,  jedoch  sind  die 
Abweichungen  vielleicht  des  ofteren  aus  metrischen  Rticksichten  zu  erklaren.” 
The  inflected  infinitive  follows  the  auxiliary  except  in  a  very  few  instances 
( Laws  396  and  400,  quoted  below  under  agan,  p.  81;  Bened.  135.11,  quoted 
under  durran ,  p.  82). 

Whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  the  predicative  infinitive  that  is  active 
in  form  is  active  in  sense. 

The  following  are  typical  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  with  auxil¬ 
iary  verbs : — 

agan,  owe,  ought: 

Wulf.  294. 26b:  ac  man  ah  cyrican  and  haligdom  to  secanne  and  bser  hine 
georne  inne  to  gebiddanne  and  mid  eadmodnysse  hlystan. 
cunnan,  know,  can: 

Beow.  2372:  he  .  .  .  ebelstolas  healdan  cu&e. —  Ih.  91:  se  be  cude  frum- 
sceaft  fira  feorran  reccan. 
dear(r),  dare: 

Beow.  528 :  gif  bu  Grendles  dearst  nihtlongne  fyrst  nean  bidan.  —  lb.  684b : 
gif  he  gesecan  dear  wig  ofer  wsepen. 
magan,  can,  may: 

Beow.  2954,  2955:  bset  he  ssemannum  onsacan  mihte,  heabolibendum  hord 
forstandan. 

mot,  may,  must: 

Beow.  1939,  1940:  bset  hit  sceadenmsel  scyran  moste,  cwealmbealu  cy&an. 
sculan,  owe,  shall: 

Beow.  1464:  bset  hit  ellenweorc  cefnan  scolde.  —  lb.  3078:  Oft  sceall  eorl 
.  .  .  wrsec  adreogan. 
burfan,  need: 

Beow.  2874:  nealles  folccyning  fyrdgesteallum  gylpan  Sorfte.  —  lb.  446a: 
Na  bu  minne  Searft  hafalan  hydan. 
willan,  desire,  will: 

Beow.  2148,2149:  mabmas  .  .  .  baicbe  .  .  .  bringanwylle,  estum  gey wan. 

Below  I  cite,  in  alphabetic  sequence  of  the  auxiliaries,  all  the  examples  of 
the  complementary  inflected  infinitive  that  I  have  observed:  — 
agan  (nagan),  owe  (not),  ought  (not): 

Chron.  206*,  1070  Aa:  he  .  .  .  ssede  bset  he  hit  nahte  to  donne.  —  76.  216m, 


1  Boeth.  110.29,  but  the  text  used  by  me,  Sedgefield’s,  has  here  wilnaS. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


81 


1085  Ed:  obbe  hwilce  gerihtse  he  ahte  to  habbanne  to  xii  monbum.  —  lb.  266m, 
1140  Eb:  Be  eorl  .  .  .  benam  him  al  bset  he  ahte  to  hauen  (sic!). 

Laws  30,  vElfred,  Intr.,  c.  12a:  nage  he  hie  ut  on  elbeodig  folc  to  bebycgganne. 

—  Ib.  48,  Alfred,  c.  2:  age  he  breora  nihta  fierst  him  to  gebeorganne  (or  final?). 

—  Ib.  116,  Ine,  c.  62:  nah  bonne  self  nane  wiht  to  gesellanne  beforan  ceape.  — 
Ib.  228,  III  ^Ethelred,  c.  3:  hlafordes  gifu,  be  he  on  riht  age  to  gifanne.  —  Ib. 
284,  I.  Cnut,  c.  4,  §  1 :  understande  se  be  cunne,  my  cel  is  7  msere  bset  sacerd 
ah  to  donne  folce  to  bearfe.  —  Ib.  304,  I  Cnut,  c.  22,  §  5a:  Forbam  he  nah  setter 
forbsibe  Cristenra  manna  gemanan  ne  on  gehalgedan  lictune  to  restene.  —  Ib. 
304,  I  Cnut,  c.  22,  §  5b:  ne  he  nah  bses  halgan  husles  to  onfonne  her  on  life.  — 
Ib.  304,  I  Cnut,  c.  22,  §  6:  ne  he  nah  mid  rihte  obres  mannes  to  onfonne  set 
fulluhte.  —  Ib.  328,  II  Cnut,  c.  24,  §  3 :  bset  nan  man  hit  nah  to  geahnianne 
rabost  binga.  —  Ib.  376,  Duns.,  c.  6:  nah  naber  to  far enne  ne  Wilisc  mon  on 
^Englisc  land  ne  iEnglisc  etc.  —  Ib.  396,  Swerian,  c.  3,  §  3 :  swa  hit  me  se 
sealde,  be  hit  to  syllanne  agte.  —  Ib.  400,  Becwseb,  c.  2:  swa  hit  se  sealde,  be  to 
syllanne  ahte.  —  Ib.  442,  Wifmannes  Beweddung,  Inscr.,  MS.  B :  Hu  man  mseden 
weddian  sceal:  7  hwylce  forewarde  bser  aghon  to  beonne.  —  Ib.  477,  Episcopus, 
c.  2b:  bset  heora  selc  wite,  .  .  .  eac  hwset  hy  woruldmannum  agan  to  beodanne. 

Wcerf.  241.18:  bset  se  be  agymeleasede,  bset  he  heolde  his  lichaman  forhsefed- 
nesse,  nahte  sona  na  ma  to  sprecenne  bses  wundorlican  msegnes  word  buton  lich- 
amlicre  tungan  =  296  A2:  ut  qui  carnis  continentiam  servare  neglexerat,  sine 
lingua  carnea  non  haberet  verba  virtutis. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.:  15.252:  Hwanan  wearb  eow,  bset  ge  mihton  ahan 
(sic!)  godes  beowes  to  beswicenne  =  216.281 :  Quis  te  genuit,  vel  quis  vobis 
prsecepit  in  sancta  opera  insidiari  ? 

Wulf.  39.17 :  he  ne  .  .  .  nah  mid  rihte  seniges  mannes  set  fulluhte  to  onfonne 
ne  set  bisceopes  handa.  —  Ib.  123.2:  forbam  nah  senig  man  mid  rihte  tofullianne 
hsebenne  man.  —  Ib.  135.31:  bset  se  deofol  eow  nage  naht  on  to  bestelenne  on 
bam  ytemestan  dsege.  —  Ib.  238.2:  nan  man  nah  to  .  .  .  cyrican  ne  to  .  .  . 
weofode  idelhende  to  cumene.  —  Ib.  279.19:  witodlice  nah  man  on  senigne  timan 
...  set  godes  huse  unnyt  to  donne.  —  Ib.  290.18:  bu  ahst  tofyllenne  bine  seofen 
tidsangas.  —  Ib.  292.2:  hu  ge  agan  her  on  life  rihtlice  to  libbanne.  —  Ib.  294.20, 
24:  bset  man  ah  to  forganne  ealle  fulnyssa;  .  .  .  selc  gemot  senig  mann  to 
fremmanne.  —  Ib.  294.25,  26a:  ac  man  ah  cyrican  and  haligdom  to  secanne  and 
bser  hine  georne  inne  to  gebiddanne  and  mid  eadmodnysse  hlystan  (sic!).  —  Ib. 
294.30a:  bset  man  ah  seoce  men  to  geneosianne  and  deade  bebyrian  (sic!), 
earmingas  .  .  .  fedan  (sic!)  and  scrydan  (sic!).  —  Ib.  295.5:  man  ah  on  bam 
dsege  hine  to  gesibsumianne. —  Ib.  302.5:  ne  he  nah  mid  rihte  seniges  mannes 
set  fulluhte  to  onfonne  ne  set  bisceopes  handum.  —  Ib.  307.27 :  ne  he  nah  mid 
rihte  obres  mannes  to  onfonne  set  fulluhte. 

cunnan,  know,  can: 

Ex.  437:  He  ab  swereb,  engla  beoden,  .  .  .  bset  bines  cynnes  and  cneow- 
maga,  randwiggendra  rim  ne  cunnon  yldo  ofer  eorban  ealle  crsefte  to  gesecgenne 
sobum  wordum,  nymbe  etc.  [In  his  edition  of  Exodus  and  Daniel,  Professor 
F.  A.  Blackburn  comments  as  follows  on  this  passage:  “  The  object  of  cunnon 
is  rim, 1  know  not  the  number  ...  to  tell  it/  i.  e.  will  not  be  able  to  count  thy 
descendants,  to  gesecgenne  cannot  be  joined  directly  to  cunnon,  ‘  can  tell/ 
since  cunnan  in  this  sense  takes  the  pure  infin.,  not  the  phrasal  form.”  Simi¬ 
larly  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  75,  expresses  himself:  “In  loser  Beziehung  zum 


82  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 

Satze  stehend  mochte  ich  den  prapos.  Inf.  Exod.  435  [=  my  437]  auffassen 
.  .  .  Da  sich  in  der  ae.  Poesie  Kein  Beispiel  fur  die  Verbindung  von  Hilfsverb 
mit  prapos.  Inf.  findet,  ist  auch  hier  wohl  nicht  to  gesecgenne  als  unmittelbar 
abhangig  von  cunnan  zu  betrachten.”  The  interpretation  of  Drs.  Blackburn 
and  Riggert  is,  of  course,  possible;  but  it  does  not  seem  probable  to  me  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  we  have  a  second  instance  of  to  gescegenne  after  cunnan  in 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry  (Rid.  37.13),  and  not  a  few  clear  examples  of  the  inflected 
infinitive  used  predicatively  with  other  auxiliaries  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose.] 

Rid.  37.13:  Du  wast  gif  bu  const  to  gesecganne,  bset  we  sotS  witan  hu  bsere 
wihte  wise  gonge.  [In  his  edition  of  The  Riddles  of  the  Exeter  Book ,  Professor 
Frederick  Tupper,  Jr.,  does  not  comment  on  the  inflection  of  the  infinitive  here, 
but  cites  two  analogous  passages:  And.  603  (Miht  bu  me  gesecgan,  bset  ic  sob 
wite)  and  Chr.  442  (bset  bu  sob  wite).  But  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  70,  and  Mr. 
Wyatt,  l.  c .,  p.  95,  consider  to  gesecganne  the  object  of  wast ,  not  the  complement 
of  const ,  —  an  interpretation  that  seems  to  me  quite  doubtful.] 
dear(r),  dare: 

Bened .  135.11:  forbi  ansetles  wununge  geceosab,  baet  hi  gebwsere  and  eab- 
mode  gebuhte  syn  and  hi  nan  man  gegremianne  (sic!)  dyrre  =  0.  [Cf.  Farrar, 
l.  c.,  p.  22,  where  attention  is  called  to  the  absence  of  to,  but  no  explanation 
is  suggested  for  the  inflection  of  the  infinitive.] 
nagan:  see  agan  above, 
sculan,  owe,  shall: 

Chron.  30*,  656  Ed:  ba  wserb  he  swibe  glsed,  heot  seonden  .  .  .  sefter  alle  ba 
be  Gode  luuedon,  bset  hi  scoldon  to  him  cumene  (sic!). 

Somewhat  akin  to  the  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs 
is  the  use  of  the  infinitive  in  the  following  sentences,  after  cuman,  ‘  come/ 
gehyrian,  1  be  fitting/  and  Syncan,  1  seem:  ’  Chron.  177m,  1052  Ea:  Da  com  hit 
to  witenne  bam  eorlum  ut  to  Sandwic;  —  Laws  483,  Wilhelm  I,  c.  la:  Gif 
Englisc  man  beclypab  senigne  Frsencisne  mann  to  orneste  ...  for  senigan 
bingan,  be  gebyrige  ornest  fore  to  beonne;  —  Wcerf.  179.9:  Nu  ic  bus  swibe 
behealde  ba  neahfaedras,  be  mid  us  wseron,  maran  7  gebungenran  manna  dseda 
ic  forlet,  swa  bset  me  Synced  of  gemynde  beon  Paulines  wundor  Nolane  burge 
biscopes,  se  manige  msen  bara,  be  ic  gemunde,  segber  ge  on  tida  gegange  ge  eac 
on  wundrum  oferbeah  =  216  C:  Dum  vicinis  valde  Patribus  intento,  majorum 
facta  reliqueram,  ita  ut  Paulini  miraculum,  Nolanae  urbis  episcopi,  qui  multos 
quorum  memini  virtute  et  tempore  praecessit,  memoriae  defuisse  videatur. 

In  the  following  passages  we  seem  to  have  an  active  infinitive  used  as  the 
complement  of  the  passive  of  gewunian,  ‘  habituate  one’s  self:  ’  Wcerf.  181.13: 
grene  wyrta  he  is  gewunod  me  to  bringanne  =  220  A3 :  herbas  mihi  ad  prandium 
deferre  consuevit;  —  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  358b:  baba  se  brobor  wees  gewunod  to 
mcessigenne;  —  ib.  II.  570b:  Ge  be  waeron  geumnode  to  underfonne  manna 
herunga  for  eowerum  godum  weorcum,  farab  etc.  See,  too,  p.  73  above. 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

How  shall  we  account  for  the  instances  in  which  we  have  an  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  as  the  complement  of  an  auxiliary  verb?  With  all  the  strict  auxiliaries 
except  agan,  the  predicative  infinitive  is  normally  uninflected,  and  the  straggling 
xamples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  are  clearly  the  exceptions  that  prove  the 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


83 


rule.  With  agan,  however,  the  predicative  infinitive  is  frequently  inflected; 
why?  Because  of  the  strong  datival  sense  of  the  verb,  —  its  signification  of 
propriety  or  fitness,  I  think.  In  Wulfstan  we  find  the  infinitive  uninflected 
four  times  after  agan  ( nagan ),  in  a  series,  once  (294.26b)  in  a  series  of  three  in¬ 
finitives  and  three  times  (294.30b,  31a*  b)  in  a  series  of  four  infinitives,  with 
the  first  infinitive  inflected  in  each  of  the  two  series,  and  also  the  second  infini¬ 
tive  in  the  former  series. 

As  stated  above,  Dr.  K.  Kohler  and  Dr.  Biggert  both  deny  that  we  have 
any  clear  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  an  auxiliary 
verb;  hence  they  do  not  attempt  to  differentiate  the  uninflected  infinitive  from 
the  inflected  infinitive  in  this  use.  The  most  specific  deliverance  that  I  have 
observed  as  to  the  differentiation  of  the  two  infinitives  after  auxiliaries  is  the 
following  by  Professor  Einenkel,  in  his  “  Der  Infinitiv  im  Mittelenglischen,” 
p.  88,  written  primarily  with  reference  to  Middle  English:  “  Eine  der  altesten 
Verbindungen  ist  die  des  Objectsinfinitivs  mit  einem  Hilfszeitwort.  Hier  ist  der 
reine  Infinitiv  die  fast  ausnahmslose  Regel.  Haufiger  findet  sich  die  Proposition 
dort,  wo  das  Hilfszeitwort  dem  pragnanteren  Sinne  des  Begriffsverbs  sich  nahert. 
Die  Grenze  zwischen  diesen  beiden  Verwendungen  ist  oft  sclrwer  zu  ziehen.” 

As  to  the  complementary  infinitive  with  the  passive  of  gewunian,  the  inflected 
infinitive  is  what  we  should  expect  and  what  we  find. 

In  the  kindred  Germanic  languages,  too,  we  occasionally  find  the  active 
infinitive  inflected  after  auxiliary  verbs:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  iv. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  an  auxiliary  verb  is  not  nearly 
so  frequent  as  is  the  active  infinitive  in  the  same  use,  but  it  is  far  more  frequent 
than  in  other  uses  of  the  passive  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.  It  is  very  rare  in 
the  poems,  and  is  found  chiefly  in  the  prose  translations.  The  passive  infini¬ 
tive  is  made  up  normally  of  the  verb  beon  plus  the  past  participle,  but  occasion¬ 
ally  of  weor$an  or  of  wesan  plus  a  past  participle.  I  do  not  see  any  difference 
in  sense  between  the  passive  infinitive  made  with  beon  and  that  made  with 
wesan ;  but  that  made  with  weorSan  denotes,  originally  at  any  rate,  an  ‘  im¬ 
perfect  1  action,  while  the  other  two  denote  a  1  perfect 1  action,  in  the  technical 
sense  of  these  terms. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 

cunnan,  know,  can: 

Greg.  113.22:  se  t5e  conn  wel  straec  beon  &  ahafen  wiS  Sa  unryhtwisan  = 
78.26:  qui  scit  per  illam  super  culpas  erigi. 

dear(r)  dare: 

Wcerf.  132.17:  swa  Seah  he  ne  dorste  beon  beforan  him  upp  arcered  of  Saere 
eorSan  =  B.  162  A3:  sed  ipse  ante  eum  de  terra  erigi  non  auderet.  —  lb.  232.7: 
be  Sam  ne  dorste  us  nan  wen  beon  ge&iiht  =  284  A:  de  quibus  nil  coelestis 
gloriae  prcesumi  posse  videbatur ,  oborta  occasione,  contigit  ad  martyrii  coronas 
pervenisse? 

magan,  can ,  may: 

Bede  20.14:  Saere  lichama  on  byrigenne  gewemmed  beon  ne  mihte  =  243.2: 
cuius  nec  corpus  in  monumento  corrumpi  potuerit.  —  lb.  76.2:  hwelce  rehte 
mceg  Sonne  bewered  beon  from  gife  .  .  .  fulwihtes?  =  54.17:  qua  ratione  potent 


84  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 

a  sacri  baptismatis  gratia  prohiberef —  76.  92.6:  swa  efne  baes  be  meahte 
widmeten  beon  Saule  =  71.13:  ita  ut  Sauli  .  .  .  comparandus  uideretur.  —  76. 
186.25:  hu  bu  gehceled  beon  meaht  =  151.3:  quomodo  cureris.  —  76.  308.12: 
baet  heo  .  .  .  meahton  .  .  .  beholene  beon  =  237.25 :  occulendos  se  .  .  .  credi- 
dissent.  —  76.  328.34:  he  .  .  .  ne  meahte  gehea&erod  beon  =  251.19:  uidisset 
.  .  .  eum  non  potuisse  cohiberi.  —  76.  472.10:  be  (Sam  mceg  baet  .  .  .  word 
cweden  beon  =  346.31:  de  quibus  apostolicum  ilium  licet  proferre  sermonem. 

Greg.  85.20:  we  magon  beon  getrymede  mid  Iohannes  cuide  =  56.27 :  Johannis 
voce  roboramur. 

Chron.  229*,  1094  Eb:  gesemede  beon  ne  mihtan. 

Wcerf.  55.2:  hit  mceg  beon  be  gecySed  =  188  B4:  valet  probari.  —  76.  60.33b: 
swa  beh  hit  forholen  beon  ne  mihte  =  192  B4:  taceri  non  potuit. 

Bened.  5.16:  baes  weges  ongin  .  .  .  ne  meg  (sic!)  beon  begunnen  =  10.26: 
viam  .  .  . ,  quae  non  est  .  .  .  incipienda. 

Bl.  Horn.  19.22:  heo  mihte  beon  acenned. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  48b:  Hwa  mceg  beon  rihtlice  gecieged  mannes  Bearn?  —  76. 
II.  28*:  beah  hi  ne  magon  beon  ealle  gegaderode. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  98.137:  hu  magon  hi  beon  gegladode? 

Ml].  Hept.:  Dent.  3.23b:  be  mcege  .  .  .  beon  wi&meten  binre  strengbe  =  qui 
possit  .  .  .  comparari  fortitudini  tuae. 

Gosp .:  Mk.  10.38:  mage  gyt  .  .  .  beon  gefullodf  =  potestis  .  .  .  baptizari? 

With  weor&an  plus  a  past  participle  (all  examples)  : 

Gen.  261 :  ne  mihte  him  bedyrned  wyr&an. 

Chr.  1431:  bu  meahte  minurn  weor&an  maegwlite  gelic,  mane  bidoeled. 

Met.  11.19:  Forbaem  aefre  ne  magon  ba  unstillan  woruldgesceafta  weor&an 
gestilde.  —  76.  11.98a>b:  gif  hiora  modsefa  meahte  weorSan  stabolfaest  gereaht 
burh  ba  strongan  meaht  7  geendebyrd  swa  swa  obra  sint  woruldgesceafta.  —  76. 
20.97 :  baet  hio  sibban  mceg  for  baem  sype  weor&an  geleht  lyftum. 

Boeth.  92.29:  Baet  fyr  .  .  .  ne  mceg  naefre  weorcSan  todceled  =  80.81:  ignis 
uero  omnem  refugit  sedionem. 

Greg .  395.34:  gebidde  hira  aegber  for  ober  baet  hie  mcegen  burh  baet  weorSan 
gehcelede  =  314.9:  exhortantes  invicem  solvent.  —  76.  399.18:  bonne  magon  hie 
beah  weorSan  gehcelede  suibe  iebelice  burh  forgiefnesse  &  burh  gebedu  =  318.4: 
et  tamen  venia  salvantur.  —  76.  431.24:  Ac  hit  wilnab  bat  hit  to  bon  onwaecne 
baet  hit  mcege  eft  weorSan  oferdruncen  =  356.18:  Quae  quidem,  evigilare  optat, 
ut  rursum  vina  reperiat. 

Oros.  64.34:  baet  hie  mid  nanum  binge  ne  mehton  gesemede  weordan  =0.  — 
76.  94.15:  ba  hie  ne  mehton  from  .  .  .  fyre  forbcernede  weordan  —  95.12:  quod 
inmissa  per  hostem  flamma  non  adiit. 

Wulf.  96.14:  swa  aefre  aenig  gold  mceg  claenost  amerod  weor&an.  —  76. 103.20: 
forbam  burh  baet  we  magan  mycle  be  yb  rabe  gehcelede  weorSan. 

With  wesan  plus  a  past  participle  (all  examples) : 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.:  18.424:  baet  sio  gebungennes  ne  mceg  naefre  wesan 
besmitan  (sic!). 

Lcece.  19.14:  mceg  wesan  sio  wund  gehceled.  —  76.  152.19:  mceg  seo  wund 
wesan  gehceled. 

mot,  may ,  ?nust: 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


85 


Bede  72.11:  hwaeber  mot  biscop  halgadbeonf  =  52.6:  an  debeat  .  .  .  episco- 
pus  ordinarif —  lb.  182.31:  baette  .  .  .  reliquias  .  .  .  gehealdne  beon  moston 
=  148.26:  conderentur. 

Greg.  171.18:  naefre  ne  moton  him  beon  ofatogene  =  126.13:  nec  umquam 
extrahentur  ab  eis. 

Wcerf.  35.19:  moste  beon  gelceded  to  Romebyrig  =  172  B3  :  ut  ad  Romanam 
urbem  deduct  debuisset. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  292b:  baet  nan  man  ne  mot  beon  tuwa  gefullod. 

JElf.  L.  S.  270.142:  he  ne  mot  na  beon  eft  gefullod. 

Wulf.  32.9,  10:  Sonne  mot  he  beon  aerost  binga  gemynegad  and  gewisod. 

Note.  — No  example  of  the  infinitive  made  up  with  weor&an  or  with  wesan  plus  a  past 
participle  has  been  found  with  motan. 

sculan,  owe,  shall: 

Chr.  213:  sceolde  witedom  in  him  sylfum  beon  sobe  gefylled. 

Bede  18.16:  getacnod  waes,  hwaer  gesette  beon  sceoldon  ba  lichaman  =  219.10: 
poni  deberent.  —  lb.  74.1a>  b:  hu  ba  gerehte  y  gebette  beon  scylen  =  53.4:  qualiter 
.  .  .  corrigantur.  —  lb.  96.28,  29:  heo  sculon  of  Godes  yrre  beon  abrogdene,  y  to 
.  .  .  mildheortnesse  grccegrde  =  80.18,  19:  Deiri;  de  ira  eruti,  et  ad  misericordiam 
Christi  uocati.  —  lb.  110.32a>  b:  baet  he  burh  ba  geclcensed  y  gereht  beon  sceolde 
=  90.34a’  b:  Nec  supernae  flagella  districtionis  perfido  regi  castigando  et  corn - 
gendo  defuere.  —  lb.  288.22:  ahefen  beon  sceolde  =  222.24:  leuanda  esset. 

Boeth.  95.15:  ©set  corn  sceal  bion  aweht  =  81.12:  excitatur. 

Greg.  251.1:  cuaeb  S.  baet  fremde  ne  scoldon  beon  gefyllede  ures  maegenes 
=  190.1:  Ne  forte  impleantur  extranei  viribus  tuis. 

Oros.  20.33 :  Donne  sceolon  beoii  gesamnode  ealle  ba  men  =  0. 

Chron.  145*,  1014  Eb:  selc  baera  binga  forgifan  (sic!)  beon  sceolde. 

Laws  448,  Rectitudines,  c.  5,  §  3:  he  sceal  beon  gehorsad. 

Wcerf.  54.18:  baet  hi  sceolon  beon  eft  mid  benum  begytene  =  188  B1:  ut 
precibus  obtineantur.  —  lb.  181.7:  hu  sceole  geseted  beon  Waendlarice  =  220  A2: 
qualiter  disponi  debeat.— -  lb.  213.4:  he  sceolde  beon  eall  tosliten  =  260  B2: 
discerpi  potuisset. 

Bened.  43.20:  sealmas  sculon  beon  todcelede  =  80.24  dividend i  sunt. 

Bl.  Horn.  9.6:  Adames  gylt  Surh  be  sceal  beon  geS ingod. 

jfllf.  Horn.  I.  24b:  cydde  hire,  baet  Godes  Sunu  sceolde  beon  acenned  of  hire. 

JElf.  L.  S.  30.82:  heo  sceolde  .  .  .  beon  gescyld. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  27.45b:  hwi  sceal  ic  beon  bedceled  segber  (sic!)  minra  sunena 
on  anum  daege?  =  cur  utroque  orbabor  filio  in  uno  die? 

Gosp.:  Mat.  3.14:  Ic  sceal  from  be  beon  gefullod  =  Ego  a  te  debeo  baptizari. 
—  Mk.  2.22:  Ac  niwe  win  sceal  beon  gedon  on  niwe  bytta  =  sed  vinum  novum 
.  .  .  miiti  debet. 

&lf.  Gr.  255.12:  se  be  sceal  beon  gehyred  =  audiendus. 

Wulf.  96.5,  6:  forbam  be  hy  sculon  beon  rabe  geclcensode  and  amerode. 

Lcece.  58.21:  baeb  .  .  .  sceal  beon  geworht. 

With  weortSan  plus  a  past  participle  (all  examples) : 

Gen.  1102:  min  sceal  swibor  mid  grimme  gryre  golden  wurSan  fyll  and 
feorhcwealm,  bonne  ic  forb  scio. 

Chr.  1617:  baet  he,  fah,  scyle  from  his  Scyppende  ascyred  weor<5an. 


86 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 


Ju.  416:  se  Se  on  legre  sceal  weor&an  in  worulde  wyrme  to  hroSor  bifolen 
in  foldan. 

El.  581 :  Saet  eow  sceal  Saet  leas  awundrad  weor&an  to  woruldgedale.  —  lb. 
688:  Saet  Su  hungre  scealt  for  cneowmagum  cwylmed  weorftan. 

And.  758:  Saet  of  his  cynne  cenned  sceolde  weorSan  wuldres  god. 

Ph.  378:  Saet  he  swa  wraetlice  weorSan  sceolde  eft  Saet  ilce,  Saet  he  aer  Son 
waes,  feSrum  bifongen.  —  lb.  564:  Seah  min  lie  scyle  on  moldaerne  molsnad 
weorSan  wyrmum  to  willan. 

Met.  25.72:  Seah  he  oferwunnen  weor&an  sceolde.  —  lb.  29.89,  91:  aeghwylc 
hiora  wraSe  tostencte  weorSan  sceolden:  aeghwile  hiora  ealle  to  nauhte  weor&an 
sceoldon  wraSe  toslopena. 

Bede  38.30a>  b :  stow  .  .  . ,  Se  eft  sceolde  mid  .  .  .  blode  .  .  .  gewurtSad  7 
gehalgod  weordan  -  20.34:  qui  beati  martyris  cruore  dicaretur. 

Bl.  Horn.  77.29,  30:  Saet  seo  burh  sceolde  abrocen  weor&an  &  bereafod. — lb. 
117.18:  hie  tealdon  Saette  Israhela  rice  sceolde  .  .  .  gebletsod  weordan.  —  lb. 
121.33“*  b:  heora  eSel  sceolde  eft  gebuen  7  geseted  weorSan  mid  halgum  sawlum. 
—  Ib.  185.6:  Saet  he  sceole  to  heofenum  ahafen  weor&an. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  9.147:  Wite  .  .  .  SaetSuwwrcT an  scealt  .  .  .  ofslagen. 

Wulf.  88.19:  saede  .  .  .,  Saet  his  sceolde  weor&an  aeghwylc  stan  .  .  . 
toworpen. —  Ib.  103.24:  men  .  .  Se  nyde  sculan  .  .  .  ascadene  .  .  .  weorS - 
an.  —  Ib.  140.21 :  wa  me  earmre,  Saet  ic  aefre  geboren  sceolde  wurcSan.  —  Ib. 
276.1:  biterlice  seel  hit  him  wyrtSan  forgolden  on  Sam  toweardan  life.  —  Ib. 
277.5:  bitere  seel  hit  him  wyrd an  forgolden. 

Nic.  504.3:  ne  foresaede  ic  .  .  .  Saet  deade  men  arysan  sceoldon  7  maenige 
byrgena  geopenod  weor&an  f 

With  wesan  plus  a  past  participle  (all  examples) : 

Gen.  1310:  ©aer  sceal  faesl  wesan  cwiclifigendra  cynna  gehwilces  on  Saet 
wudufaesten  wocor  gelceded  eorSan  tudres.  —  Ib.  2286 :  ic  .  .  .  seege,  Saet  se 
magorinc  sceal  mid  yldum  wesan  Ismahel  haten.  —  Ib.  2318a*  b* c:  Sceal  monna 
gehwile  Saere  cneorisse  cildisc  wesan  waepnedeynnes,  Saes  Se  on  woruld  cymS, 
.  .  .  geagnod  me  oSSe  of  eorSan  Surh  feondschipe  feor  adoeled,  adrifen  from 
duguSum. 

Dan.  560:  Saet  Saet  treow  sceolde  ...  his  wyrtruman  foldan  befolen  fyrst- 
mearc  wesan,  stille  on  staSole,  swa  seo  stefn  gecwaeS,  ymb  seofon  tida  saede  eft 
onfon.  ,  , 

Surf  an,  need: 

Greg.  83.16:  Saet  he  .  .  .  ne  eac  ne  Syrfe  bion  to  upaheefen  for  nanum  wlen- 
cum  =  56.3:  Non  hunc  prospera  elevent. —  Ib.  413.16:  Sonne  hi  hi  gesewene 
haebben,  gedon  Saet  hie  ne  Syrfen  bion  gesewene  set  Saem  nearwan  dome  =  334.8: 
vivendo  agant,  ut  a  districto  judice  videri  non  debeant. 

Wcerf.  222.15:  Saet  se  feond  .  .  .  ne  dearf  beon  ondreeded  =  272  B2:  timeri 
non  debeat.  — •  Ib.  269. 16b:  ne  dear/  Saet  beon  gelyfed  =  329  A4:  Nam  credi  jam 
non  potest  quod  videri  potest.  —  Ib.  336.28:  Saet  Surfe  beon  andswared  =  405  A: 
Non  est  jam  quod  responderi  debeat  apertae  rationi.  —  Ib.  345. 17b:  Saet  hi  Sonne 
mihton  oSSe  Sorfton  beon  getcelede  =  421  A2:  unde  reprehendi  potuissent. 

Bl.  Horn.  135.25:  Ne  Surfe  ge  beon  unrote,  ne  gedrefed  eower  heorte. 

JElj.  Horn.  II.  48b  l:  ne  &earf  he  beon  eft  gefullod. 

AElf.  L.  S.  176.130:  Saet  ic  .  ne  Surfe  .  .  .  beon  gefyled. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


87 


Note.  I  have  found  no  example  of  the  passive  infinitive  made  up  of  weor&an  or  wesan 
and  a  past  participle  after  durfan. 

willan  [nyllan],  will  (not) : 

Bede  112.12:  Gif  ge  willaS  onSwegene  beon  =  91.16:  Si  uultis  ablui.  —  Ib. 
308.3:  ba  be  woldon  gehaelede  beon  =  237.16:  qui  saluari  uellent.  —  lb.  366.5: 
Gif  me  seo  .  .  .  geofu  .  .  .  for  gif en  beon  wile  =  271.13:  Si  mihi  .  .  .  gratia 
.  .  .  donauerit. 

Boeth.  36.2:  mid  hwelce  hleahtre  ge  woldon  bion  astered  =  41.17:  quanto 
moueris  cachinno. 

Greg.  135.26:  noldon  beon  abisgode  nane  wuht  on  eorblicum  bingum  =  96.29: 
ut  rebus  exterioribus  nullatenus  occupentur. 

Oros.  128.5:  Da  Darius  geseah  baet  he  oferwunnen  beon  wolde  =  129.3:  Sed 
Darius  cum  vinci  suos  videret. 

Wcerf.  88.34:  nelle  bu  nu  beon  ma  geswenced  =  212  C3:  noli  fatigari.  —  lb. 
279.3,  4:  ba  geceas  heo  ma,  baet  heo  wolde  .  .  .  beon  Gode  gegearwod  bonne 
heo  .  .  .  wolde  beon  to  hwylcum  woruldmen  getSeoded  =  340  B1* 2:  elegit  magis 
spiritalibus  nuptiis  copulari  Deo  .  .  .  quam  carnalibus  nuptiis  subjici. 

Bened.  112.16:  Gif  he  .  .  .  nelle  beon  underts eoded  bam  halgan  regole  =* 
178.20:  ut  subdi  aut  obedire  Regulae  nolit. 

Bl.  Horn.  33.13:  baet  he  aeweald  beon  wolde. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  34*:  Crist  wolde  on  ytinge  beon  acenned. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXII.  88:  ic  .  .  .  wille  beon  ofslagen. 

Mlj.  Gr.  143.19:  ic  wylle  beon  gelufod  =  amari  uolo.  —  lb.  144.6:  ic  wylle 
beon  gelufod  =  amatum  iri  uolo. 

Mat.  2.18:  heo  nolde  beon  gef refed  =  et  noluit  consolari. —  lb.  19.21:  Gyf 
bu  wylt  beon  fullfremed  =  Si  vis  perfectus  esse. 

Wulf.  194.3:  baet  he  wolde  baer  beon  geboren  sob  man. 

Note.  —  I  have  found  no  example  of  the  passive  infinitive  made  up  of  weor&an  plus  a 
past  participle  with  willan ,  and  but  one  example  of  the  passive  infinitive  made  up  of  wesan 
plus  a  past  participle:  Gu.  575 :  him  geornlice  gaestgemyndum  mile  wideferh  wesan  under&yded. 

With  a  few  verbs  not  auxiliary,  we  find  the  passive  infinitive  used  in  a  way 
quite  similar  to  that  with  the  genuine  auxiliaries.  The  verbs  in  question 
are  gedafenian,  1  be  fitting;  7  gewunian,  1  be  wont;  7  weor&an,  c  become; 7  and 
wunian ,  ‘  be  wont.7  The  infinitive  after  gewunian  and  wunian  may  be  con¬ 
sidered  objective,  as  is  the  active  infinitive  after  these  verbs;  but  the  verbal 
power  seems  to  me  diminished  in  them  when  followed  by  the  passive  infinitive. 
I  cite  all  the  examples  that  I  have  observed: — gedafenian :  JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B. 
743:  geseah  .  .  .  ba  handa  swa  heo  gedafenodon  alegdon  (sic!)  beon  and 
eastweardes  gewende;  —  gewunian:  Bede  172.28:  monig  weorc  ...  7  monig 
tacen  .  .  .  wundra  .  .  .  gewuniaS  .  .  .  soegd  beon  =  143.3 :  solent  opera  .  .  . 
et  signa  .  .  .  narrari;  —  ib.  270.33 :  gewuniaS  .  .  .  wundor  haelo  geworden 
beon=  212.9:  solent  .  .  .  miracula  operari;  —  ib.  474.14:  be  hie  nsefre  aer 
gewunedon  in  baem  stowum  weorSade  beon  =  348.4 :  nunquam  .  .  .  celebrari 
solebat;  —  Wcerf.  183.17;  be  .  .  .  Iohanne  bis  wundor  gewunode  beon  seed  fram 
urum  witum  =  224  A :  De  quo  etiam  illud  mirabile  .  .  .  narrari  solet;  — 
weorSan:  Wulf.  217.9:  baet  beos  weoruld  mihte  eft  beon  geedstatSoled  weortSan 
and  eft  of  aweenigan;  —  wunian:  Bede  340.7a*  b:  baer  heo  wunedon  to  gebedum 
gecegde  7  awehte  beon  =  257.10a>  b:  quo  .  .  .  excitari  uel  conuocari  solebant. 


88 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 


For  the  passive  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs  in  the  other  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages,  see  section  iv  of  Chapter  XVI. 

NOTES. 

1.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  in  a  Series  with  Auxiliary  Verbs.  —  We  have  a  series  of  two 
inflected  infinitives  after  the  auxiliary  agan  in  Wulf.  294.20,  24  and  294.25,  26,  quoted  on 
p.  81  above.  We  have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  only  the  first  is  inflected  after  agan , 
|n  Wulf.  294. 26a>  b  and  294.30a’ b,  31a> b,  quoted  on  p.  81  above. 

2.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  without  “  To  ”  occurs  in  Bened.  135.11,  quoted  on  p.  82;  Chron. 
30*,  656  Ed,  quoted  on  p.  82. 

3.  A  Passive  Infinitive  as  Complement  to  an  Auxiliary ,  bui  with  Beon  ( Wesan )  Understood , 
is  occasionally  found,  as  in  Mlf.  Gr.  227.10,  Chr.  1260,  Gnomic  Sayings  94a* b,  122a’ b. 

4.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  Is  Omitted  after  Auxiliary  Verbs  at  times,  especially  if  the 
omitted  infinitive  denotes  motion,  as  in  Or  os.  86.3:  Deh  ic  ser  ssede  baet  we  to  helle  sceolden 
=  0.  Cf.  Wiilfing,  l.  c.,  II,  §§  388-397;  Riggert,  l.  c.,  pp.  9  ff. 

5.  The  Auxiliary  Verb  Is  Omitted  occasionally,  as  in  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  560*:  Se  bib  wurbe 
bact  hine  man  arwur&ian,  sebe  of  bisum  life  faerb  to  engla  gefean  and  heofenlicum  wurbmynte 
(or  predicative  with  accusative  subject?);  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  168:  ba  geseah  he  him  on  ba 
swibran  healfe  baer  he  on  gebedum  stod  swa  swa  he  on  mennisce  gelicnysse  on  lichaman  hine 
o&teowan ,  and  ba  waes  he  serest  swibe  afyrht  (or  predicative  with  accusative  subject?);  Laws 
166.3:  synob  .  .  . ,  on  bam  waesse  sercebisceop  Wulfhelme  mid  eallum  baem  sebelum  mannum 
7  wiotan,  be  iEbelstan  cyning  gegaderian  (Liebermann  would  supply  mihte );  ib.  222(2):  aelc 
ceapscip  frib  haebbe,  be  binnan  muban  cuman  (sic!).  In  the  following  passages,  the  italicized 
words  may  be  infinitives  with  auxiliaries  to  be  supplied,  or  they  may  possibly  be  plural  subjunc¬ 
tives  to  the  indefinite  man:  Laws  241  (14  D) :  And  sancta  Marian  freolstida  ealle  wurSian  (other 
MSS.:  wur&ie )  man  georne;  ib.  263  (3  D):  bonne  bete  man  baet  ciricgrib  ...  be  baes 
cjminges  fullan  mundbryce  7  ba  mynsterclaensunge  begite,  swa  barto  gebirige,  7  wib  God 
huru  Singian  (other  MSS.:  c Single)  georne;  ib.  264  (4  D):  betan  (other  MSS.:  bete)  man 
georne.  —  Cf.  Note  4  to  Chapter  VIII. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION 

AND  OF  REST. 

By  the  phrase,  “  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion,”  I  refer 
to  the  infinitive  in  such  sentences  as  the  following:  Mart.  26.10:  culfre  com 
fleogan  of  heofonum  ond  gesset  ofer  his  heafde;  Gen.  1479:  culufran  .  .  .,  seo 
eft  ne  com  to  lide  fleogan;  in  which  the  infinitive,  instead  of  denoting  purpose, 
seems  equivalent,  in  modern  English,  to  a  predicate  present  participle :  ‘  The 
dove  came  flying  from  heaven/  etc.  Various  other  names  have  been  proposed 
for  this  use  of  the  infinitive:  “  modal,”  by  Koch,1  in  his  Englische  Grammatik, 
1865;  “  definitive,”  by  Professor  March,2  in  his  A  Comparative  Grammar  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Language,  1869;  “  pleonastic,”  by  Dr.  Steig,3  in  his  “  Ueber  den 
Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  im  Altniederdeutschen,”  1884;  and  “phraseological,”  by 
Dr.  Pratje,4  in  his  “  Syntax  des  Heliand,”  1885.  To  this  list  might  be  added 
still  another  name,  “  co-ordinate,”  since  several  writers  (as  Koch,  Matzner, 

K.  Kohler,  Wiilfing,  and  Riggert)  declare  that  at  times  the  predicative  infini¬ 
tive  expresses  an  action  co-ordinate  with  that  expressed  by  the  finite  verb. 
The  grounds  for  these  various  names  and  for  my  own  choice  are  given  in  my 
chapter  on  “  The  Origin  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,”  section  v.  It 
should  be  added  that  under  “  the  Predicative  Infinitive  after  Verbs  of  Motion  ” 
I  do  not  include  the  infinitive  of  verbs  of  motion  after  the  adhortative  ( w)uton , 
a  separate  chapter  being  devoted  to  the  latter  idiom. 

In  the  predicative  use  with  verbs  of  motion,  the  infinitive  is  invariably 
uninflected.  The  construction  is  far  more  common  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry 
than  in  prose;  but  the  idiom  is  far  more  frequent  in  prose  than  has  been  thought 
hitherto.  Instead  of  only  four  examples  in  the  prose,  as  claimed  by  Professor 
Shearin,5  there  are  seventeen  examples,  or  twenty,  if  we  include  three  examples 
of  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  ( stondan ,  1  stand/  and  licgan , 
‘  lie  *).  The  examples  not  cited  by  Dr.  Shearin  are:  Wcerf.  84.20,  25;  —  Pr. 
Gu.  I.  26,  V.  7,  X.  5;  —  Mart .  26.10,  90.14,  182.4,  200.12;  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXI. 
1039;  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.178,  292;  —  Apol.  29.10;  —  to  which  we 
may  add  Pr.  Gu.  V.  274a>  b,  in  which  the  infinitive  follows  stondan;  and  AS  If. 

L.  S.  512.417,  in  which  the  infinitive  follows  licgan.  Moreover,  the  scope  and 
the  life  of  this  idiom  in  the  prose  have  been  underrated  by  both  Dr.  Schrader 6 
and  Dr.  Shearin: 7  instead  of  being  found  only  in  Alfred,  in  the  non-JElfrician 
Homilies,  and  in  Wserferth,  it  occurs  also,  as  the  above  list  shows,  in  the  prose 


1  L.  c.,  II,  p.  61.  This  term  is  the  one  most  frequently  used  by  writers  upon  Anglo-Saxon  syntax. 

s  L.  c.,  §  448.4:  “  General  motion  defined  by  specific  motion:  fleon  gewat ,”  etc. 

8  L.  c.,  p.  337.  4  L.  c.,  §  142. 

5  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  13.  It  is  only  fair  to  add,  however,  that  the  idiom  under  discussion  by  me  was  only  in¬ 
directly  connected  with  the  main  theme  of  Dr.  Shearin’s  monograph,  The  Expression  of  Purpose  in  Old  English 
Prose,  and  that  he  devoted  thereto  only  a  brief  note. 

®  Schrader,  l.  c.,  p.  70,  declares  that  this  use  of  the  infinitive  is  not  found  in  jElfric,  but,  when  he  wrote,  in 

1887,  the  third  volume  of  Skeat’s  edition  of  ^Elfric’s  Lives  of  Saints,  in  which  the  example  occurs,  had  not  been 
published. 

7  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  13. 


89 


90  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST. 

Guthlac,  in  An  Old  English  Martyrology,  in  Apollonius ,  and  in  JElfric’s  Lives 
of  Saints.  In  the  poetry  the  predicative  infinitive  is  found  over  one  hundred 
times,  and  occurs  in  most  of  the  poems. 

Normally  the  infinitive  follows  the  finite  verb,  as  in  Beow.  703  ( Com  on 
wanre  niht  scriSan  sceadugenga),  but  occasionally  it  precedes,1  especially  in 
dependent  clauses,  as  in  Dan.  698  (beah  be  feonda  folc  feran  cwome)  and  Ps. 
76.15  (bonne  ligette  lixan  cwoman). 

The  infinitive  is  active  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form. 

The  following  verbs  of  motion  are  followed  by  a  predicative  infinitive  of 
a  verb  of  motion  (occasionally  of  other  verbs,  as  blican ,  lixan ,  and  scinan ,  each 
meaning  ‘  shine;  ’  and  hlynnan,  ‘  resound  ’) : 

becuman  [bi-J,  come.  fleon,  fly. 

cuman,  come.  gewitan,  gof  depart . 

daelan  (?),  distribute. 

The  verbs  most  frequently  so  used  are  cuman  and  gewitan.  The  various 
infinitives  that  follow  the  verbs  named  above  are  given,  in  alphabetic  sequence 
after  each  verb,  in  my  statistics,  and  need  not  be  named  here.  The  number 
of  infinitives  is  far  larger  than  the  number  of  finite  verbs;  but,  as  the  usage 
is  substantially  the  same,  regardless  of  the  verb,  I  quote  only  a  few  examples. 
It  remains  only  to  add  that  at  times  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  decide 
whether  we  have  the  predicative  or  the  final  use  of  the  infinitive  in  some  pas¬ 
sages,  —  concerning  which  see  section  v  of  Chapter  XIV. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 

becuman  [bi-],  come: 

And.  789:  bset  he  on  Mambre  becom  beorhte  blican. 

Beow.  2553:  stefn  in  becom  heabotorht  hlynnan  under  harne  stan.  [But 
Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  41,  construes  differently.] 

Chr.  1114:  beer  blod  ond  wseter  butu  setsomne  ut  bicwoman  fore  eagna 
gesyhb,  rinnan  fore  rincum  ba  he  on  rode  wses. 

cuman,  come: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.329:  And  ba  ure  drihten  him  self  com  of  heofonum 
to  eorban  astigan ,  and  hire  sona  to  cwseb  =  218.370:  loose  paraphrase. 

Bede  400.28 :  ba  ic  hreowsende  wses,  ba  ic  mid  by  heafde  7  mid  honda  com 
on  bone  stan  dryfan ;  7  se  buma  gebrocen  wses,  7  eac  swylce  seo  gebeodnes  bses 
heafdes  tobrocen  wses  7  tolesed  =  290.19:  euenit  .  .  .  ut  hunc  [=  lapidem] 
capite  ac  manu,  quam  capiti  ruens  subposueram,  tangerem,  atque  infracto 
pollice  capitis  quoque  iunctura  solueretur. 

Beow.  2915:  sybban  Higelac  cwomfaran  flotherge  on  Fresna  land. 

Gen.  852 :  Da  com  feran  frea  selmihtig  ofer  midne  dseg. 

Pr.  Gu.  X.  5 :  ba  comon  bser  semninga  in  twa  swalewan  fleogan  =  forte 
hirundines  duae  subito  domum  intrantes ,  velut  magna  laetitia  .  .  .  sese  non 
haesitantes  humeris  .  .  .  Guthlaci  imposuerunt. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.292:  And  ba  bser  com  fleogan  drihtnes  sengel  and 
he  ba  gehalgode  bset  .  .  .  wseter  =  217.326:  veniat  super  me  sancta  tua 
columba,  .  .  .  et  benedicat  aquam. 


1  See  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  41. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST.  91 

Boeth.  8.16:  ba  com  baer  gan  in  to  me  heofencund  Wisdom  =  4.2:  adstitisse 
mihi  supra  uerticem  uisa  est  mulier. 

Beow.  1163:  Da  cwom  Wealhbeo  forb  gan.  —  lb.  1644:  Da  com  in  gan  ealdor 
begna  (may  be  final,  as  Dr.  Shearin,2 l.  c.,  p.  237,  holds). 

Pr.  Gu.  I.  26:  ba  com  baer  sum  wif  yrnan  of  (5am  huse,  .  .  .  and  cleopode 
"  ecce  ex  aula  propriante  (sic!),  .  .  .  mulier  .  .  .  currens  clamabat. 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXXI.  1039:  (5a  com  baer  faerlice  yrnan  an  bearle  wod  cu.  [Cf. 
ib.  XXXI.  1043:  com  .  .  .  yrnende.] 

Rid.  23.2:  iEtsomne  cwom  sixtig  monna  to  waegstaebe  wicgum  ridan. 

Pr.  Gu.  V.  7 :  (5a  comon  semninga  twegen  deoflu  to  him  of  baere  lyfte  slidan , 
and  ba  to  him  cublice  spraecon  and  cwaedon  =  subito  coram  illo,  velut  ex  aere 
lapsi,  efferis  vultibus  duo  zabuli  humano  habitu  se  obtulerunt,  ac  etc. 

daelan,  distribute,  diffuse: 

Gen.  2192:  tungel,  ba  nu  rume  heora  wuldorfsestne  wlite  wide  dcelad  ofer 
brad  brymu  beorhte  scinan  (or  may  be  final?). 

fleon,  flee: 

Doomsday  240:  se  earma  ftyh&  uncraeftiga  slaep,  sleac  mid  sluman  slincan 
on  hinder. 

gewitan,  go,  depart: 

Beow.  124:  banon  eft  gewat  hube  hremig  to  ham  faran. 

Beow.  27 :  Him  ba  Scyld  gewat  to  gescaephwile  felahror  feran  on  frean  waere 
(predicative  according  to  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  39,  but  final  according  to  Dr. 
Shearin,2 1.  c.,  p.  237). 

And.  786:  Gewat  he  t5a  feran. 

Gen.  1471:  gewat  fleogan  eft  mid  lacum  hire. 

Gen.  1050:  Him  (5a  Cain  gewat  gongan  geomormod  gode  of  gesyhbe. 

And.  238:  Gewat  .  .  .  gang  an  on  greote. 

Beow.  234:  Gewat  him  (5a  to  warobe  wicge  ridan  begn  Hrobgares. 

Beow.  2569,  2570:  Gewat  35a  byrnende  gebogen  scriSan,  to  gescipe  scyndan. 

Gen.  2161:  Gewat  him  ba  se  healdend  ham  siSian. 

The  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  is  common  in  the 
Low  Germanic  languages:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  v. 

Occasionally,  too,  after  verbs  of  rest  we  have  a  similar  predicative  use  of 
an  infinitive,  as  in  the  following:  —  Mlj.  L.  S.  512.417:  Da  gelamp  hit  on  bam 
dagum  be  bas  forsprecenan  binge  gewurdon,  baet  god  selmihtig  gescifte  aenne 
swa  geradne  mann,  be  ahte  geweald  ealles  baes  splottes  aet  celian  dune,  baer  baet 
scraef  waes  tomiddes  be  ba  seofon  halgan  lagon  inne  slapan;1  —  And.  1712: 
Hie  ba  gebrohton  aet  brimes  naesse  on  waegbele  wigan  unslawne;  stodon  him 
ba  on  ofre  aefter  reotan  (but  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.  p.  45,  considers  the  infinitive 
final  in  sense);  — Pr.  Gu.  V.  274a*b:  ba  geseah  he  baer  standan  twegen  bara 
awerigdra  gasta  wepan  swybe  and  geomrian  =  a  sinistra  stantes  duos  satellites 
lugentes  .  .  .  conspicit  (or  possibly  wepan  and  geomrian  are  co-ordinate  with 
standan?).  In  the  former  of  the  two  following  examples  the  infinitive  may  be 
predicative,  but  it  is  more  probably  final  in  each:  Mlj .  Hept.:  Judges  4.18b:  He 
eode  ba  in  earhlice  swibe,  and  seo  wimman  mid  hire  hwitle  bewreah  hine  sona, 
let  hine  liegan  swa  cetlutian  his  feondum  =  Qui  ingressus  tabernaculum  ejus 


1  Cf.  Einenkel,*  l.  c.,  p.  1076. 


92  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST. 


et  opertus  ab  ea  pallio,  dixit  ad  earn;  —  Gen.  842:  sceton  onsundran  bidan  selfes 
gesceapu  heofoncyninges:  see  Chapter  X,  pp.  134  and  142. 

This  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  is  common  in  the 
High  Germanic  languages,  especially  in  New  High  German:  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  v. 

Gradually  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest  began 
to  be  supplanted  by  the  predicate  nominative  of  the  present  participle,  com 
.  .  .  yrnan  becoming  com  .  .  .  yrnende  (as  in  MIJ.  L.  S.  XXXI.  1039,  1043), 
—  an  evolution  discussed  in  the  chapter  on  “  Some  Substitutes  for  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Infinitive.” 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “WUTON.”1 


Predicative,  too,  may  be  considered  the  use  of  the  infinitive  to  complete 
the  sense  of  the  adhortative  ( w)uton ,  ‘  let/  When  so  used  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the 
infinitive  is  uninflected.  Regularly,  too,  the  infinitive  is  active,  only  three 
examples  having  been  found  of  the  passive  infinitive  so  used.  Whether  active 
or  passive,  the  infinitive  invariably  follows  ( w)uton . 

Regularly  the  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  is  active  in  sense. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Of  the  active  infinitive  used  as  the  complement  of  (w)uton  about  614  ex¬ 
amples  have  been  found,  572  in  the  prose  and  42  in  the  poetry.  As  in  the  poetry, 
so  in  Early  West  Saxon,  the  idiom  is  relatively  infrequent:  only  25  examples 
occur  in  the  whole  of  Alfred.  No  example  has  been  found  in  the  Chronicle  or 
in  Waerferth.  On  the  other  hand,  the  construction  is  relatively  frequent  in 
the  Laws ,  in  the  Blickling  Homilies,  and  in  the  Gospels,  and  is  quite  frequent 
in  /Elfric  (about  168  examples)  and  in  Wulfstan  (about  231  examples). 

The  construction  is  found  with  a  large  number  of  verbs,  and  these  have  such 
a  diversity  of  meaning  as  not  to  admit  of  helpful  classification.  The  follow¬ 
ing  verbs  occur  approximately  twenty  times  or  more:  heon,  ‘be;’  biddan, 
‘  pray;  ’  don,  ‘  do/  ‘  make;  ’  gan  [gangan,  -o-],  ‘  go;  ’  ge&encan,  ‘  think/  ‘  con¬ 
sider;  ’  habban,  ‘have;’  healdan,  ‘  hold/  4  preserve; *  lufian,  ‘  love;  *  and 
wyrcan,  ‘  work/  ‘  make/  The  following  verbs  occur  in  the  poems:  acier- 
ran  [-e-\,  ‘  turn; ,  agan,  ‘  own; 7  beorgan,  ‘  protect;  ’  biddan,  ‘  pray; ;  cuman, 

‘  come; 1  cunnian,  ‘  attempt; '  cweman,  ‘  please;  7  cy$an,  ‘  make  known; 1 
earnian,  ‘  earn/  ‘  merit;  ’  efstan,  ‘  hasten; 1  feogan  [feon],  ‘  hate; '  feran, 
‘  travel;  ’  gan  [gangan,  -o-],  ‘  go; '  gebeodan,  ‘  offer; 7  gedon,  ‘  cause;  7  getSencan, 
1  think/  ‘  consider; 7  habban,  1  have; 7  healdan,  1  hold; ;  helpan,  ‘  help; 7  herian, 
1  praise; 7  hycgan,  1  think; 7  hyhtan,  ‘  hope; 7  lufian,  1  love; 7  oferhycgan,  1  de¬ 
spise;  7  oliccan,  1  please;  ’  oSwendan,  1  escape; 7  scyndan,  1  hasten; 7  secan, 
1  seek;  ’  settan,  ‘  set  up/  ‘  establish; ,  staSelian,  ‘  establish; 7  tilian,  ‘strive 
for/  ‘  attempt; 7  toweorpan,  ‘  destroy; 7  wilnian,  ‘  desire; 7  and  wuldrian , 
‘  honor/  The  following  are  found  in  Alfred:  acrceftan,  ‘  devise; 7  agi{e)fan, 
‘give;J  bidan,  ‘  await; ;  biddan,  ‘  pray; '  biegan  [-e-\,  ‘  bend; 7  bring  an, 
1  bring; 7  brucan,  1  enjoy; 7  cuman,  ‘  come; 7  don,  ‘  do/  ‘  make; 7  endian  [ce-], 
1  end; 7  fon,  ‘  begin; 7  forlcetan,  ‘  leave; 7  gebetan,  ‘  amend; 7  gebiddan,  ‘  pray; 7 
geliefan  [-y-],  ‘  believe; 7  gereccan,  ‘account/  ‘  consider; 7  healdan,  ‘hold;7 
hebban,  ‘  lift  up; 7  iecan  [e-\,  ‘  increase; 7  Icetan,  ‘  allow; 7  secgan,  ‘  say/  ‘  re¬ 
late;  7  sellan,  ‘  give; 7  spyrian  [-w-],  ‘  inquire; 7  and  tellan,  ‘  tell/  ‘  relate/ 

As  the  construction  is  quite  the  same  regardless  of  the  verb  used,  it  seems 
necessary  to  give  only  a  few  examples :  — 


1  Variant  forms  are  uton,  ( w)utan ,  (w)utun,  uten,  ute:  see  notes  at  the  end  of  this  chapter.  For  the 

evolution  in  the  meaning  of  ( w)uton ,  see  Chapter  XIV,  section  vi. 


94 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “WUTON.” 
acierran,  turn,  go: 

Fallen  Angels  217:  Uton  acerran  bider. 
agi(e)fan,  give  back: 

Boeth.  103.5:  Wutun  agifan  bsem  esne  his  wif  =  87.42:  Donamus  comitem 
uiro. 

beon,  be: 

Laws  300,  I  Cnut,  c.  20b:  utan  beon  a  urum  hlaforde  holde. 

Bl.  Horn.  131.1:  Uton  beon  selmesgeorne. 

Ml].  Horn.  I.  414b:  Ac  uton  we  beon  carfulle,  bset  etc. 

Wulf.  119.12b:  utan  beon  a  urum  hlaforde  holde. —  lb.  145.33°:  uton  beon 
eadmode. 

biddan,  pray: 

Chr.  774:  Utan  .  .  .  biddan  Bearn  Godes  ond  bone  bliban  Gsest,  baet  he 
us  gescilde  wib  sceaban  waepnum. 

Bede  98.27a:  Uton  biddan  .  .  .  God  =  81.29a:  Obsecremus  Deum. 

Bl.  Horn.  159.32:  utan  we  biddan  ba  fsemnan  S.  Marian  bset  heo  etc. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  364*:  Uton  nu  biddan  bone  .  .  .  Hselend,  bset  etc. 

Wulf.  142.13:  uton  biddan  urne  drihten. 

brucan,  enjoy: 

Oros.  86.1:  Uton  nu  brucan  bisses  undernmetes  swa  ba  sculon  t5e  hiora 
aefengifl  on  helle  gefeccean  sculon  =  85.33:  Prandete,  tamquam  apud  inferos 
coenaturi. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  618b  1:  Uton  forbi  brucan  bses  fyrstes  be  us  God  forgeaf. 

don,  do,  make: 

Boeth.  75.16a:  Uton  nu,  gif  be  swa  bince,  ecan  bone  anwald  7  baet  geniht, 
don  bser  weorbscipe  to,  7  gereccan  bonne  ba  breo  to  anum  =  68.22:  Addamus 
igitur  sufficientiae  potentiaeque  reuerentiam,  ut  haec  tria  unum  esse  iudicemus. 

Laws  268,  VIII  iEthelred,  c.  43s:  Ac  uton  don,  swTa  us  bea[r]f  is. 

Bened.  21.9:  Utan  don  swa  swa  se  witega  myngab  =  42.7:  Faciamus  quod 
ait  propheta. 

Bl.  Horn.  205.28:  uton  wit  .  .  .  don  .  .  .  faesten. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  100b2:  uton  don  bearfum  and  wannspedigum  sume  hibbe 
ure  goda. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXX.  368:  Uton  don  criste  bancung. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  37.20b:  Uton  hine  ofslean  and  don  hine  on  bone  .  .  .  pytt 
and  secgan  =  Venite,  occidamus  eum  et  mittamus  in  cisternam  veterem! 
dicamusque. 

Wulf.  20.1s:  utan  we  don,  swa  us  mycel  bearf  is  (a  very  common  locution 
in  Wulfstan).  —  lb.  166.1:  utan  don,  swa  us  neod  is. 

efstan,  hasten: 

Beow.  3101 :  Uton  nu  efstan  obre  sibe  seon  and  secean  searogebrsec,  wundur 
under  wealle. 

Bl.  Horn.  109.9:  Uton  we  nu  efstan  etc. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  526b:  Uton  forbi  efstan  to  urum  ebele. 

Wulf.  75.21 :  uton  nu  efstan  and  ealle  ure  lifwegas  geornlice  rihtan. 

forlaetan,  leave,  abandon: 

Solil.  49.12:  uton  ne  forlaetan  gyet  bas  boc  =  Non  sinam  omnino  concludi 
hunc  libellum. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  380m  3:  Uton  we  herian  .  .  .  Drihten  .  .  .  and  yfel  forlaetan. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


95 


Wulf.  141. 28a:  Uton  nu,  leofan  men,  gebeorgan  us  wit)  swilce  eardungstowe 
and  wendon  (sic!)  anraedlice  to  urum  drihtne  and  forlcetan  selc  unriht  and  don 
to  gode,  locahwset  we  magon. 

gan  [gangan,  -o-],  go: 

Beow.  2648:  wutun  gangan  to,  helpan  hildefruman. 

Gen.  839:  Uton  gan  on  t5ysne  weald  innan. 

And.  1356:  Utan  gangan  eft. 

Bl.  Horn.  247.1:  utan  gangan  .  .  .  and  hine  ut  forlsetan. 

A2lf.  Hept.:  Gen.  4.8:  Uton  gan  ut  =  Egrediamur  foras.  —  Deut.  13.6a:  Uton 
gan  and  beowian  fremdum  godum  =  Eamus  et  serviamus  diis  alienis. 

Gosp.:  Mk.  6.37b:  Uton  gan,  and  mid  twam  hundred  penegon  hlafas 
bicgan  =  Euntes  emamus  dueentis  denariis  panes.  —  Mk.  14.42:  Arisab,  uton 
gan  =  Surgite,  eamus . 

gebencan,  think,  consider: 

Har.  278:  Uton,  la,  ge&encan  geond  bas  worulde  bset  we  hselende  heran 
onginnen. 

Laws  146,  I  iEthelstan,  c.  2a:  Uton  geSencan,  hu  Jacob  cwseb. 

Bl.  Horn.  91.13:  Uton  we  forbon  ge&encean  etc. 

Wulf.  112.6:  utan  ge& encan,  bset  we  habbab  senne  .  .  .  fseder. 

lufian,  love: 

Hymn  3:  Wuton  wuldrian  weorada  dryhten  halgan  hlioborcwidum,  hio- 
fonrices  weard  lufian  liofwendum,  lifes  agend. 

Laws  268,  VIII  ^Ethelred,  c.  43,  §  1 :  utan  God  lufian. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  52b  2:  Uton  lufian  ure  gebrobra.  —  Ih.  II.  316b  3 :  Uton 
lufian  God. 

Wulf.  94.13:  utan  lufian  god  ofer  ealle  obre  bing. 

wuldrian,  glorify: 

See  Hymn  under  lufian. 

wyrcan  [wircean],  work,  make: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  160b2:  uton  .  .  .  god  weorc  wyrcean. 

JElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  1.26:  Uton  wircean  man  =  Faciamus  hominem. 

Mat.  17.4b:  uton  wyrcean  her  breo  eardungstowa  =  faciamus  hie  tria 
tabernacula. 

Wulf.  41.1:  utan  burh  seghwset  godes  willan  wyrcan. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  (w)uton  is  found  only  three 
times,  as  follows:  JElf.  L.  S.  242.68:  uton  heon  gehyrte;  —  JElf.  Horn.  I.  602* 3 : 
Uton  awurpan  beostra  weorc,  and  b eon  ymbscrydde  mid  leohtes  wsepnum;  re¬ 
peated  in  the  same,  I.  604* 2. 

The  predicative  infinitive  with  (w)uton  is  occasionally  found  in  the  other 
Germanic  languages:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  vi. 


96  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “WUTON.” 


NOTES. 

1.  The  Adhortative  “  Veni”  ( or  “  Venite”). —  Several  times  in  the  Latin  original  we 
have  the  adhortative  veni  or  venite  in  addition  to  the  subjunctive  of  exhortation,  in  the  Hepta¬ 
teuch:  Gen.  11.7a:  Soblice  uton  cuman  and  todcelan  baer  heora  spraece  =  Venite  igitur,  descen - 
damns  et  confundamus  ibi  linguam;  —  ib.  19.32a>  b:  Uton  for  dr  encan  ume  faeder  mid  wine, 
and  uton  licgan  mid  him  =  Veni,  inebriemus  eum  vino  dormiamusqxie  cum  eo;  —  ib.  37.20a,b’ c: 
Uton  hine  ofslean  and  don  hine  on  bone  .  .  .  pytt  and  secgan  =  Venite,  occidamus  eum  et 
mittamus  .  .  .  dicamusque;  —  ib.  31.44:  Ga  hider  near  and  uton  syllan  wedd  =  Veni,  ergo 
et  inemus  foedus.  The  same  idiom  is  found,  also,  in  the  Gospels:  Mat.  21.38a’  b>  c:  uton  gan 
and  ofslean  hyne,  and  habban  us  hys  aehta  =  Venite,  occidamus  eum,  et  habebimus  (sic!) 
haereditatem  ejus.  With  the  foregoing,  compare  L.  20.14:  Her  ys  se  yrfeweard:  curnaS, 
uton  hine  ofslean,  baet  seo  aeht  ure  sy  =  Hie  est  haeres,  occidamus  ilium,  ut  nostra  fiat  haereditas; 
and  notice,  also,  the  use  of  ga  in  Gen.  31.44,  quoted  in  the  preceding  part  of  this  note. 

2.  “  (W)uton  ”  to  Be  Supplied.  —  In  Laws  280,  I  Cnut,  c.  2  (And  Godes  cyrican  griSian  7 
fri&ian  7  gelomlice  secean  saulum  to  haele  7  us  sylfum  to  bearfe),  (w)uton  is  to  be  supplied, 
as  Dr.  Liebermann  indicates. 

3.  “  Uten”  for  “  (W)uton.” —  Occasionally  we  have  uten  instead  of  (w)uton,  as  in  A.  S. 
Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  7.322  ( uten  wurccen  (sic!)  mihte  on  bone  .  .  .  god);  Bened.  3.13  (uten 
ahsien  urne  drihten);  etc.;  etc. 

4.  “  Ute”  for  “  (W)uton.”  —  Occasionally  we  have  ute  instead  of  (w)  uton:  Boeth.  17.8: 
Ute  nu  tellan  beforan  swilcum  deman  swilce  bu  wille  =  27.6:  quouis  iudice  de  opum  dignita- 
tumque  mecum  possessione  contende;  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  14.51 :  Ac  ute  we  beon  gemyn- 
die  ure  sawle  bearfe;  —  ib.  14.53:  Ute  gemunan  baene  .  .  .  daeg;  —  ib.  14.77:  ute  gehyran 
hu  etc. ;  —  Wulf.  173.7 :  ute  don  eac  swa,  ealswa  hi  dydon. 

5.  Infinitive  in  “ -e-.” — Occasionally,  as  in  Laws  269,  I  TEthelred,  Expl.a  (uton  aenne 
God  .  .  .  and  aenne  Cristendom  ealle  healde  and  aelene  haebendom  mid  ealle  aweorpan),  we 
have  an  infinitive  in  -e. 

6.  The  Infinitive  Is  to  Be  Supplied  with  “  (W)uton  ”  in  Boeth.  75.18:  U ton  baes,  forbaem 
hit  is  sob  =  68.22:  a  loose  paraphrase  with  a  subjunctive;  Solil.  55.5:  Uton  baes  =  0;  and 
possibly  in  Laws  269,  IX  iEthelred,  Expl.,b  but  the  text  is  here  defective. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON”  (“WESAN”). 


The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  beon  or  wesan  normally  denotes  (A)  Neces¬ 
sity  or  Obligation,  but  occasionally  denotes  (B)  Futurity  or  (C)  Purpose.  As 
will  be  seen,  save  in  a  few  sporadic  cases  of  (A)  the  infinitive  is  inflected.  No 
example  of  the  compound  passive  infinitive  has  been  found. 

A.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY  OR  OBLIGATION. 

As  to  the  voice  of  the  infinitive  with  beon  (wesan)  denoting  necessity  or 
obligation,  most  students  of  the  construction  believe  that,  while  the  infinitive 
is  normally  passive  in  sense,  occasionally  it  is  active  in  sense.  Among  those 
that  have  expressed  themselves  to  this  effect  may  be  mentioned  Dr.  Farrar, 
Z.  c.,  pp.  34-35,  37;  Dr.  Kenyon,  Z.  c.,  p.  136;  Matzner,  l.  c.,  III,  p.  37;  Dr. 
Tanger,  Z.  c.,  p.  312;  and  Dr.  Wiilfing,  Z.  c.,  II,  p.  47.  Indeed,  I  know  of  but 
one  1  noteworthy  divergent  opinion;  and  this  divergence,  I  must  believe,  is 
apparent  rather  than  real.  Dr.  Henry  Sweet  seems  to  hold  that  the  infinitive 
is  always  passive  in  sense.  In  his  Anglo-Saxon  Reader ,  7th  ed.  (1894),  p. 
lxxxiv,  he  says  of  the  inflected  infinitive:  “  With  the  verb  be  it  expresses  neces¬ 
sity  or  duty  in  a  passive  sense :  monige  scylda  beod  to  forberanne ,  ‘  many  sins 
are  to  be  tolerated  ’  (3.24).  So  also  3,  100,”  which  reads:  “  Eac  is  to  wietanne 
dcet  ceresd  bid  se  wah  durhdyrelod.”  Again,  in  his  New  English  Grammar,  II. 
(1898),  p.  119,  we  read:  “  In  Old  English  the  supine  is  used  in  a  passive  sense 
to  express  what  must  be  or  ought  to  be  done:  da  ding  de  to  donne  sind,  ‘  the 
things  which  are  to  be  done/  We  still  keep  up  this  passival  use  in  the  phrase 
a  house  to  let ;  but,  as  we  cannot  do  this  with  other  verbs,  we  have  to  use  the 
passive  form  in  such  constructions  as  this  house  is  to  be  let  or  sold ,  whence  there 
is  a  tendency  to  say  a  house  to  be  let.  Originally  these  passival  uses  were  prob¬ 
ably  simply  ambiguous :  to  donne  meant  indifferently  ‘  for  some  one  to  do  ’  or 
‘  to  be  done  by  some  one/  ”  But,  in  the  last  sentence  quoted  by  me,  Dr. 
Sweet  may  intend  to  modify  the  earlier  unqualified  statements  so  as  to  allow 
that  occasionally  in  Anglo-Saxon  we  have  with  beon  (wesan)  an  infinitive  that 
is  active  in  sense.  The  foregoing  opinions  are  with  reference  to  the  inflected 
infinitive  only.  This  general  view  seems  to  me  substantiated  by  the  investiga¬ 
tion  of  Dr.  Farrar  and  by  the  present  study.  As  already  indicated,  I  find  a  few 
sporadic  instances  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  denoting  necessity,  some  active 
in  sense  and  some  passive  in  sense. 

Normally  the  infinitive  follows  the  principal  verb,  as  in  Bened.  39.5:  eal 
Senung  is  to  donne  on  baet  ylce  gemet  =  72.12:  ita  agatur;  but  at  times  it  pre¬ 
cedes,  as  in  Wulf.  57.15a:  geredab  sefre,  hwset  him  to  donne  sy  and  hwset  to 
forlsetenne;  and  at  times  the  same  principal  verb  is  both  preceded  and  followed 
by  the  infinitive,  as  in  the  passage  just  quoted  from  Wulfstan.  The  foregoing 


1  I  am  not  sure  as  to  the  position  of  Dr.  Riggert.  On  p.  68  of  his  dissertation  we  read:  “  Der  Infinitiv  hat 
stets  aktive  Form;  jedoch  wird  durch  den  aktiven  Infinitiv  ein  passiver  Sinn  zum  Ausdruck  gebracht  (cf.  ahd. 
nist  iu  thaz  zi  wizzanne) .” 


97 


98  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “bEON”  (“WESAN”). 

applies  primarily  to  the  infinitive  that  is  passive  in  sense,  for,  when  active  in 
sense,  the  infinitive  usually  precedes  the  finite  verb,  as  may  be  seen  by  an  in¬ 
spection  of  the  examples  given  later  in  this  chapter. 

1.  The  Infinitive  Passive  in  Sense. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED. 

In  the  two  following  examples,  one  from  Alfred  and  one  from  iElfric,  we 
have  an  uninflected  infinitive  denoting  necessity  or  obligation  and  passive  in 
sense :  — 

Bede  78.26:  Ond  hwaet  elles  is  to  secenne  wib  baem  hungre  nemne  ondlifen, 
wib  burst  drync,  wib  haeto  celnis,  wib  cyle  hraegl,  wib  werignesse  reste,  wib 
untrymnesse  lacedom  secan ?  =  56.3:  Et  quid  est  aliud  contra  famem  alimenta, 
contra  sitim  potum,  contra  aestum  auras,  contra  frigus  uestem,  contra  lassitudi- 
nem  requiem  quaerere,  nisi  medicamentum  quidem  contra  egritudines  explorare ? 
[Secan  may  be  considered  active  here.  See  p.  78  above.] 

Mlf.  L.  S.  336.223:  bas  feower  ana  syndon  to  underfonne  on  geleaffulre 
gelabunge  and  forleetan  (sic!)  ba  obre  be  lease  gesetnysse  gesetton. 

II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED. 

Of  the  inflected  infinitive  denoting  necessity  or  obligation  and  passive  in 
sense,  about  894  examples  have  been  found;  of  which  only  ten  examples  occur 
in  the  poetry.  As  is  evident  from  the  instances  quoted  below,  sometimes 
(about  654  times)  the  subject  of  the  principal  verb  is  personal,  sometimes 
(about  240  times)  the  subject  is  impersonal. 

The  ten  examples  in  the  poems  are  as  follows :  — 

S.  &  S.  54:  Ac  hulic  is  se  organ  ingemyndum  to  begonganne  bam  be  his  gast 
wile  meltan  wib  morbre,  mergan  of  sorge,  asceadan  of  scyldum? 

Seizure  and  Death  of  Alfred  13:  Nu  is  to  gelyfenne  to  ban  leofan  gode,  baet 
hi  blission  blibe  mid  Criste. 

Rid.  42.8:  Baet  is  to  geSencanne  beoda  gehwylcum,  wisfaestum  werum,  hwaet 
seo  wiht  sy ! 

Rid.  29.12:  Micel  is  to  hycganne  wisfaestum  menn  hwaet  seo  wiht  sy. 

Rid.  32.23:  Micel  is  to  hycgenne  wisum  wobboran  hwaet  [sio]  wiht  sie. 

Met.  21.42:  bonne  wile  he  secgan,  baet  baere  sunnan  sie  beorhtnes  biostro 
beorna  gehwylcum  to  metanne  wib  baet  micle  leoht  godes  aelmihtiges  (or 
absolute?). 

Gu.  502:  micel  is  to  secgan  (sic!)  eall  aefter  orde,  baet  he  on  elne  adreag. 

Gu.  510:  is  baes  gen  fela  to  secgenne,  baes  be  he  sylfa  adreag. 

And.  1481 :  Mycel  is  to  secganne,  langsum  leornung,  baet  he  in  life  adreag, 
eall  aefter  orde! 

Ps.  77.10:  nis  to  wenanne,  baette  wolde  god  hiora  gasta  mid  him  gyman 
awiht  =  77.8:  non  est  creditus  cum  Deo  spiritus  ejus. 

As  to  the  prose,  the  construction  is  very  common  in  Early  West  Saxon: 
Alfred  has  about  473  examples,  though,  as  we  shall  see  later  (in  Chapter  XIV), 
only  when  suggested  by  the  Latin  directly  (usualty)  or  indirectly.  It  is  rare 
in  the  Chronicle,  in  the  Laics,  in  the  Gospels,  and  in  Wulfstan;  and,  as  compared 
with  Alfred,  is  rare  in  iElfric,  who  has  about  115  examples  to  Alfred’s  474. 


THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY. 


99 


The  idiom  occurs  with  so  many  different  verbs  in  prose  that  it  seems  impos¬ 
sible  to  make  helpful  groups  thereof.  The  verbs  most  frequently  occurring 
in  this  construction  are  cy&an,  1  make  known;  ’  don,  1  do/  *  make/  ‘  cause;  ’ 
forlcetan ,  1  leave/  1  forsake; ’  geliefan,  ‘  believe;  ’  ge'dencan,  1  think/  ‘  con¬ 
sider;  ’  healdan,  ‘  hold/  1  consider;  ’  manian,  ‘  admonish  9  (which  occurs  about 
243  times,  in  Alfred);  secgan,  ‘  say/  1  tell; 9  smeagan,  1  consider; ’  understandan , 

*  understand;  ’  witan ,  ‘  know; 9  and  wundrian,  ‘  wonder.’ 

Typical  examples  are :  — 

cyban,  make  known: 

Greg.  263.9:  Baet  is  to  cySanne  be  him  swingellan  ondraedab,  bast  hie  etc. 
=  198.12:  Dicendum  namque  est  flagella  timentibus.  —  lb.  287.3:  Ongean  baet 
is  to  cyftanne  baem  be  beob  to  hrade,  .  .  .  baet  etc.  =  216.19:  0.  —  lb.  189.1: 
Suabeah  is  baem  to  cy&anne,  baet  etc.  =  140.20:  Quibus  profecto  intimandum  est 
etc.  —  lb.  201.15:  Dam  hlafordum  is  eac  to  cytSanne  baette  hie  etc.  =  150.15: 
Domini  admonendi  sunt  quia  etc.  —  lb.  301.14:  Baem  eabmodum  is  to  cySanne 
baette  etc.  =  228.6:  Dicatur  ergo  humilibus,  quia  etc. 

don,  do,  make,  cause: 

Bede  50.10a:  raeddon  hwaet  him  to  donne  wcere,  hwaer  him  waere  fultum  to 
secanne  =  30.16:  est  consilium,  quid  agendum,  ubi  quaerendum  esset  praesidium. 

—  Ib.  128.13:  hwaet  him  selest  to  donne  ware  =  108. 18b:  quid  ageret  (or 
with  adjective?).- — Ib.  68.7:  bonne  is  hit  of  lufan  to  donne  =  50.7:  agendum 
est. 

Chron.  2154,  1083  Ea:  nj^ston  hwet  heom  to  donne  ware. 

Laws  368,  II  Cnut,  c.  84a:  smeage  swybe  georne,  hwaet  him  sig  to  donne  7 
hwaet  to  forganne. 

Bl.  Horn.  199.30:  beahsodan,  hwaet  him  baes  to  donne  ware. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  314b  2:  hwaet  is  us  to  donne? 

Wulf.  173.4:  ah  hi  dydon,  swa  heom  to  donne  was. 

Lace.  62.21 :  bas  bing  sint  to  donne. 

forlaetan,  leave,  forsake: 

Bede  70.12:  seo  aeftere  cneoris  .  .  .  alle  gemete  is  to  forbeorenne  7  to 
forlatenne  =  51.3:  secunda  .  .  .  a  se  omni  modo  debet  abstinere.  —  Ib.  292.14: 
wundor  .  .  .,  be  us  nis  to  forlatenne  =  224.20:  Sane  nullatenus  praetereundum 
arbitror  miraculum. 

Warf.  23.18:  ne  wene  ic  no,  baet  me  sy  an  baera  spella  to  forlatanne  =  164 
B2:  Sed  unum  dicam,  quod  ab  eo  narratum  pratereundum  nullo  modo  aestimo. 

—  Ib.  109.18:  baet  nis  na  mid  swigunge  to  forlatanne  =  B.  140  A1:  quod  silentio 
pratereundum  non  est. 

Pr.  Gu.  XIX.  1 :  Swylce  nys  eac  mid  idelnysse  to  forlatanne  baet  wundor 
=  Non  me  .  .  .  praesagium  narrarre  piget. 

Wulf.  51.20:  hwaet  him  to  donne  sy  and  hwaet  to  forlatanne. 

Lace.  5.28:  Laecedomas  on  hwilce  tid  blod  sie  to  forganne,  on  hwilce  to 
■forlatenne. 

geliefan  [-y-],  believe: 

Bede  224.22:  baes  sebel  ware  ece  to  gelyfenne  in  heofonum  =  172.6:  cujus 
sedes  aeterna  ...  in  caelis  esset  credenda.  —  Ib.  372.27 :  Is  baet  to  gelyfenne, 
baette  etc.  =  275.16:  ut  credibile  est.  —  Ib.  228.23:  to  gelyfanne  is  baet  etc. 
=  174.9:  credendum  est  quia  etc. 

Chron.  158b,  1036  C:  Nu  is  to  gelyfenne  to  ban  leofan  Gode. 


100  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON”  (“WFSAN”). 


Wcerf .  328.6:  baet  claensiende  fyr  is  to  gelyfanne  =  396  A1:  purgatorius  ignis 
credendus  est.  —  Ib.  146.2:  hwaeber  hit  to  gelyfenne  sy  =  B.  174  A:  nunquid 
non  credendum  est. 

Bl.  Horn.  29.15:  Us  is  to  gelyfenne  baet  etc. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  442b:  Micele  swibor  is  to  gelyfenne  baet  he  etc. 

JElf.  L.  S.  100.176:  Se  god  is  to  gelyfanne.  —  lb.  XXIII  B.  108:  is  to  gely¬ 
fanne  baet  etc. 

gebencan,  think,  consider: 

Bede  84.3b:  Mid  .  .  .  mode  is  to  smeageanne  7  to  getSencenne  baet  etc. 
=  59.5:  pensandum  est. 

Boeth.  52.2:  Eac  is  beos  bisen  to  ge$encenne  =  0. 

Greg.  385.24:  Donne  is  us  [tSset]  swibe  wocorlice  to  ge&enceanne  baette  ure 
Haelend  etc.  =  302.1:  Vigilanti  itaque  consideratione  pensandum  est,  quod  cum 
Jesus  etc.  —  lb.  59.21a:  Ymb  byllic  is  to  ge&encenne  &  to  smeaganne,  forbam 
etc.  =  34.27:  Cui  considerandum  quoque  est  etc. 

Wcerf.  239.27a:  in  baere  wisan  us  is  to  sceawianne  7  to  ge&encanne,  baet  etc. 
=  292  C2:  Qua  in  re  considerandum  est.  —  lb.  328.26:  us  is  geornlice  to  geden- 
canne  .  .  .  baet  etc.  =  395  C1:  pensandum  sollicite  est. 

Bl.  Horn.  19.31 :  Eac  is  to  geSencenne  hwaet  Drihten  spraec. 

healdan,  hold: 

Bede  68.15b:  seo  lufu  is  .  .  .  to  haldanne  =  50.14:  caritas  .  .  .  tenenda  est. 

Greg.  119.2a:  on  baere  heortan  is  a  sio  eabmodnes  to  healdanne  =  82.16: 
Servanda  ...  est  et  in  corde  humilitas. 

Bened.  6.16:  Hu  on  sumera  seo  nihtlice  tid  to  healdenne  sy  =  64.10:  Qualiter 
aetatis  tempore  agatur  nocturna  laus.  —  lb.  7.4:  Hwylc  gemet  on  baere  bote 
to  healdenne  sy  =  90.13:  Qualis  debeat  esse  modus  excommunicationis.  —  lb. 
49.3 :  Bis  is  mid  gesceade  to  healdenne  Sam  tSe  ascyrede  syn  fram  .  .  .  gereorde 
=  92.1 :  Privati  autem  a  mensae  consortio,  ista  erit  ratio.  —  lb.  60.11 :  Untrumra 
manna  gymen  is  to  healdenne  toforan  eallum  tungum  =  112.14:  cura  .  .  . 
super  omnia  adhibenda  est.  —  lb.  110.5:  Nis  na  bis  be  munecum  anum  to 
healdene  =  176.11:  Non  solum  autem  Monachum  .  .  .  stabilire  potest. 

uBlf.  JEthelw.  6:  beawa  .  .  .,  be  synd  to  healdenne  =  agenda  sunt. 

Wulf.  270.16:  bas  feower  sinobas  syndon  to  healdenne. 

Lcece.  63.18:  hwaet  him  sie  to  healdanne. 

manian  [-0-],  admonish: 

Bede  70.26:  heo  seondon  to  monienne  =  51.19:  admonendi  sunt. 

Greg.  13.20:  Baette  on  obre  wisan  sint  to  manianne  weras,  on  obre  wiif 
=  130.6:  Aliter  namque  admonendi  sunt  viri,  atque  aliter  feminae.  So  about 
241  times  in  Gregory. 

secgan,  say: 

Bede  208.32:  bi  bon  her  aefter  in  heora  tiidis  to  secgenne  =  163.17 :  dicendum 
est.  —  lb.  334.30:  is  nu  to  secgenne  =  254.31:  dicamus. 

Boeth.  41.3:  Baet  is  nu  hrabost  to  secganne,  baet  ic  wilnode  weorbfullice  to 
libbanne  etc.  =  0. 

Greg.  215.6:  Baem  ungebyldegum  is  to  secganne  baet  etc.  =  162.4:  Dicendum 
est  impatientibus.  —  lb.  261.3:  Him  is  to  secgeanne  baet  hie  etc.  =  196.16:  no 
Latin  here,  but  is  preceded  by  admonendi  sunt. 

Bl.  Horn.  63.16:  Nis  baet  no  be  eallum  demum  gelice  to  secggenne. 

Wcerf.  139.32:  gif  hwylce  syn  nu  gyt  to  secganne  =  B.  168  A:  In  objectione 


THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY. 


101 


mese  quaestiunculae  patuit  causa  rationis.  Sed  quaeso  te,  si  qua  sunt  adhuc  de 
hujus  viri  virtutibus,  subjunge. 

Wulf.  204.2:  bider  scylan  wiccan  and  wigleras,  and  rabest  is  to  scecgenne, 
ealle  ba  manfullan,  be  aer  yfel  worhton. 

smeagan,  consider: 

Bede  84.3a:  Mid  .  .  .  mode  is  to  smeageanne  7  to  gebencenne  baet  etc. 
=  59.5:  pensandum  est. 

Greg.  153.13:  manegu  diglu  bing  sindon  nearolice  to  smeageanne  =  110.20: 
sunt  perscrutanda.  —  lb.  59.21b:  Ymb  byllic  is  .  .  .  to  smeaganne,  forbam  etc. 
=  34.27 :  Cui  considerandum  quoque  est  etc. 

Bened.  16.9:  Gif  .  .  .  hwylc  laesse  bing  sie  to  smeagenne  =  28.20:  Si  qua 
vero  minora  agenda  sunt.  —  lb.  15.6:  secge  eallum  embe  hwaet  neoda  to  smea¬ 
genne  sy  =  26.16:  dicat  ipse  unde  agitur. 

Bl.  Horn.  33.17:  Ac  us  is  to  smeagenne  baet  etc. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  254*:  Us  is  to  smeagenne  baet  word.  —  lb.  I.  308m:  Us  is  to 
smeagenne  hu  seo  claennys  waes  beonde. 

Wulf.  185. 6a:  baet  is  ofer  eal  gemet  to  smeagenne  and  to  sorgianne  and  on 
mycelre  care  to  cwebanne. 

under  standan,  understand: 

Bened.  23.7:  Nis  butan  tweon  to  understandenne  se  upstige  =  46.9:  Non 
aliud  sine  dubio  .  .  .  ascensus  a  nobis  intelligitur. 

Mf.  Horn.  II.  270b  11 2 :  nis  forbi  nan  bing  baeron  to  understandenne  licham- 
lice,  ac  is  eall  gastlice  to  understandenne.  —  lb.  I.  132b:  Be  bisum  is  to  under¬ 
standenne  hu  etc. 

Wulf.  192.21:  baet  is  bonne  swa  to  understandenne,  baet  etc.  —  lb.  113.8: 
bonne  is  baertoeacan  gyt  to  understandenne,  baet  we  etc. 

witan,  know: 

Bede  334.26:  is  hraedlice  to  witanne  baet  etc.  =  254.27:  intimandum. 

Greg.  157.14:  Eac  is  to  wietanne  baet  etc.  =  114.9:  Notandum  itaque  est.  — 
lb.  269.19:  Eac  is  to  witanne  baette  etc.  =  204.1:  Sciendum  vero  est,  quod  etc. 

Laws  442,  Wifmannes  Beweddung,  Insc.,  c.  2:  A5fter  bam  is  witanne  (MS. 
B:  to  witanne),  hwam  baet  fosterlean  gebyrige. 

Wcerf.  329.4:  us  is  baet  to  witanne  .  .  .,  baet  etc.  =  396  C2:  Hoc  tamen 
sciendum  est.  —  lb.  281.3:  Eac  us  is  to  witane  betweoh  obrum  wisum,  baet  etc. 
=  341  B1:  Sed  inter  haec  sciendum  est . 

Bl.  Horn.  129.26:  baet  is  bonne  geare  to  witenne.  —  lb.  63.35:  us  is  to 
witenne  baet  etc. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  110*:  Us  is  eac  to  witenne,  baet  etc. 

Mlf.  Gr.  154.1:  is  to  witenne,  baet  etc.  =  Sciendum  est. 

Wulf.  201.23:  eow  is  eac  to  witanne,  baet  etc. 

wundrian,  wonder,  admire: 

Bede  178.11:  Ne  baet  swibe  to  wundrienne  is  =  145.23:  Nec  mirandum. 

Boeth.  104.4:  baet  is  to  wundrianne  =  88.12:  quod  solum  quanta  dignum 
sit  ammiratione. 

Solil.  12.24:  hu  bin  godnes  is  to  wundrienne  -  admiranda  et  singularis 
bonitas  tua! 

Wcerf.  67.31:  ba  weorc  us  syndon  swybor  to  wundrianne  =  197  A:  ilia 
magis  miranda  sint. 

Bl.  Horn.  33.12:  Nis  baet  to  wundrigenne . 


102  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON”  (“WESAN”)- 


2.  The  Infinitive  Active  in  Sense. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED. 

Twice  we  have  an  uninflected  active  infinitive  denoting  obligation  or 
necessity,  with  an  objective  case:  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  400b:  Is  nu  forbi  munuchades 
mannum  mid  micelre  gecnyrdnysse  to  forbugenne  bas  yfelan  gebysnunga,  and 
geefenlcecan  (sic!)  bam  apostolum,  bset  hi,  mid  him  and  mid  Gode,  baet  ece  lif 
habbanmoton;  /Elf.  L.  S.  376.183:  Us  is  to  secenne  .  .  .  ba  bote  set  gode,  na 
set  bam  gramlicum  wiccum,  and  mid  ealra  heortan  urne  hselend  gladian  (sic!). 
As  with  the  infinitive  passive  in  sense,  so  here,  when  active  in  sense,  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  is  second  in  a  series. 

II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED. 

In  my  judgment  we  have  only  a  few  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
witli  beon  (wesan)  in  which  the  sense  is  active,  not  passive,  and  in  which  the 
infinitive  governs  as  an  accusative  1  of  the  direct  object  what,  in  the  passival 
use,  would  be  the  subject  nominative.  A  few  instances  of  the  active  use  are 
found  in  Alfred  and  in  Waerferth,  but  the  majority  are  found  in  JElfric.  Dr. 
Farrar,2  let  me  add,  considers  as  active  in  sense  a  large  number  of  inflected 
infinitives  that  to  me  seem  passive  in  sense,  as  in  the  following:  Bede  50.10a*  b: 
raeddon  hwaet  him  to  donne  wcere,  hwaer  him  wcere  fultum  to  secanne  =  30.16,  17: 
est  consilium,  quid  agendum ,  ubi  quaerendum  esset  praesidium;  —  ib.  66.4a>  b: 
be  heora  ondlifne  is  to  dencenne  7  to  for eseonne  bset  heo  godum  beawum  lif  gen 
-  49. 8a-  b:  cogitandum  atque  prouidendum  est. 

I  give  a  complete  list  of  what  seem  to  me  the  clearer  cases,  arranged  alpha¬ 
betically:  — 
biddan,  pray: 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  494b3:  Us  is  to  biddenne  Drihtnes  mildheortnysse,  baet  he 
bisum  mannum  miltsige. 
brucan,  enjoy: 

Mart.  72.25:  Da  dagas  sindon  rihtlice  to  faestenne,  ond  bara  metta  to  bru - 
cenne  be  men  brucab  on  bset  .  .  .  faesten. 
claensi(g)an,  cleanse : 

Pr.  Gu.  V.  58:  ac  on  seofon  nihta  fyrstes  faeste  ne  bid  to  clcensienne  bone 
man  (Vercelli  MS. :  ac  on  seofon  nihta  fyrstes  faesten  bid  to  clcensigeanne  se  man) 
=  sed  septenarum  dierum  valida  castigatio  jejunium  est. 
cyban,  make  known: 

Greg.  187.15:  Daem  oferblibum  is  to  cydanne  ba  unrotnessa  be  baerafter 
cumab,  7  bam  unblibum  sint  to  cybanne  ba  gefean  be  him  gehatene  sindon 
=  140.10:  Laetis  .  .  .  inferenda  sunt  tristitia  .  .  .;  tristibus  vero  inferenda  sunt 
laeta.  [The  second  to  cydanne  is  probably  passive  in  sense.] 
ehtan,  punish,  persecute: 

Bede  72.9:  Forbon,  swa  swa  bi  bam  monnum  is  hwaethwugu  to  araefnenne, 
ba  burh  unwisnesse  synne  fremmab,  swa  bonne  is  stronglice  to  ehtenne ,  ba  be 
him  ne  ondrsedab  weotende  syngian  =  52.1:  culpa  .  .  .  toleranda  est,  ita  in 
his  fortiter  insequenda,  qui  non  metuunt  sciendo  peccare. 


1  Occasionally  a  genitive  or  a  dative. 


1  L.  c.,  p.  15. 


THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY. 


103 


forbugan,  avoid: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  400b:  Is  nu  forbi  munuchades  mannum  mid  micelre  gecnyrd- 
nysse  to  forbugenne  bas  yfelan  gebysnunga,  and  geefenlaecan  (sic!)  baem 
apostolum. 

forswelgan,  swallow: 

Lcece.  68.30:  swelc  swa  bi<5  breo  beana  aelce  dsege  to  forswelganne  7  bisum 
gelice  drencas. 

gearcian,  prepare: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXIV.  21 :  bysum  is  to  gearcigenne  ba  rebestan  wita. 
gewitan,  know: 

Mlj.  Horn.  I.  294b:  Nis  na  eow  to  gewitanne  ba  tid  obbe  ba  handhwile  be 
min  Feeder  gesette  burh  his  mihte  (or  subjective?), 
manian,  mix  (?) : 

Greg.  125.13:  Sua  eac  bam  lareowe  is  to  monianne  (Cot.  MS.:  to  mengenne) 
ba  liebnesse  wib  ba  rebnesse,  &  of  bam  gemonnge  wyrce  gemetgunge,  baet 
etc.  =  88.4:  Miscenda  ergo  est  lenitas  cum  severitate. 
metan,  measure: 

Boeth.  44.20:  Forbaem  hit  nis  no  to  metanne  bset  geendodlice  wib  bset  un- 
geendodlice  =  46.57 :  infiniti  uero  atque  finiti  nulla  umquam  poterit  esse  collatio. 
[The  infinitive  may  be  passive,  but  is  probably  active  in  sense.  Concerning 
the  use  of  hit  in  this  sentence,  compare  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  136:  “  As  in  the 
construction  of  the  infinitive  after  nouns  and  adjectives  the  dependent  infini¬ 
tive  interchanges  with  the  subject  infinitive  (pp.  49  ff.),  so  with  the  predicative 
infinitive  denoting  purpose,  obligation,  etc.,  a  construction  occurs  in  M.  E. 
in  which  the  subject  of  the  sentence  comes  to  be  used  as  the  object  of  the  in¬ 
finitive.  A  thing  is  to  do  appears,  often  with  the  assistance  of  the  expletive 
it,  in  the  form  it  is  to  do  a  thing ,  meaning  it  is  necessary  to  do  a  thing ,  in  the 
same  way  that  the  Greek  e^eari  is  used  to  denote  necessity.  The  examples 
of  this  construction  are  not  numerous  in  Chaucer.  He  appears  to  have  re¬ 
tained  the  other  form  in  most  cases.”] 
ongietan,  understand: 

Bede  224.19:  Ac  God  ma  wcere  to  ongeotanne  in  brymme  unbesaendlicne 
(sic!),  menniscum  eagum  ungesenelicne,  almeahtigne,  ecne  =  172.1:  Deum 
potius  intellegendum  maiestate  inconprehensibilem,  humanis  oculis  inuisibilem, 
omnipotentem,  aeternum  etc.,  before  which  is  to  be  understood,  from  171.20, 
solebat  eum  hortari. 
secan,  seek: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  376.181 :  Us  is  to  secenne  .  .  .  ba  bote  aet  gode,  na  aet  bam  gram- 
lican  wiccum,  and  mid  ealra  heortan  urne  haelend  gladian  (sic!)  (or  subjective?). 
[Cf.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  137.] 
secgan,  say: 

Mlj.  Hept.:  De  N.  T.  21.14:  Nys  us  na  to  secgenne  bone  .  .  .  morb  (or 
subjective?).  [Cf.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  137.] 
sellan,  give: 

Lcece.  63.37 :  him  is  to  sellanne  lactucas  7  suberne  popig  inneweard.  —  lb. 
76.33:  merce  on  waetre  gesoden  7  swilca  wyrta  7  migole  drincan  7  bynne  win 
him  is  to  sellanne  wel  scir. 
underfon,  receive,  accept: 

Mlj.  Horn.  II.  344b  2:  ac  swabeah  nis  to  underfonne  nanes  synfulles  mannes 
aehta  on  his  geendunge,  ne  his  lie  ne  sy  on  haligre  stowe  bebyriged. 


104  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “bEON”  (“WESAN”)* 


understandan,  understand: 

MIJ.  L.  S.  354.258:  Us  is  to  under standenne  bas  endebyrdnyssa  (or  sub¬ 
jective?). 

warni(g)an,  warn: 

Wcerf.  340.29:  forban  him  is  to  warnianne  bone  rihtan  dom  bam,  be  ser  ne 
beob  his  synna  forlaetene  =  413  A2:  Qua  ex  re  aperte  datur  intelligi  quia  hi 
quibus  peccata  dimissa  non  fuerint,  ad  evitandum  judicium  sacris  locis  post 
mortem  non  valeant  adjuvari. 

Mlj.  Gr.  3.10:  is  nu  for  bi  godes  beowum  and  mynstermannum  georne  to 
warnigenne,  baet  seo  halige  lar  on  urum  dagum  ne  acolige  obbe  ateorige. 
weorbian,  honor: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  354*:  Ac  us  is  to  wur&igenne  mid  micelre  gecnyrdnysse  Cristes 
gebyrdtide. 

wundrian,  admire: 

Pr.  Gu.  III.  63 :  And  nu,  hwset,  ys  swibe  to  wundrianne  ba  diglan  mihte  ures 
drihtnes  and  his  mildheortnysse  domas  =  O  quam  admiranda  est  divinae  mis- 
erationis  indulgentia,  et  quantum  glorificanda  paternae  dilectionis  providentia ! 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

Regularly  the  infinitive  of  necessity  is  inflected,  whether  active  or  passive 
in  sense.  Sporadically,  however,  we  find  the  infinitive  uninflected,  as  in  the 
examples  given  on  pp.  98  and  102.  In  each  of  these  examples  the  uninflected 
infinitive  is  the  second  in  a  series  of  two  infinitives,  the  first  in  each  series  being 
inflected;  and  one  may  hold  that  the  influence  of  the  to  of  the  first  is  carried 
over  to  the  second  infinitive,  or,  to  state  it  differently,  that  to  is  omitted  with 
the  second  infinitive  because  of  its  presence  with  the  first  infinitive;  or,  as  I 
prefer  to  think,  that  the  second  infinitive  is  uninflected  primarily  because  of  its 
remoteness  from  the  principal  verb.  Or,  finally,  the  lack  of  inflection,  occurring 
so  seldom,  may  be  due  to  mere  chance. 

B.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  FUTURITY. 

At  times  the  inflected  infinitive  with  heon  ( wesan )  denotes  Futurity,  is 
active  in  sense,  and  corresponds  to  the  Latin  periphrastic  conjugation  made  up 
of  the  verb  sum  and  the  future  participle,  of  which,  indeed,  it  is  usually  a 
translation. 

I  give  all  of  the  clearer  examples  observed  by  me :  — 
aliesan,  redeem: 

L.  24.21:  We  hopedon  baet  he  to  alysenne  wcere  Israhel  =  Nos  autem  spera- 
bamus  quia  ipse  esset  redempturus  Israel, 
cuman,  come: 

Gosp.:  Mat.  11.3:  Eart  bu  be  to  cumenne  eart  =  Tu  es  qui  venturus  est 

Similarly:  Mat.  11.14,  16.27;  —  L.  7.19,  20;  10.1;  — 1.15. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II:  11.106:  Hwi  nis  se  wvrbe  bset  he  onfo  binra  mete- 

%/ 

lafe,  be  mid  be  is  to  cumenne  to  engla  gebeorscipe? 
cweban,  say,  speak: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II:  12.86:  And  ure  drihten  is  to  cwetSenne  bonne  he  to 
bam  dome  cymb:  Hospes  eram  et  suscepistis  me. 
don,  do: 


THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  PURPOSE. 


105 


L.  22.23b:  hi  agunnon  betwux  him  smeagan  hwylc  of  him  baet  to  donne 
wcere  =  coeperunt  quaerere  inter  se,  quis  esset  ex  eis  qui  hoc  facturus  esset. 
gefyllan,  complete: 

L.  9.31:  saedon  his  gewitendnesse  be  he  to  gefyllenne  wees  on  hierusalem 
=  dicebant  excessum  ejus,  quern  completurus  erat  in  Jerusalem, 
onfon,  receive: 

Bede  224.26:  baet  heo  bonne  wceren  from  him  ece  mede  to  onfonne  =  172.9: 
aeterna  ab  illo  praemia  essent.  percepturi. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  11.103:  For  hwi  ne  mot  se  bearfa  onfon  bines  metes 
be  mid  be  is  to  onfonne  heofona  rice?  Similarly:  ib.  11.105. 
sendan,  send: 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  4.13:  sende  bone  be  bu  to  sendenne  eart  =  mitte  quern 
missurus  es. 

browi(g)an,  suffer: 

Mat.  17.12:  ys  mannes  Sunu  eac  fram  him  to  Srowigenne  =  Sic  et  Filius 
hominis  passurus  est  ab  eis. 

Note.  —  “  Beon  ”  (“  Wesan  ”)  Plus  “  Toweard  ”  to  Denote  Futurity.  —  Occasionally  beon 
{wesan)  plus  toweard  represents  the  future  indicative,  as  in  Bede  270.2:  (hwonne  he  .  .  . 
toweard  sy  in  .  .  .  wolenum  ...  to  demanne  cwice  and  deade  =  211.7:  uenturus  est  ..  . 
ad  iudicandos  uiuos  et  mortuos)  and  in  Chad  188  (Sonne  he  hi<5  toweard  to  demenne  cwice  7 
deade).  See  Chapter  XI,  where  all  such  examples  are  recorded. 

C.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  PURPOSE. 

At  other  times  the  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  (wesan)  denotes  Purpose,, 
is  active  in  sense,  and  corresponds  to  and  occasionally  translates  a  Latin  phrase 
made  up  of  ad  plus  a  gerund  or  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative. 

All  the  clearer  examples  observed  are  given:  — 
adiligian,  destroy: 

Hept.:  Gen.  9.15:  heonon  forb  ne  bi<5  flod  to  adiligenne  eall  flaesc  =  non 
erunt  ultra  aquae  diluvii  ad  delendam  omnem  carnem.  [The  infinitive  may 
modify  flod  instead  of  bi<5.\ 
etan,  eat: 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  101.315m:  Haebbe  ge  her  aeni  bing,  be  to  etenne  sy  t 
[Cf.  L.  24.41 :  Haebbe  ge  her  aenig  bing  to  etenne  f  =  Habetis  hie  aliquid  quod 
manducetur?] 
faran,  go,  run: 

Wcerf.  221.1:  hit  waes  waeter  to  fultume  7  to  helpe  bam  mannum,  be  in 
baere  cyrican  waeron,  7  swylce  hit  waeter  ncere  in  ba  stowe  to  farane  =  269  B  i 
ut  aqua  erat  ad  adjutorium  et  quasi  aqua  non  erat  ad  invadendum  locum, 
forlaeran,  lead  astray: 

Gen.  703:  wees  hire  on  helpe  handweorc  godes  to  forlceranne  [lacuna]. 
gehaelan,  heal: 

L.  5.17:  and  Drihtnes  maegen  wees  hig  to  gehcelenne  =  et  virtus  Domini  erat 
ad  sanandum  eos. 

getacni(g)an,  signify: 

AElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  241 :  he  is  to  getacnigenne  of  baere  sawla  daedum. 
gremian,  irritate: 

Chron.  239b,  1104  Eb:  Eall  bis  wees  God  mid  to  gremienne ,  7  bas  arme  leode 
mid  to  tregienne. 


106  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON”  (“WESAN”). 


healdan,  hold ,  preserve: 

Oros.  46.17a:  ober  set  ham  beon  heora  lond  to  healdanne  =  47.17:  reginae 
.  .  .  quae  .  .  .  vicissim  curam  belli  et  domus  custodiam  sortiebantur. 

onfon,  receive: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II:  13.266:  Uton  .  .  .  tilian  <5set  we  syn  clsene  and 
unwsemme  Sam  to  onfonne  (or  the  infinitive  may  modify  the  adjectives  instead 
of  syn?). 

sceawian,  see,  examine: 

Greg.  131.21:  Da  recceras  sceolon  bion  beforan  Ssem  folce  sua  sua  monnes 
eage  beforan  his  lichoman,  his  weg  &  his  stsepas  to  sceawianne  =  92.28:  ut 
recta  pedes  valeant  itinera  carpere,  haec  procul  dubio  caput  debet  ex  alto 
providere. 

tregian,  grieve: 

Chron.  239b,  1104  Ec:  quoted  under  gremian  above. 

Segnian,  serve: 

Wcerf.  281.20:  ac  Sysum  wees  set  his  moder  7  his  brober  to  Segnienne 
—  341  C:  Huic  ad  serviendum  mater  cum  fratre  aderat. 

For  the  predicative  infinitive  with  the  verb  to  be  in  the  other  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  vii. 


NOTES. 

1.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  “  Beon  ”  (“  Wesan  ”)  in  a  Series.  — In  the  following 
passages  we  have  a  series  of  two  infinitives  with  beon  (wesan)  in  which  the  first  is  inflected  but 
the  second  is  not:  Mlj.  Horn.  I.  400b  h  2>  quoted  on  p.  103;  Mlj.  L.  S.  336.222,  223,  quoted 
on  p.  98;  ib.  376.181,  183,  quoted  on  p.  102;  Bede  78.24,  26,  quoted  on  p.  98.  In  the 
following  passages  we  have  a  series  of  inflected  infinitives:  Mlj.  Horn.  I.  498t1, 2;  —  Bede 
66.4a’  b;  430.32a-  b;  —  Bened.  5.8a-  b;  —  Boeth.  72.27a- b* c;  —  Greg.  183.3a>  b;  —  Lcece.  25.30a’  b; 
—  Laws  14a*b’c;  46a'b;  474a’ b;  —  Wcerf.  108.32a-b;  239.26,  27;  348.9^  b;  349.27a’b. 

2.  Predicative  Infinitives  Becoming  Absolute.  —  In  Bede  88.23  (Ono  se  mon  bib,  (Sees  be 
swa  to  ewedenne  sy,  seghwaeber  ge  gehsefted  ge  freo  =  62.1:  Ecce  itaque  homo  est,  ut  ita 
dixerim ,  captiuus  et  liber  etc.),  in  Boeth.  39.10  (Swa  hit  is  nu  hra&ost  to  seeganne  be  eallum  Sam 
woruldgesaeltSum  =  42.63:  concludere  .  .  .  licet),  and  in  Wulf.  158.16  (and  hreedest  is  to 
cweSenne)  and  204.2  (and  raSest  is  to  soeegenne),  we  have  inflected  predicative  infinitives  of 
necessity  on  the  way  to  becoming  absolute  in  use.  Cf.,  too,  Boeth.  41.3  (Daet  is  nu  hradost 
to  seeganne ,  Sset  ic  wilnode  weorSfullice  to  libbanne  etc.  =  0). 

3.  Predicative  Inflected  Infinitive  without  “  To.”  —  In  Laws  442  (2),  quoted  on  p.  101 
above,  we  have,  in  one  manuscript,  an  inflected  infinitive  of  necessity  without  to. 

4.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  with  “  Habban.”  —  As  stated  in  Chapter  II,  p.  43,  occasion¬ 
ally  the  inflected  infinitive  with  habban  denotes  obligation  or  futurity.  See  the  examples 
there  given,  and  compare  the  statement  of  Wilmanns,  who,  l.  c.,  p.  128,  after  speaking  of  the 
infinitive  of  obligation  after  the  verb  to  be,  adds:  “  Ahnliche  Bedeutung  nimmt  haben  mit  dem 
Inf.  mit  zu  an:  Tat.  c.  138.8:  ih  haben  thir  sihwaz  zi  quedanne,  habeo  tibi  aliquid  dicere.” 

5.  A  Mixed  Construction  occurs  in  Greg.  23.1  (Dsette  hwilum  Sa  leohtan  scylda  beoS 
beteran  to  forlcetan  (sic!  but  Cotton  MS.:  to  forlcetonne)  =  388.21:  Quod  aliquando  leviora 
vitia  relinquenda  sunt) :  the  inflected  infinitive  may  be  considered  as  predicative  with  beoS  or 
as  modifying  the  adjective  beteran;  but,  although  I  have  put  it  under  the  former  head,  it 
really  belongs  under  each. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE 

SUBJECT. 

The  uninflected  infinitive  active  as  the  quasi-predicate  of  an  accusative 
subject,  in  object  clauses,  is  found  about  1512  times  in  Anglo-Saxon.  It  is 
common  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose,  early  and  late,  and  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry, 
after  certain  verbs  (1)  of  Commanding,  (2)  of  Causing  and  Permitting,  (3)  of 
Sense  Perception;  is  less  frequent  after  (4)  verbs  of  Mental  Perception;  and 
is  almost  unknown  after  (5)  verbs  of  Declaring.1  The  passive  infinitive  in 
this  construction  is  far  less  common,  being  restricted  almost  exclusively  to 
the  translations.  In  subject  clauses,  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusa¬ 
tive  subject,  whether  active  or  passive,  is  very  rare,  and  with  one  exception  is 
found  only  in  the  translations. 

In  object  clauses,  the  infinitive  phrase  usually  follows  the  principal  verb,  as 
in  Bede  156.21:  Da  gehyrde  he  sumne  bara  brobra  sprecan  bset  etc.  =  130.19: 
audiret  unum  .  .  .  disposuisse;  but  occasionally  it  precedes,  as  in  Beow.  1346 : 
Ic  bset  londbuend  leode  mine  selersedende  secgan  hyrde,  bset  etc.;  and  occasion¬ 
ally  it  partly  precedes  and  partly  follows,  as  in  Bede  190.1:  bset  he  hine  .  .  . 
herde  secgan  =  152.15:  eum  audierit  .  .  .  narrare.  In  subject  clauses,  the  situa¬ 
tion  is  practically  the  same:  see  examples  toward  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

Whether  in  objective  or  subjective  clauses,  the  infinitive  that  is  active  in 
form  seems  to  me  active  in  sense.  Some  hold,  however,  that,  after  verbs  of 
commanding,  of  causing,  and  of  sense  perception,  we  sometimes  have  a  predi¬ 
cative  infinitive  that,  though  active  in  form,  is  passive  in  sense.  The  grounds 
for  the  active  interpretation  have  been  given  in  Chapter  II,  pp.  29  ff. ;  where 
I  have  stated  that  to  me  the  infinitive  in  examples  of  the  sort  there  cited  seems, 
not  predicative,  but  objective,  and  the  accompanying  accusative,  not  sub¬ 
jective,  but  objective. 

I  consider  first  the  idiom  in  object  clauses. 

AS  OBJECT. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

I.  UNINFLECTED. 

The  active  uninflected  infinitive  occurs  as  the  quasi-predicate  of  an  accusa¬ 
tive  subject  with  the  following  groups  of  verbs:  — 

1.  Oftenest  with  Verbs  of  Commanding  2  and  the  like,  of  which  group  the 
chief  representative  is  hatan,  ‘  command/  ‘  order.’  The  complete  list  of  verbs 
belonging  to  this  group  is  as  follows :  — 

bebeodan  [bi— ],  command,  order.  forbeodan,3  forbid. 

biddan,  request ,  command.  hatan,  command. 


1  As  is  evident  from  this  statement,  I  include  Grimm’s  ‘  non-genuine  ’  as  well  as  his  ‘  genuine  accusative 
with  infinitive,  —  concerning  which  see  Chapter  XIV,  section  viii. 

2  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  pp.  371  ff.;  Zeitlin.i  l.  c.,  pp.  55  ff.  3  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  373. 

107 


108  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


2.  Next  most  frequently  with  Verbs  of  Causing  and  of  Permitting,1  of 
which  the  chief  representative  is  Icetan, 1  allow/  1  cause.’  The  full  list  follows:  — 


alaetan,  allow. 
biegan  [began],  urge ,  force. 
don,  make,  cause. 
forlaetan,  allow. 
gedon,  make,  cause. 


geSafian,  allow. 
getSolian  [gi-],  allow. 
geunnan,  grant. 
laetan,  allow,  permit,  cause. 
niedan  [-e-,  -y-],  compel,  force. 


3.  Only  slightly  less  frequently  than  with  the  preceding,  with  Verbs  of 
Sense  Perception,2  of  which  the  chief  representative  is  geseon,  1  see.’  This 
group  is  composed  of  the  following :  — 


behealdan  [bi-],  behold,  see. 
gefelan,  feel,  perceive. 
gehawian,  see. 
gehieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear. 
geseon,  see. 


hieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear. 
ofseon,  see. 
sceawian,  see. 
seon,  see. 


4.  Far  less  frequently  with  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception,3  the  chief  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  which  are  findan,  1  find/  gefrignan,  1  learn  by  asking/  gemetan, 
1  find/  ongietan,  ‘  understand/  and  witan,  ‘  know.’  The  full  list  follows:  — 


aeteawan,  show. 
afindan,  find. 
eowan,  show. 
findan,  find. 

geacsian  [-ah-],  learn  by  asking. 
gecySan,  make  known. 
gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry. 
gehatan,  promise. 
gehyhtan  [-i-],  hope. 
geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe. 
gemetan,  meet,  find. 


gemittan,  meet,  find. 
gemunan,  remember,  recall. 
getriewan  [-eo-],  trust,  hope. 
gewitan,  perceive,  observe. 
laeran,  teach. 
onfindan,  find. 

ongietan,  understand,  perceive. 
tali(g)an,  consider,  account. 
tellan,  tell,  consider. 
wenan,  hope. 
witan,  know. 


5.  Very  rarely  with  Verbs  of  Declaring,4  of  which  this  is  a  complete  list:  — 

cweSan,  say.  ondettan,  confess,  declare. 

foresecgan,  foretell,  predict.  secgan,  say,  relate. 


6.  Very  rarely  with  Other  Verbs:  once  only  with  the  verb  habban,  have , 
and  the  verb  todaelan,  divide,  which  do  not  easily  fall  under  any  of  the  pre¬ 
ceding  groups. 


Typical  examples  are :  — 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding,  etc. :  — 
bebeodan,  command: 

Ex.  217a*  b,  218a*  b,  219a’b:  ob  Moyses  behead  eorlas  .  .  .  folc  somnigean, 
frccan  arisan,  habban  heora  hlencan,  hycgan  on  ellen,  beran  beorht  searo,  beacnum 
cigean  sweot  sande  near. 

Pr.  Ps.  41. 9a:  On  daeg  behead  God  his  mildheortnesse  cuman  to  me  =  In  die 
mandabit  Dominus  misericordiam  suam.  —  lb.  43.6:  bu  be  bebude  halo  cuman 
to  Iacobes  cynne?  =  43.5:  qui  mandas  salutes  Jacob? 
biddan,  request,  command: 

Gen.  2031:  heed  him  braecrofe,  ba  rincas  bses  rsed  ahiegan. 

Dan.  359:  bcedon  bletsian  beam  Israela,  eall  landgesceaft  ecne  drihten . 


1  Gf.  Zeitlin,1  l.  c.,  pp.  43  ff. 

*  Gf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  pp.  384  ff.;  Zeitlin,1 1.  c.,  pp.  78  ff. 


2  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  pp.  395 ff.;  Zeitlin,1 1.  c.,  pp.  66 ff. 
*  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  pp.  414  ff. ;  Zeitlin,1  l.  c.,  99  ff. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


109 


El.  1101:  Cyriacus  .  .  .  bced  him  engla  weard  geopenigean  uncuSe  wyrd 
niwan  on  nearwe. 

Gu.  1133:  bad  bine  Surh  mihta  scyppend  .  .  .  sprsece  ahebban. 

And.  1614:  bced  haligne  helpe  gefremman  gumena  geogoSe. 

Bede  6.13:  bced  bine  cristenne  beon-  16.3:  Christianum  se  fieri  peUerit. 

Chron.  173*,  1048  Ea:  se  cyng  .  .  .  bced  hinefaran  in  to  cent. 

AZlf.  L.  S.  76.439,  440:  bced  hi  ealle  wacian  Sser  on  niht  mid  him  and  dingian 
Sam  .  .  .  men.  —  lb.  266.70:  Da  sume  daeg  bced  he  Sone  bisceop  self  eh  blcetsian 
his  ful. 

forbeodan,  forbid: 

Mat.  19.14:  Nelle  ge  big  forbeodan  cuman  to  me  =  nolite  eos  probibere  ad  me 
venire . 

hatan,1  command ,  order: 

Beow.  1869a*  b:  bet  bine  mid  Saem  lacum  leode  swsese  secean  on  gesyntum, 
snude  eft  cuman. 

Gen.  122:  Metod  .  .  .  heht  leoht  .  .  .  forS  cuman. 

Ex.  254 :  heht  Sa  folctogan  fyrde  gestillan. 

Dan.  431 :  Het  (5a  se  cyning  to  him  cnihtas  gangan. 

Az.  183:  Het  Sa  of  Sam  lige  lifgende  beam  Nabocodonossor  near  cetgongan. 

Chr.  1024,  1026:  hated  arisan  reordberende  of  foldgrafum,  folc  anra  gehwylc 
cuman  to  gemote. 

El.  999:  Hie  se  casere  heht  gearwian  sylfe  to  siSe. 

Ju.  523:  Sa  he  mecferan  bet  Seoden  of  Systrum. 

And.  365,  366,  367 :  selmihtig  heht  his  engel  gan7  .  .  .  mete  syllan,  frefran 
feasceaftne. 

Rid.  7.5:  Sonne  mec  min  frea  feohtan  hated. 

Jud.  54:  nymSe  se  modga  hwcene  niSe  rofra  him  Se  near  hete  rinca  to  rune 
gegangan. 

Ps.  80.12:  Ac  hi  lifian  het  lustum  heortena. 

Bede:  34.25a-b:  Da  het  he  .  .  .  his  degnas  hine  secan  7  acsian  =  18.25: 
iussit  milites  eum  .  .  .  inquirere.  —  lb.  58.28:  Da  het  se  cyning  hie  sittan 
=  46.5:  Cumque  ad  iussionem  regis  residentes  .  .  .  uerbum  praedicarent.  —  lb. 
118.8,  9:  heht  his  degnas  hine  .  .  .  beran  ...  7  asettan  =  94.22:  iussit  se  .  .  . 
efferi.  —  lb.  138.11a>b:  heht  his  geferan  toiceorpan  .  .  .  Sone  herig  .  .  .  7  for- 
bcernan=  113.19a’b:  iussit  sociis  destruere  ac  succendere  fanum.  —  lb.  232.8: 
cwom  serendwraca,  se  Se  hine  to  cyning e  fer an  het  =  176.1:  uenit  qui  clamaret 
eum  ad  regem. 

Greg.  279.19:  Se  gemetgaS  irre,  se  Se  Sone  disigan  hcett  geswugian  =  210.26: 
Qui  imponit  stulto  silentium. 

Oros.  202.8:  Sone  here  he  het  mid  Saem  scipum  Sonan  wendan  =  203.1: 
deflexo  cursu.  —  lb.  280.12:  hiene  het  iernan  on  his  .  .  .  purpurum  =  281.13: 
ut  per  aliquot  millia  passuum  purpuratus  ante  vehiculum  ejus  concurrisse 
referatur. 

Chron.  12*,  449  Aa:  Se  cing  het  hi  feohtan  agien  Pihtas. 

Wcerf.  10.4:  Hu  man  het  Mquitium  cuman  to  Rome  =  0.  —  lb.  58.13:  het 
ealle  Sanon  utgan  =  189  C1:  omnesque  exinde  egredi  prcecepit.  —  lb.  297.9a,b: 
hine  het  forS  gan  7  him  gearwian  his  hrsegl  =  360  A1* 2 :  vocavit  puerum  suum, 

1  Hatan  is  followed,  also,  by  a  substantive  clause  introduced  by  Scet,  as  in  JElf.L.  S.  142.404;  154.99;  162.245; 

224.68;  396.218;  400.261;  406.360;  442.37;  464.373;  etc.;  etc.  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  375. 


110  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


parariqne  sibi  vestimenta  ad  procedendum  jussit.  —  lb.  337.37:  drihten  Se  het 
faran  =  408  A:  Paratus  esto,  et  quia  Dominus  jussit,  migra. 

Bened.  70.18:  ob  .  .  .  hine  geswican  hate  =  134.7:  usque  dum  ei  jubeat 
iterum  Abbas,  ut  quiescat  ab  hac  satisfactione. 

Bl.  Horn.  21.30:  hated  (5a  eorSan  eft  agifan  bset  heo  ser  onfeng. 

AElf.  Horn .  I.  28*:  het  hi  faran  geond  ealne  middangeard,  bodigende  fufluht 
and  sobne  geleafan. 

JElf.  L.  S.  98.142:  Martianus  het  his  .  .  .  cwelleras  bone  halgan  beatan. 

jBlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  22.6:  Abraham  ba  het  Issac  beran  bone  wudu  =  Ligna 
holocausti  imposuit  super  Isaac.  —  Ex.  32.5a,b:  het  bydelas  beodan  and  bus 
cweSan  =  prseconis  voce  clamavit  dicens. — Num.  31.17:  het  hig  ba  acivellan 
ealle  ba  wif  =  Ergo  mulieres  .  .  .  jugulate.  —  Judges  16.25:  heton  hine  standan 
betwux  .  .  .  swerum  =  feceruntque  eum  stare  inter  .  .  .  columnas. 

Gosp .:  Mat.  14.19:  And  ba  he  het  ba  menegu  ofer  bset  gsers  hi  sittan  =  Et 
quum  jussisset  turbam  discumbere  super  foenum.  —  Mk.  8.6:  Da  het  he  sittan 
ba  menegu  ofer  ba  eorban  =  Et  prcecepit  turbce  discumbere  super  terram. 

Wulf.  235.16:  ba  deoflu  hy  potedon  .  .  .  and  heton  hy  ut  faran  rabe. 

Lcece.  55.25a>  b :  hine  mon  sceal  swibe  hlude  hatan  grcedan  obbe  singan. 

2.  Verbs  of  Causing  and  of  Permitting:  — 

alsetan,  allow: 

Beow.  2666:  bset  bu  ne  alcete  be  be  lifigendum  dom  gedreosan. 

Dan.  591 :  Oft  metod  alcet  monige  Seode  [lacuna]  wyrcan. 

biegan  [began],  urge,  force: 

Ps.  143.14:  Dara  beam  swylce  begad  sebelum  settum  beamum  samed  anlice 
standan  on  stabule  stibe  wib  geogube  =  143.12:  Quorum  filii  sicut  novelise 
plantations  constabilitce  in  juventute  sua. 

don,  make,  cause: 

Ps.  103.30:  He  on  bas  eorban  ealle  locab,  ded  hi  for  his  egsan  ealle  beofian 
=  qui  respicit  super  terram,  et  facit  earn  tremere. 

Bede  98.27b:  se  be  eardigan  ded  ba  anmodan  in  his  fseder  huse  =  81.29b:  qui 
habitare  facit  unanimes  in  domu  Patris. 

Laws  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  4,  §  1:  bu  onsiist  ofer  earbe  7  bu  doest  da 
fyrhta  (sic!)  =  qui  respicis  super  terram  et  fads  ea[m]  tremere. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  468m  h  2>  3* 4:  Swa  swa  bu  dydest  minne  brodor  his  god  forlcetan, 
and  on  binne  god  gelyfan,  swa  do  ic  eac  de  forlcetan  binne  god,  and  on  minne 
gelyfan. 

Wulf.  196.1,  2:  treowa  he  ded  fserlice  blowan  and  eft  rabe  asearian. 

forlaetan,  allow: 

Beow.  3167:  forleton  eorla  gestreon  eordan  healdan. 

Gen.  1406:  ba  hine  halig  god  .  .  .  forlet  edmonne  streamum  stigan. 

El.  598:  Hio  on  sybbe  forlet  secan  gehwylcne  agenne  eard. 

Gu.  1148:  nsefre  ic  lufan  sibbe,  beoden,  set  bearfe  bin eforlcete  asanian . 

And.  836:  dry hten  forlet  dcegcandelle  scire  scinan. 

Bede  318.4:  Bsed  heo  .  .  .  bone  cyning  bset  .  .  .  heo  forlete  .  .  .  Criste 
Seowian  =  243.28:  postulans  .  .  .  Christo  seruire  permitteretur . 

Greg.  467.11:  Forbsem  oft  se  .  .  .  God  fo[r]let  bset  mod  his  gecorenra 
gesyngian  on  sumum  lytlum  bingum  =  404.1 :  imperfectas  tamen  ex  parva 
aliqua  parte  derelinquit. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Ill 


Solil.  21.22:  Sonne  forlcet  he  Saet  scyp  standan  =  eos  dimisi. 

Chron.  5*,  Introd.  E:  Sa  he  forlet  his  here  abidan  mid  Scottum. 

Wcerf.  294.5:  Saet  se  .  .  .  God  swa  forlceted  sweltan  his  gecorenan  =  356  A1: 
Quid  est  hoc,  quaeso  te,  quod  .  .  .  Deus  sic  permittit  mori ,  quos  tamen  post 
mortem  cujus  sanctitatis  fuerint,  non  patitur  celari? 

Bl.  Horn.  87.14:  ne  forlcet  Su  us  nu  on  witum  wunian. 

Attf.  Horn.  II.  192* 2:  beod  him  Saet  he  min  folcforlcete  of  his  leode  faran. 

AElf.  L.  S.  144.429:  forleton  hine  swa  licgan  for  deadne. 

JElf.  Hept.:  Judges  3.21:  He  forlet  Sa  Saet  swurd  stidan  on  him  =  Nec 
eduxit  gladium,  sed  reliquit  in  corpore. 

Widf.  232.17 :  Saet  g eforlcetan  Sa  unnyttan  sprceca  gewurSan  and  Sa  unnyttan 
gedancas  of  eowrum  heortum. 

gedon,  make ,  cause: 

Bl.  Horn.  239.16:  Matheum  he  gedyde  gangan  to  Sam  eastdaele. 

AZlf.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  316:  gebide  to  drihtne  for  us  Saet  he  gedo  us  werlice 
becuman  to  haelo  hySe. 

geSafian,  allow: 

Bl.  Horn.  45.19:  gif  he  ne  geSafacS  Saet  godes  folc  heora  lif  on  woh  lybban. 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  92*:  ne  ge&afiaS  godne  willan  infaran  to  his  heortan. 

JElf.  L.  S.  108.323,  324:  Ge&afa  Saet  min  modor  me  gesprcecan  and  sume 
Sreo  niht  on  minum  raede  beon. 

geSolian  [gi-],  allow: 

Laws  412,  Judicium  Dei  V,  c.  2,  §  4b:  unscyldigo  hwoeSre  7  dingleaso  from 
Sissum  synne  unascendedo  wosa  gi&ola&es  =  innocentes  uero  et  inmunes  ab  hoc 
crimine  inlesos  esse  patiaris. 

geunnan,  grant: 

Attf.  AUthelw.  ic  bidde  .  .  .  Saet  Su  geunna  me  Surhwunian  Sone  towear- 
dan  daeg  on  Sinum  halgum  Seowdome  =  deprecor  .  .  .  ut  concedas  mihi 
diem  uenturum  sic  in  tuo  sancto  seruitio  peragere  (or  objective?). 

laetan,  allow ,  permit,  cause: 

Beow .  1490:  Icet  .  .  .  widcuSne  man  heardecg  habban. 

Gen.  438a:  Sittan  Icete  ic  hine  wiS  me  sylfne.  —  lb.  1349:  Ic  .  .  .  sigan 
Icete  wcellregn  ufan  widre  eorSan. 

Dan.  683:  let  Babilone  bleed  swi&rian. 

Chr.  159:  ne  Icet  awyrgde  ofer  us  onwald  agan. 

El.  237 :  Leton  Sa  ofer  fifelwseg  famige  scriSan,  brontne  brimSisan. 

Ju.  200:  Lcet  Sa  sace  restan. 

Gu.  924:  Da  se  selmihtiga  let  his  hond  cuman. 

And.  832,  833:  Leton  Sone  halgan  .  .  .  swefan  .  .  .,  bliSne  bidan. 

Bede  256.29:  Sa  onlesde  he  hine  7  let  feran  sefter  Sam  biscope  =  204.4: 
absoluit  eum,  et  .  .  .  ire  permisit. 

Boeth.  6.10:  forhwy  se  .  .  .  God  Icete  senig  yfel  beon  =  0.  —  lb.  8.23: 
Lcetad  hine  eft  hweorfan  to  minum  larum  =  5.39:  meisque  eum  musis  curandum 
sanandumque  relinquite. 

Greg.  139.8:  hi  Sonne  lceta$  acolian  Sa  innecundan  lufan  =  100.4:  ab  intimo 
amore  frigescunt.  —  75.  171.1:  Icet  hi  stician  Sseron  =  124.24:  qui  semper  erunt 
in  circulis.  —  75.  193.25:  Dset  is  Sonne  Saet  mon  his  eage  Icete  slapian  =  144.29: 
Somnum  quippe  oculis  dare  est  etc.  —  75.  457.13:  ForSsem  sceal  se  gesceadwisa 
laece  Icetan  aer  weaxan  Sone  Icessan  =  390.3:  ut  .  .  .  unum  patiatur  crescere. 


112  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 

Oros.  126.15:  he  .  .  .  Sset  folc  sum  Sser  sittan  let  =  0. 

Solil.  14.2:  ne  Icet  me  nanwiht  oferwinnan  on  Sis  wege  =  nihilque  mihi 
repugnare  facias  tendenti  ad  te.  —  76.  48.19:  Icet  beon  Sone  wop  and  Sa  unrot - 
nesse  =  cohibe  te  a  lacrymis,  et  stringe  animum. 

Pr.  Ps.  15.10a’b:  ne  Sinne  gehalgodan  ne  Icetst  forrotian  ne  forweorSan 
=  neque  dabis  sanctum  tuum  videre  corruptionem. 

Chron.  161b,  1038  D:  Sset  he  hine  ne  lete  lybban.  —  lb.  164b,  1046  Cb:  let 
hi  sySSan  faran  ham. 

Laws  160,  II  iEthelstan,  c.  20,  §  6:  Gif  he  nylle  hit  geSafian,  leton  hine 
licgan.  —  lb.  454,  Gerefa,  c.  7 :  Ne  Icete  he  nsefre  his  hyrmen  hyne  oferwealdan. 

Wcerf.  234.3:  sacerdas  .  .  .  seo  arfsestnes  ne  IceteS  ehtan  7  oferswiSan  Sone 
geleafan  =  285  B :  ut  .  .  .  sacerdotes  .  .  .  fidem  persequi  minime  permittat.  - — 
lb.  276.3:  ne  let  lie  nsefre  hi  him  neh  gan=  336  C1:  presbyteram  .  .  .  ad  se 
proprius  accedere  nunquam  sinebat. 

Bened.  120.8:  Sset  he  leahtras  fyrSrige  and  wehsan  Icete  =  186.13:  ut  per¬ 
mittat  nutriri  vitia. 

Bl.  Horn.  69.17:  IcetaS  Sis  Sus  wesan  to  cySnesse  minre  bebyrgednesse. 

Pr.  Gu.  V.  153a:  Sa  leton  hi  hine  ane  hwile  abidan  and  gestandan  =  sister e 
ilium  paullisper  fecerunt. 

/Elf.  Horn.  1. 12*  1:  hi  ealle  adrsefde  of  heofenan  rices  myrhS,  and  let  befeallan 
on  Sset  ece  fyr.  —  lb.  I.  522b:  Feeder,  seSe  Icet  his  sunnan  scinan  ofer  gode  and 
yfele. 

J57/.  L.  S.  18.147:  gif  heo  Icet  rixian  on  hire  Sa  gewilnunge. 

AUlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  9.24:  drihten  let  rinan  hagol  wiS  fyr  gemenged  =  pluitqne 
dominus  grandinem.  —  Lev.  1.15:  Icete  yrnan  Sset  blod  nySer  =  decurrere  faciet 
sanguinem.  — •  Num.  11.24:  folce,  Sa  he  let  standan  .  .  .  ymbutan  Sa  eardung- 
stowe  =  quos  stare  fecit  circa  tabernaculum. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  8.22:  Icet  deade  bebyrigean  hyra  deadan  =  dimitte  mortuos 
sepelire  mortuos  suos.  —  Mk.  5.37 :  he  ne  let  him  cenigne  fyligean  =  non  admisit 
quemquam  se  sequi.  —  Mk.  10.14:  LcetaS  <5 a  lytlingas  to  me  cuman  =  Sinite 
parvidos  venire  ad  me.  —  L.  9.60:  Lcet  Sa  deadan  byrigan  hyra  deadan  =  Sine 
ut  mortui  sepeliant  mortuos  suos.  —  L.  9.61 :  Icet  me  seryst  hit  cySan  Sam  Se 
set  ham  synt  =  permitte  mihi  primum  renuntiare  his,  quse  domi  sunt  (or  objec¬ 
tive?). —  J.  18.8:  IcetaS  Sas  faran  =  sinite  hos  abire. 

Wulf.  10.7,  8:  hy  Surh  heora  synna  god  to  Sam  swySe  gegremedon,  Sset  he 
let  set  nehstan,/M  gan  ofer  ealne  middaneard  and  adrencan  eal.  —  76.  14.3a>  b: 
Sset  folc  Sa  wearS  swa  wiS  god  forworht,  Sset  he  let  faran  hseSenne  here  and 
forhergian  eall  Sset  land. 

Lcece.  12.2:  Icet  gedreopan  on  Sa  eagan  senne  dropan.  —  76.  97.22:  Icet 
gerestan  Sone  man. 

niedan  [-e-,  — y— ],  compel,  force: 

Mk.  6.45 :  Da  sona  he  nydde  his  leorningcnihtas  on  scyp  stigan  =  Et  statim 
coegit  discipulos  suos  adscendere  navim.  Cf.  p.  166  below. 

3.  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception:  — 

behealdan  [bi— ],  behold,  see: 

MUlf.  Horn.  II.  32m:  Dset  folc  beheold  Sone  broSer  standan  buton  .  .  , 
cwacunge. 

gefelan,  feel,  perceive: 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


113 


Bede  156.32:  ne  wiste  he  hwcet  he  gefelde  cealdes  set  his  sidan  licgan  =  130.30: 
sensit  nescio  quid  frigidi  suo  lateri  adiacere. 

Wcerf.  236.1:  Sa  semninga  gefeldon  hi  an  swyn  yrnan  hider  7  Sider  =  288  B: 
porcum  .  .  .  discurrere  senserunt. 

gehawian,  see: 

Woerf.  250.26:  Sa  Sa  hi  naht  ne  gehawedon  flowan  Saes  eles  =  305  C:  Cumque 
illi  ex  olivis  oleum  defluere  non  cernerent. 

gehieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear: 

Beow.  786,  787 :  anra  gehwylcum  Sara  Se  of  wealle  wop  gehyrdon  gryreleoS 
galan  godes  andsacan,  sigeleasne  sang,  sar  wanigean  hellehcefton. 

Gen.  508a*  b :  ic  gehyrde  hine  Sine  daed  and  word  lofian  on  his  leohte  and  ymb 
Sin  lif  sprecan. 

Chr.  797,  798:  gehyre&  Cyning  mceftlan,  rodera  Ryhtend,  sprecan  reSe  word. 

El.  443a*  b :  Gif  .  .  .  Su  gehyre  ymb  Saet  .  .  .  treo  frode  frignan  7  geflitu 
rceran. 

Ju.  629:  gehyrde  heo  hearm  galan  helle  deofol. 

Bede  400.18:  Sa  geherde  ic  Sone  biscop  .  .  .  cweoSan  =  290.8:  audiui  ilium 
.  .  .  dicentem. 

Wcerf.  117.22:  gehyrde  Sone  hlisan  weaxan  =  B.  148  A3:  Cumque  .  .  . 
conspiceret  .  .  .  conversationis  illius  opinionem  crescere. 

Bl.  Horn.  15.15:  Sum  blind  Searfa  .  .  .  gehyrde  myccle  menigo  him  beforan 
feran. 

Pr.  Gu.  XX.  75:  ic  Se  gehyrde  spreca7i  on  aefenne  and  on  aerenmergen  =  te 
loquentem  vespere  et  mane  audiebam. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  518* 3 :  Hwaet  Sa  gehyrdon  gehwilce  on  life  halige  englas  singan 
on  his  forSsiSe. 

jElf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  80:  gehyrde  .  .  .  martinus  Sone  hcelend  clypian  to  his 
.  .  .  englum. 

Mk.  14.58:  SoSes  we  gehyrdon  hine  secgan  =  Quoniam  nos  audivimus  eum 
dicentem. 

geseon,  see: 

Beow.  1517:  fyrleoht  geseah,  blacne  leoman  beorhte  scinan. 

Gen.  548:  Saer  he  Saet  wif  geseah,  on  eorSrice  Euan  stondan. 

Ex.  104:  forS  gesawon  lifes  latSeow  liftweg  metan. 

Dan.  553:  wundor  .  .  .,  dost  Su  gesawe  Surh  swefen  cuman. 

Chr.  498 :  Gesegon  hi  on  heahSu  Hlaford  stigan. 

El.  1111:  leode  gesawon  hire  willgifan  wundor  cySan. 

Gu.  28a*  b :  gesihb  he  Sa  domas  dogra  gehwylce  wonian  and  wendan. 

Rid.  69.1:  Ic  Sa  wiht  geseah  on  weg  feran. 

Bede  102.32:  Sa  geseah  he  .  .  .  sacerdas  .  .  .  sundor  stondan  =  84. 7 : 
Cumque  .  .  .  uideret  sacerdotes  .  .  .  consistere.  —  lb.  112.8a,b:  Mid  Sy  heo 
.  .  .  gesegon  Sone  biscop  maessan  onsymbelnesse  mcersian  ...  7  ..  .  husl 
sellan  =  91.10,11:  Cumque  uiderent  pontificem,  celebratis  .  .  .  missarum  sollem- 
niis,  eucharistam  dare.  —  lb.  128.16:  Sa  geseah  he  .  .  .  sumne  mon  wiS  his 
gongan  =  108.22:  uidit  .  .  .  adpropinquantem  sibi  hominem.  —  lb.  430.31:  seo 
denu  .  .  .,  Ae  Su  gesawe  egeslice  beon  =  308.11  Uallis  ilia,  quam  aspexisti 
.  .  .  horrenda  .  .  .,  ipse  est  locus. 

Boeth.  97.18:  ic  Saet  lytle  leoht  geseah  twinclian  =0.  —  lb.  111.13:  Da  we 
gesioS  sittan  on  Sam  .  .  .  heahsetlum  =  95.1:  Quos  uides  sedere. 


114  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


Greg.  255.24,  25 :  Dget  waes  forbaembe  se  assa  geseah  bone  engel  ongean  hine 
standan ,  &  him  baes  faereltes  forwiernan  =  194.5:  Prohibitione  quippe  immorata 
asina  Angelum  videt. 

Oros.  162.6,  7 :  mon  geseah  weallan  blod  of  eorban  7  rinan  meolc  of  heofonum 
=  163.5:  sanguis  e  terra,  lac  visum  est  manure  de  coelo. 

Pr.  Ps.  48.8:  bonne  he  gesyhS  ba  welegan  and  ba  weoruldwisan  sweltan 
=  48.11:  cum  viderit  sapientes  morientes. 

Wcerf.  95.15:  ac  ba  ba  he  geseah  manige  men  gan  =  B.  126  A:  Sed  cum  in  eis 
multos  ire  per  abrupta  vitiorum  cerneret.  —  lb.  116.15:  ba  ylcan  ic  geseah  me  upp 
geloedan  of  bam  waetere  =  B.  146  C:  ipsum  me  ex  aquis  educere  considerabam. 

Bened.  25.20:  bylaes  be  God  ...  us  geseo  bugende  to  yfele  and  to  nahte 
gehweorfan  =  50.18:  ne  nos  declinantes  in  malo,  et  inutiles  fados  .  .  .  aspiciat. 
Bl.  Horn.  187.34:  nu  git  geseoS  hine  geond  heofenas  feran. 

Pr.  Gu.  IX.  8:  ba  geseah  he  bone  hrefen  ba  cartan  beran  =  volantem  alitem 
chartulam  in  ore  suo  portantem  prospicit. 

Mart.  16.25:  Antonius  geseah  baes  Paules  sawle  .  .  .  stigan  to  heofonum. 
JElf.  Horn.  I.  42b:  Da  geseah  heo  baet  did  licgan  on  binne.  —  lb.  I.  48b  2: 
Se  eadiga  Stephanus  geseah  Crist  standan. 

rfZlf.  L.  S.  64.242:  Da  geseah  se  biscop  .  .  .  Marian  cuman.  —  lb.  XXVII. 
92:  gesawon  .  .  .  rode  .  .  .  baer  scinan. 

jElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  28.12a :  Da  geseah  he  on  swefne  standan  ane  hlcedre  =  Viditqne 
in  somnis  scalam  stantem  super  terrain.  — Gen.  37.25:  hig  gesawon  twegen  .  .  . 
men  cuman  of  Galaad  =  viderunt  .  .  .  viatores  venire  de  G. — Gen.  41.2:  him 
buhte  baet  he  gesa,we  gan  upp  .  .  .  seofon  faegre  oxan  =  ascendebant  septem 
boves. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  20.3:  he  geseah  oSre  on  straete  idele  standan  =  vidit  alios  stantes 
in  foro  otiosos.  —  L.  21.1 :  he  geseh  ba  welegan  hyra  lac  sendan  on  bone  sceoppan 
=  vidit  eos  qui  mittebant  munera  sua  in  gazophylacium,  divites. 

Wulf.  187.1  la*  b :  we  daeghwamlice  geseoS  beforan  urum  eagum  ure  ba 
nehstan  feallan  and  sweltan. 
hieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear: 

Beow.  1346:  Ic  baet  londbuend  leode  mine  seleraedende  secgan  hyrde,  baet  etc. 
El.  241 :  Ne  hyrde  ic  sib  ne  aer  on  egstreame  idese  Icedan  .  .  .  maegen  faegrre. 
Ju.  1:  we  baet  hyrdon  hceleS  eahtian  .  .  .  baette  etc. 

Bede  190.1:  he  hine  .  .  .  herde  secgan  =  152.15:  eum  audierit  .  .  .  narrare. 
Chron.  258m,  1127  Eb:  ba  muneces  herdon  ba  horn  blawen  {sic!). 
ofseon,  see: 

rElf.  Horn.  II.  508ra:  ba  ofseah  he  feorran  ba  hceSenan  ferian  an  lie  to  eorban. 
sceawian,  see: 

Wcerf.  206. 27a>  b:  bonne  be  he  sceawaS  ba  godan  fremian  7  weaxan  to  Godes 
wuldre  =  252  C1:  bonos  cernit  enitescere  ad  gloriam. 
seon,  see: 

Rid.  32.3 :  Ic  seah  sellic  Sing  singan  on  raecede. 

Mart.  2.18,  19:  manig  seah  meoloc  rinnan  of  heofonum  ond  lamb  spcecan  on 
mennisc  gecynde.  —  lb.  144.4:  ac  burh  ba  wundor  be  he  seah  Sebastianum  don 
he  onfeng  fulwihte. 

4.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 
aeteawan,  show: 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


115 


Bede  84.2 :  ‘8a  eeteawde  he  baer  syrme  weosan  =  59.4 :  culpam  esse  demonstrauit. 
afindan,  find: 

A.  S.  Horn .  &  L.  S.  I.  9.364:  se  afunde  his  hlaford  licgan  heafodleasne. 
eowan,  show: 

Wcerf.  200.14:  he  eowde  hine  syifne  ...  on  gebede  standan  =  244  C4:  qui 
se  tribus  diebus  et  noctibus  orare  ante  oculos  hominum  demonstraret. 
findan,  find: 

Beow.  119:  Fand  8a  baer  inne  aebelinga  gedriht  swefan  setter  symble. 

Jul.  364:  8ser  ic  hine  finde  ferb  stadelian  to  Godes  willan,  ic  beo  gearo  sona 
etc. 

Jud.  278:  funde  ba  on  bedde  blacne  licgan  his  goldgifan. 

Oros.  128.14:  funde  hiene  aenne  be  wege  licgan ,  mid  sperum  tosticad,  healf- 
cucne  =  129.12:  invenit  in  itinere  solum  relictum  confossum  vulneribus. 

Mlf,  Horn.  I.  452*:  funde  his  spere  standan  mid  blode  begleddod. 

L.  19.32:  fundon  .  .  .  bo ne  folan  standan  =  invenerunt  .  .  .  stoMem  pullum . 
geacsian  [-ah-],  learn  hy  asking: 

Bl.  Horn.  109. 2a>  b:  manig  yfel  we  geaxiad  her  on  life  gelomlician  &  wcestmian. 
Wulf.  2.2,  5:  we  ba  geacsodon  be  bam  heofonlican  eble,  and  we  geacsodon 
his  geceasterwaran  heon  godes  englas,  and  we  geacsodon  bsera  engla  geferan  beon 
ba  gastas  sobfsestra  .  .  .  manna, 
gecyban,  make  known: 

Wcerf.  137.7 :  to  ban  bset  he  gecydde  hine  syifne  cunnan,  hwylce  wseren  Godes 
gestihtunge  =  B.  166  A:  ut  se  ostenderet  nosse  quae  Dei  sunt, 
gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry: 

Beow.  2695:  Da  ic  set  bearfe  gefrcegn  beodcyninges  andlongne  eorl  ellen 
cydan. 

Gen.  2060:  Da  ic  nedan  gefrcegn  under  nihtscuwan  heeled  to  hilde. 

Ex.  99:  Da  ic  on  morgen  gefrcegn  modes  rofan  hebban  herebyman  hludan 
stefnum. 

Dan.  1,  2,  3:  Gefrcegn  ic  Hebreos  eadge  lifgean  in  H.,  goldhord  dcelan,  cyning- 
dom  habban. 

Chr.  79:  Ne  we  soblice  swylene  gefrugnan  in  aerdagum  aefre  gelimpan. 

And.  1706:  Da  ic  Icedan  gefrcegn  leoda  weorode  leofne  lareow  to  lides 
stefnan. 

Jud.  8,  9 :  Gefrcegen  ic  ba  Holofernus  winhatan  wyreean  georne,  and  eallum 
wundrum  brymlic  girwan  up  swaesendo. 

Har.  161 :  Da  ic  gongan  gefregn  gingran  aetsomne  ealle  to  Galileam. 
gehatan,  promise: 

Bede  122.34:  geheht  hine  syifne  deof olgildum  widsacan  =  99.25:  promisit  se, 
abrenuntiatis  idolis,  Christo  seruiturum.  —  lb.  316.29:  se  be  hine  gehatende  wees 
mid  us  eac  wunian  =  243.22:  qui  se  nobiscum  .  .  .  manere  pollicetur.  —  lb. 
394.27:  ic  .  .  .  mec  gehet  wedlum  aelmessan  sellan  =  287.15:  promittens  ...  me 
elimosynas  .  .  .  dare. 
gehyhtan  [-i-],  hope: 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  557 :  ic  to  soban  gehihte  me  cetstandan. 

geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe: 

Wcerf.  207.25:  gelyfad  we  gewislice  deet  beon  hefige  synne  7  myccle  =  253  B: 
Nun quidnam  valde  grave  esse  credimus  etc.? 
gemetan,  meet ,  find: 


116  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


And.  145:  Hie  .  .  .  gemetton  .  .  .  haligne  hcele  bidan  beadurofne.  —  lb. 
1062 :  o88aet  he  gemette  be  mearcpatSe  standan  straete  neah  stapul  aerenne. 

Bede  386.3:  gemaetton  we  .  .  .  naenig  light  haelo  in  us  to  lafe  stondan 
=  282.5:  inuenimus  .  .  .  nullamque  spent  nobis  in  nobis  restare  salutis.  —  lb. 
398.19:  Daes  biscopes  lif  .  .  .  ic  gemette  biscobwyr8e  beon  =  289.12:  Uitam 
.  .  .  illius  .  .  .  episcopo  dignam  conperi. 

Boeth.  61.18:  he  hine  gemette  sittan  on  .  .  .  scridwaene  =  58.7 :  Catullus 
licet  in  curuli  Nonium  sedentem  struman  tamen  appellat. 

Greg.  415.23:  Sihhem  .  .  .  geniedde  .  .  .  Dinan,  8a  he  hie  gemette  swa 
wandrian.  Swa  de8  se  dioful  8aet  mod  8aet  he  gemet  on  unnyttum  sorgum :  he 
hit  awiert  (sic!)  =  336.22:  Quam  Sichem  .  .  .  opprimit:  quia  videlicet  inven- 
tam  in  curis  exterioribus  diabolus  corrumpit. 

Chron.  124b,  982  C:  8a  gemette  he  .  .  .  mycel e  fyrde  cuman  up  of  sae. 

Wcerf.  99.23:  8a  gemette  he  hine  lutian  in  anum  scraefe  =  B.  130  B:  eumqne 
latere  in  specu  reperit. 

Bl.  Horn.  237.18:  hie  8aer  gemetton  seofon  hyrdas  standan. 

Pr.  Gu.  XX.  49:  8a  gemette  he  hine  hi  onian  on  8am  hale  his  cyrcan 
=  invenitque  eum  recumbentem  in  angulo  oratorii  sui. 

Mart.  112.5:  8a  gemette  heo  sume  daege  8aer  ute  standan  twegen  godes 
deowas. 

Ml],  Horn.  I.  502m:  act  nextan  hine  gemette  standan  uppon  8am  cnolle. 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXXIII.  185:  gemette  hine  ...  on  eor8an  licgan. 

gemittan,  meet ,  find: 

Gen.  2426:  Hie  8a  aet  burhgeate  beorn  gemitton  sylfne  sittan. 

Spirit  of  Men  46 :  Nu  8u  cunnan  meaht,  gif  8u  8ysliene  degn  gemittest  wunian 
in  wicum. 

gemunan,  remember ,  recall: 

Bede  322.19:  ic  gemonmec  .  .  .  beran  .  .  .  8a  .  .  .  byr8enne  =  246.9:  me 
memini  .  .  .  pondera  portare. 

Wcerf.  281.9:  be  8on  eac  ic  geman  me  sylfne  secgan  =  341  B2:  Unde  in 
Homiliis  quoque  Evangelii  jam  narrasse  me  memini.  —  lb.  283.1:  ic  gemune 
...  me  sylfne  secgan  =  344  B :  In  eisdem  quoque  Homiliis  rem  narrasse  me 
recolo. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  48m:  for8i  gemunde  swi8e  gedafenlice  8aet  godcunde  gewrit, 
mannes  Sunu  standan  aet  Godes  swi8ran. 

getriewan  [-eo-],  trust,  hope: 

Bede  190.30:  ne  getreowe  me  onfoende  beon=  153.14:  me  accepturum  esse 
confidam. 

gewitan,  perceive,  observe: 

And.  802a:  geweotan  8a  8a  witigan  8ry  modige  mearcland  tredan. 

laeran,  teach: 

Bede  460.3:  bodedon  7  Icerdon  aenne  willan  7  ane  wyrcnesse  beon  on 
Drihtne  =  326.27 :  qui  unam  in  Domino  .  .  .  uoluntatem  atque  operationem 
dogmatizabant. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  14.108a>b:  God  us  leered  feestan  and  aelmessan 
syllan  earmum  mannum. 

L.  11.1 :  leer  us  us  gebiddan  =  doce  nos  or  are. 

onfindan,  find: 

Beow.  2842 :  gif  he  waeccende  weard  onfunde  buon  on  beorge. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


117 


ongietan,  understand ,  perceive: 

Beow.  1432:  bearhtm  ongeaton,  gudhorn  galan. 

Bede  178.32:  ba  onget  he  hwcethwugu  .  .  .  in  baere  stowe  beon  =  146.12: 
intellexit  aliquid  .  .  .  inesse.  —  lb.  266.27 :  Gif  .  .  .  bu  .  .  .  werod  ongete  ofer 
us  .  .  .  cuman  =  209.30:  Si  .  .  .  superuenire  coetus  cognouisti. 

W (Erf.  74.20:  swa  myccle  ma  he  ongcet  him  ongaen  standan  in  anum  lichaman 
<5aet  weorod  =  201  B5:  contra  se  assistere  legionis  aciem  invenit.  —  lb.  130.6: 
swa  mycclum  swa  he  hine  sylfne  ma  ongcet  aefweardne  agyltan  beforan  .  .  . 
eagum  Benedictes  =  B.  160  A3:  quanto  se  cognovit  etiam  absentem  in  Benedicti 
Patris  oculis  deliquisse.  —  lb.  139.14:  ba  be  ic  &e  ongcet  secgan  =  B.  139  C:  quae 
te  dixisse  cognovi. 

taligan,  consider,  account: 

Alex.  39a*  b :  Nu  ic  hwaebre  gehyhte  and  gelyfe  baet  bu  bas  bing  ongete  swa  bu 
me  ne  talige  owiht  gelpan  and  secgan  be  baere  micelnisse  ures  gewinnes  and  compes. 
tellan,  tell,  consider: 

Bede  82.4:  ne  tellatS  we  synne  weosan  gesinscipe  =  57.29:  Nec  haec  dicentes 
culpam  deputamus  esse  coniugium. 
wenan,1  hope: 

Bede  430.24:  Mid  by  ic  unc  wende  inngongende  beon  =  308 .4:  in  cuius 
amoenitatem  loci  cum  nos  intraturos  sperarem. 

Wcerf.  181.25:  ne  wene  ic  ne  bysne  wer  swa  mycelre  geearnunge  swa  swibe 
beon  bissere  worulde  man  =  220  B3 :  nam  hunc  tanti  meriti  virum  .  .  .  esse 
non  suspicor. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  590b:  baet  bu  wenst  me  for  tintregum  be  geopenian  ba  god- 
cundan  gerynu. 
witan,  know: 

Ju.  92:  baer  he  glaedmod  geonge  wiste  wic  weardian. 

Gu .  1312:  se  be  his  mondryhten  life  bilidenne  last  weardian  wiste  wine  leofne. 
And.  183:  Daer  ic  seomian  wat  binne  sigebroSor. 

Rid.  50.1:  Ic  wat  eardfaestne  anne  standan  deafne  dumban. 

Wids.  102:  hwaer  ic  under  swegle  selast  wisse  goldhrodene  cwen  giefe  bryttian. 
Bede  36.17:  bonne  wite  bu  me  cristene  beon  =  19.19:  Christianum  iam  me 
esse  .  .  .  cognosce.  —  lb.  408.21 :  Dara  cynna  monig  he  wiste  in  Germanie 
wesan  =  296.13:  quarum  in  Germania  plurimas  nouerat  esse  nationes. 

Lcece.  105.32:  baer  bu  wite  elenan  standan. 

5.  Verbs  of  Declaring:  — 

I  quote  all  the  examples  observed  by  me :  — 
cweban,  say,  declare: 

Wcerf.  203.25:  hwaet  cwetSe  wit  &is  beon?  =  248  D:  Quidnam,  quaeso  te, 
hoc  esse  dicimus  ? 

foresecgan,  foretell,  predict: 

Bede  406.21:  Done  .  .  .  riim  wintra  hiene  hcebbende  beon,  he  .  .  .  forescegde 
=  294.23:  quem  se  numerum  annorum  fuisse  habiturum  .  .  .  praedicere  solebat. 
ondettan,  confess,  declare: 

Bede  84.17:  aer  bon  Dauit  ondete  heo  fram  wiifum  claene  beon  =  59.16:  nisi 
prius  mundos  eos  Dauid  a  mulieribus  fateretur. 


1  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  386,  holds  that  in  Beow.  933  we  have  an  accusative  with  an  infinitive  after  wenan ,  but, 
with  most  translators  of  the  poem,  I  take  me  to  be  dative. 


118  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT, 
secgan,  say ,  relate: 

Bede  340.20,  22:  hire  saegde  .  .  .  Hilde  ...  of  worulde  geleoran  7  ...  to 
.  .  .  leohte  .  .  .  astigan  =  257.24,  27 :  nuntiauit  matrem  .  .  .  Hild  .  .  .  mi- 
grasse  .  .  .  et  .  .  .  ascendisse. 

L.  24.23:  engla  gesihbe,  (5a  secgaS  hine  lybban  =  qui  dicunt  eum  vivere. 

6.  Other  Verbs:  habban,  have,  and  todaelan,  divide: 

JElf.  Horn .  II.  440m:  Seo  swuster  hi  wolde  habban  to  hire  bysegan. 

Oros.  46.16,  17,  concerning  which  see  Chapter  XII,  pp.  169  ff. 

II.  INFLECTED. 

Occasionally  we  seem  to  have  an  inflected  infinitive  as  the  quasi-predicate 
of  an  accusative  subject.  As  indicated  below,  some  of  the  examples  admit  of 
other  explanations;  but  a  few  of  them  seem  to  me  to  belong  here.  I  discuss 
the  cases  under  the  same  general  groups  as  I  did  the  uninflected  predicative 
infinitive.  The  examples  occur  in  the  prose  texts  only. 

Under  Verbs  of  Causing  we  have  don,  make,  cause,  and  its  compound,  gedon, 
make,  cause.  The  verbs  of  compelling  ( geniedan ,  neadian,  niedan,  etc.)  might 
be  put  here,  but  the  infinitive  after  them  seems  to  me  consecutive  rather  than 
predicative:  see  Chapter  XII.  I  give  all  the  examples  that  I  have  observed:  — 
don,  make,  cause: 

Bede  334.18a:  heo  .  .  .  leornunge  .  .  .  gewreota  .  .  .  7  .  .  .  weorcum  hire 
Under'S eodde  dyde  to  bigongenne  =  254.18:  Tantum  lectioni  .  .  .  scripturarum 
suos  uacare  subditos,  tantum  operibus  iustitiae  se  exercere  faciebat. 

Greg.  357.5:  Swa  hwa  swa  urum  wmrdum  &  gewritum  hieran  nylle,  do  hit 
mon  us  to  witanne  =  276.10:  Si  quis  non  obedit  verbo  nostro  per  epistolam, 
hunc  notate  (or  final?  see  Oros.  126.131  under  gedon  below). 

Chron.  257m,  1127  Ee:  se  ilce  Heanri  dide  bone  king  to  understandene  baet 
he  haefde  laeten  his  abbotrice.  —  lb.  259*,  1128  E:  He  dide  bone  king  to  under- 
standen  (sic!)  baet  he  wolde  .  .  .  forlaeten  bone  minstre. 
gedon,  make,  cause: 

Oros.  126.31 :  Genoh  sweotollice  us  gedyde  nu  to  witanne  Alexander  hwelce 
ba  haebnan  godas  sindon  to  weorbianne,  baet  etc.  =  0.  [Or  is  us  dative, 
as  is  claimed  by  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  12,  who  compares  the  New  High 
German  Ich  thue  Dir  zu  wissenf  The  examples  of  the  infinitive  after  don  given 
above  argue  for  the  accusative  and  the  predicative  infinitive,  but  the  follow¬ 
ing  example  from  Cato  10  argues  for  the  dative  and  the  final  infinitive:  Donne 
bu  eald  sie  and  manegra  ealdra  cwidas  and  lara  geaxod  haebbe,  gedo  hie  bonne 
bam  geongum  to  witanne.  Likewise,  the  following  passage  from  Otfrid  argues 
for  the  dative  and  the  final  infinitive:  I,  17,  48:  duet  ouh  thanne  iz  mir  zi 
wizzanne.  See  Chapter  XVI,  section  x,  and  cf.  Wiilfing,2  l.  c.,  II,  p.  209;  De 
Reul,  l.  c.,  p.  131;  and  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  103.] 

Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 

findan,  find.  laeran,  teach. 

gereccan,  direct.  taecan,  teach. 

The  examples  in  full  follow:  — 
findan,  find: 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


119 


Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  980:  Da  comon  his  geferan  and  fundon  hine  licgenne 
(sic!)  on  blodigum  limum  and  tobeatenum  lichaman. 

gereccan,  direct: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  76:  god  ...  us  gerecce  ba  weorc  to  begangenne  be 
him  licige  (or  final?). 

lasran,  teach: 

Bede  100.28:  bset  he  Cristes  geoc  bere  7  eow  loere  to  beorenne  =  83.1:  quia 
iugum  Christi  et  ipse  portet,  et  uobis  portandum  offerat  (or  final?).  —  lb. 
226.27:  he  .  .  .  heo  Icerde  to  healdanne  regollices  liifes  beodscipe  =  173.11:  dis¬ 
ciplinary,  uitae  regularis  .  .  .  custodiri  docuit.  —  lb.  472.6:  bara  binga,  be 
he  odre  Icerde  to  donne ,  he  sylfa  wses  se  wilsumesta  fylgend  7  lsestend  =  346.27: 
et  eorum,  quae  agenda  docebat,  erat  exsecutor  deuotissimus  (or  final?). 

Bl.  Horn.  131.32:  To  eow  cymeb  Halig  frofre  Gast,  .  .  .  se  eow  ealle  bing 
leered  to  donne. 

taecan,  teach: 

Boeth.  149.21:  tcec  me  binne  willan  to  wyreenne  =  0  (or  final?). 

Hept.:  Pref.  to  Gen.  24.19:  Crist  .  .  .  and  his  apostolas  us  tcehton  aegber 
to  healdenne.  —  Cf.  Zeitlin,1 1.  c.,  p.  50. 

Of  Verbs  of  Declaring  only  one  word  is  found  in  this  construction,  foreseegan, 
foretell,  predict,  in  Wcerf.  10.22:  Hu  Bonefatius  forescede  to  sweltenne  bone 
cimbalgliwere  =  0;  which  is  repeated  on  p.  61.20  =  192  C:  0. 

Once,  in  Luke  1.73,  we  have  an  inflected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject, 
and  the  infinitive  phrase  is  in  apposition  to  a  noun :  he  alysde  us  of  urum  feon- 
dum  .  .  .,  mildheortnesse  to  wyreenne  mid  urum  fsederum,  and  gemunan 
(sic!)  his  halegan  cybnesse:  hyne  us  to  syllenne  bone  ab  be  he  urum  fseder  Abra- 
hame  swor  =  Sicut  locutus  est  per  os  sanctorum  .  .  .  prophetarum  ejus: 
salutem  ex  inimicis  nostris  ...  ad  faciendam  misericordiam  cum  patribus 
nostris,  et  memorari  testamenti  sui  sancti:  jusjurandum  quod  juravit  ad  Abra¬ 
ham  patrem  nostrum,  daturum  se  nobis.  The  inflected  infinitive  is  evidently 
caused  by  the  future  of  the  Latin,  daturum,  and  is  used  to  denote  futurity. 

Note.  —  Other  Supposed  Examples  of  the  Inflected  Infinitive  Used  Predicatively  have  been 
suggested.  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  31,  apparently  would  put  here  Pr.  Ps.  34.13  {gebigde  min 
mod  to  feestenne  =  humiliabam  injejunio  animam  meam)  and  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  114*  (<5aet  se  .  .  . 
God  naenne  mann  ne  neadaS  to  syngigenne ),  but  I  have  put  both  under  the  consecutive  use. 
Stoffel,  l.  c.,  p.  53,  thinks  that  in  Mat.  17.4  (god  ys  us  her  to  beonne  =  bonum  est  nos  hie  esse ) 
we  have  an  accusative  with  a  predicative  inflected  infinitive,  but  to  me  it  seems  more  probable 
that  its  is  a  dative  and  that  the  infinitive  is  subjective:  see  Chapter  I,  p.  12  above;  and  cf. 
De  Reul,  l.  c .,  pp.  136-137;  Zeitlin,1  l.  c.,  p.  115.  It  may  be  that  in  Mat.  8.21a  we  have  an 
accusative  with  a  predicative  inflected  infinitive  after  aliefan,  but  I  believe  that  the  pronoun 
is  dative  and  that  the  infinitive  is  objective:  see  p.  46  above. 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

The  foregoing  statistics  make  clear  that  the  predicative  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject  is  normally  uninflected  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Of  the  possible 
examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  used  predicatively  above  given,  several,  as 
there  indicated,  may  be  considered  final  rather  than  predicative  in  sense; 
several  (after  leer  an)  are  in  translation  of  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive;  several 
occur  after  a  verb  (tcecan)  denoting  tendency,  with  which  we  should  expect  the 


120  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 

inflected  infinitive;  two  (after  foresecgan)  are  probably  due  to  the  desire  to 
i  denote  futurity,  as  one  other  ( Luke  1.73*,  translating  a  Latin  future  participle) 
undoubtedly  is,  for,  as  iElfric,  l.  c.,  246,  tells  us,  the  denotation  of  futurity  is 
one  function  of  the  inflected  infinitive.  The  clearest  cases  occur  in  the  later 
Chronicle  and  in  TElfric,  by  which  time  the  distinction  between  the  two  infini¬ 
tives  had  begun  to  break  down  appreciably. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  as  object  of  active  verbs  is 
very  rare  in  Anglo-Saxon,  only  about  52  examples  having  been  found.  It  is 
almost  unknown  in  the  poems,  only  two  examples  having  been  found  (with 
Icetan:  see  below). 

Verbs  of  Commanding:  — 

bebeodan,  command.  hatan,  command. 

biddan,  request. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 
bebeodan,  command: 

Bede  14.13:  hebead  deofolgyld  beon  toworpene  =  0.  — 172.9:  behead  5aet 
feowertiglice  fcesten  healden  beon  =  142.8b:  ieunium  xl  dierum  obseruari  .  .  . 
praecepit. 

biddan,  request: 

Bede  38.31:  bced  .  .  .  Albanus  fram  Gode  him  wceter  seald  beon  to  sumre 
his  5enunge  =  21.1:  Albanus  dari  sibi  a  Deo  aquam  rogavit. 
hatan,  command: 

Bede  18.2:  mid  .  .  .  gewritum  7  stsefcraftum  hi  georne  het  beon  gelcerede 
=  204.11:  coeperint  studiis  imbui. 

Wcerf.  194.18:  “5a  het  he  5ysne  biscop  beon  gelceded  to  5sere  stowe  =  237  B1: 
hunc  .  .  .  jus  sit  deduci. 

Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting:  — 

don,  make ,  cause.  laetan,  allow. 

forlaetan,  allow. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 
don,  make ,  cause: 

Wulf.  196.2:  see  he  de&  on  lytelre  hwile  beon  ungemetlice  .  .  .  astyrode. 
forlaetan,  allow: 

Bl.  Horn.  33.11:  se  hine  sylfne  forlet  from  deofles  leomum  &  from  yflum 
mannum  beon  on  rode  ahangenne. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  18.237:  5a  ne  forlet  5sere  lyfte  smyltnes  [aenig  Sing] 
wesan  gederede . 
laetan,  allow: 

Gen.  2194:  Ne  leet  5u  5i nferhd  wesan  sorgum  asceled. 

Gu.  1235:  nelle  ic  Icetan  Se  aefre  unrotne  aefter  ealdorlege  me5ne  modseocne 
minre  geweor&an  soden  sorgwselmum. 

Wcerf.  294.6:  his  gecorenan,  <5a  5onne  hwae5re  he  ne  loete<5  na  beon  forholene 
sefter  dea5e  =  356  A2:  quos  non  .  .  .  patitur  celari. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


121 


JElf.  L.  S.  250.215:  Icet  me  beon  geteald  to  heora  getele.  —  lb.  XXX.  443: 
Icet  hi  beon  her  atgsedere  gelede. 

Mk.  7.27a:  Lcet  serust  ha  beam  beon  gefylled  =  Sine  prius  saturari  filios. 
Lcece.  101.12:  bewreoh  haet  wif  wel  7  Icet  beon  swa  beclcemed  lange  tide. 

Verbs  of  Sense  Perception:  — 

gefelan,  feel,  perceive.  geseon,  see. 

gehieran,  hear. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 
gefelan,  feel,  perceive: 

Bede  378.24:  ha  gefelde  he  his  lichoman  .  .  .  geslcegene  beon  =  278.14: 
sensit  dimidiam  corporis  .  .  .  langore  depressam. 

gehieran  1  [-e-,  -y-],  hear: 

Bede  310.4:  gehyrde  Theodor  hone  geleafan  .  .  .  gedrefde  (sic!)  beon 
=  238.28:  audiens  Theodorus  fidem  .  .  .  multum  esse  turbatam. 

Chad.  112:  ha  geherde  he  .  .  .  hone  ilcan  blisse  song  upp  astigan  7  hy  wege 
he  he  com  to  hefonum  beon  gecerredne  mid  .  .  .  swetnisse. 
geseon,  see: 

Bede  24.4:  geseah  him  fram  deoflum  tobrohte  beon  ha  boc-  311.1:  oblatum 
sibi  a  daemonibus  codicem  .  .  .  uiderit.  —  lb.  34.17:  mid  hy  he  he  hine  ha 

geseah  on  .  .  .  gebedum  7  wseccum  .  .  .  beon  abysgadne  =  18.16:  quern  dum 

orationibus  .  .  .  studere  conspiceret.  — -  lb.  80.33 :  se  he  hine  gesiiS  hefigadne 
beon  =  57.23:  qui  se  grauari  .  .  .  uidet.- — 76.  340.12:  ha  geseah  heo  .  .  . 
sawle  ...  to  heofonum  up  borenne  (sic!)  beon  =  257.16:  uidit  animam  .  .  . 
ad  caelum  ferri. 

Wcerf.  171.22:  ha  geseah  he  Germanes  sawle  .  .  .  fram  aenglum  beon  borne 
in  hone  heofon  [MS.  H.:  ha  geseah  he  englas  ferian  etc.]  =  B.  198  B3:  vidit 
Germani  .  .  .  animam  ...  in  caelum  ferri. 

Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 

geleomian,  learn.  gemunan,  remember. 

geliefan,  believe.  ongietan,  understand. 

gemetan,  meet ,  find.  tweogian,  doubt. 

The  examples  in  full  are :  — 
geleomian,2  learn: 

Bede  90.16:  edneowade  ...  ha  cirican,  <5e  he  aer  geara  geo  geleornade 
ealde  Romanisce  weorce  geworhte  beon  =  70.13:  ecclesiam,  quam  .  .  .  opere 
=  factam  fuisse  didicerat. 
geliefan,  believe: 

Bede  208.1:  ha  ceriste  he  gelyfde  on  anum  hara  restedaga  beon  gewordene 
=  162.10:  resurrectionis,  quam  una  sabbati  factam  .  .  .  credebat. 
gemetan,  find: 

Bede  354.17:  ncenigne  .  .  .  ic  gemette  .  .  .  abisgodne  beon  =  265.10:  nemi- 
nem  .  .  .  occupatum  repperi. 

Wcerf.  68.24:  ha  gemette  heo  hire  hwcete  ealne  beon  neah  gedceledne  fram  hire 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  401. 

2  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  403.  In  Bede  404.21,  cited  by  Dr.  Gorrell  as  having  an  accusative  and  active  infini¬ 

tive,  I  take  the  infinitive  to  be  objective. 


122  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 

.  .  .  suna  bearfendum  mannum  =  197  B1:  pene  omne  triticum  .  .  .  invenit  a 
filio  suo  pauperibus  expensum. 

gemunan,  remember: 

Bede  440.24,  25,  26:  bset  we  gemundon  bsette  usse  dcede  7  usse  ge&ohtas  .  .  . 
in  idelnesse  toflowenne,  ah  .  .  .  gehaldene  beon  7  us  .  .  .  ceteowde  beon  = 
313.11,  12,  13:  ut  meminerimus  facta  et  cogitationes  nostras  non  in  uentum 
diffluere,  sed  .  .  .  seruari ;  et  .  .  .  nobis  ostendenda. 

ongietan,1  understand: 

Bede  330.16:  feola  oberra  gescrepa  7  gesynta  ...  he  oncneow  7  ongeat 
heofonlice  him  forgifen  weosan  =  252.3 :  alia  .  .  .  fuisse  donata  intellexit.  —  lb. 
340.14:  Da  onget  heo  .  .  .  ceteawed  weosan,  &cette  heo  geseah  =  257.19:  intellexit 
.  .  .  ostensum  sibi  esse  quod  uiderat. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  485:  Da  ic  bas  stemne  gehyrde  and  for  minum  bingum 
ongeat  beon  geclypode,  ic  wepende  sprsec. 

tweogian  [twygian],2  doubt: 

Bede  190.22a-  b:  Ne  twygeo  ic  .  .  .  mec  .  .  .  gelced  beon  7  .  .  .  under&eoded 
.  .  .  ne  beon  =  153.5,  6:  nec  dubito  .  .  .  me  .  .  .  rapiendum  ac  .  .  .  sub - 
dendum  esse. 

Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will:  — 

gefeon,  rejoice.  willan,  desire. 

geomrian,  lament. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 

gefeon,  rejoice: 

Bede  470.24,  25:  7  hi  swa  swa  niwe  discipulhada  baes  eadegestan  ealdres 
bara  apostola  See.  Petres  under&eodde  beon  7  mid  his  mundbyrde  gescylde  7 
(sic!)  eall  seo  beod  geriht  gefeah  7  blissade  =  346.1 2a- b:  et  quasi  nouo  se 
discipulatui  .  .  .  Petri  subditam,  eiusque  tutandam  patrocinio  gens  correcta 
gaudebat. 

geomrian,  lament: 

Bede  88.15:  geomrad  hine  swa  gebundenne  beon  =  61.23:  ligatum  se  uehemen- 
ter  ingemiscat. 

willan,  desire: 

Bede  322.21:  ic  gelyfo,  bsette  me  .  .  .  seo  .  .  .  arfsestnis  wolde  mec 
gehefigade  beon  =  246.10:  credo,  quod  ...  me  ..  .  pietas  .  .  .  uoluit  grauari. 

Verbs  of  Declaring:  — 

cwetSan,  say.  seegan,  say. 

The  examples  in  full  are:  — 

Bede  64.24:  nsenig  .  .  .  owiht  his  beon  onsundrad  cwceS  =49.1:  nullus  .  .  . 
aliquid  suum  esse  dicebat. 

Bede  398.15:  Nis  bset  wundor  to  forswugianne,  bset  Herebald  scegde  from 
him  ge  c5cet  eac  swylce  geworden  beon  in  him  selfum  =  289.7 :  Heribald  in  se 
ipso  ab  eo  factum  solet  narrare  miraculum. 

We  find,  too,  what  may  be  considered  an  elliptical  passive  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject,  made  up  of  an  accusative  noun  and  of  a  past  participle 


1  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  399. 


2  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  394. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


123 


after  an  active  transitive  verb;  and  the  infinitive  (beon  or  wesan)  is  under¬ 
stood,  or,  at  least,  it  may  be  considered  as  being  understood.  Since  in  most, 
if  not  all,  of  the  instances  the  supplying  of  the  infinitive  is  a  matter  of  taste 
rather  than  of  necessity,  I  cite  only  a  few  examples,  after  the  different  groups 
of  verbs :  — 

Verbs  of  Sense  Perception:  — 
gehieran,  hear: 

El.  957 :  Sefa  wses  be  glsedra,  bses  be  heo  gehyrde  bone  hellescea&an  ofer - 
swi&edne. 

hieran,  hear: 

And.  361:  iEfre  ic  ne  gehyrde  bon  cymlicor  ceol  gehladenne  heahgestreonum. 

Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  — 
findan,  find: 

Rid.  44.7 :  hy  gesunde  set  ham  finda<5  witode  him  wiste  and  blisse. 
geaxian,  learn  by  inquiry: 

Bl.  Horn.  107.28:  we  .  .  .  geaxiaS  .  .  .  deadas  geond  beodland  to  mannum 
cumene . 

gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry: 

Gu.  1335:  se  selesta  .  .  .  bara  3e  we  on  Engle  sefre  gefrunen  acennedne 
burh  cildes  had  gumena  cynnes. 
geliefan,  believe: 

Chr.  120:  Nu  we  hyhtfulle  hselo  gelyfad  burh  bset  Word  Godes  weorodum 
brungen. 

getacnian,  signify: 

Mart.  104.10:  mid  by  he  getacnode  Crist  cumenne  in  bsere  clsenan  fsemnan 
innob. 

ongietan,  understand: 

Greg.  211.3a>  b:  Da  fortruwodnesse  &  ba  anwilnesse  an  Corinctheum  Paulus 
ongeat  suibe  wiberweardne  wib  hine,  &  betweoh  him  selfum  suibe  aSundene  & 
upahcefene  =  158.6:  Unde  cum  proterve  Paulus  Corinthios  adversum  se  invicem 
videret  inflatos .  —  lb.  211.22:  gif  we  hwcet  ongietaS  on  him  ungesceadwislices 
gedoon =  158.24:  Et  si  qua  ab  eis  inordinate  gesta  sunt,  non  jam  tamquam 
perpetrata  corripimus.  —  lb.  295.24,  25:  bonne  hie  ongietaS  hwelcne  monnan 
gesuencedne  mid  irre  &  mid  hatheortnesse  onbcernedne  =  224.6:  cum  per  abrupta 
furoris  mentem  cujuspiam  ferri  conspicit . 

Ps.  61.11b:  sene  ic  god  sprsecan  gearuwe  gehyrde  and  bset  treowe  ongeat 
tidum  gemeldad. 
witan,  know: 

Gen.  42a*  b,  43 :  Da  he  hit  geare  wiste  synnihte  beseald ,  susle  geinnod,  geond- 
folen  fyre. 

Gu.  1327:  wat  his  sincgiefan  holdne  biheledne. 

And.  942,  943:  Wat  ic  Matheus  burh  msenra  hand  hrinen  heorudolgum, 
heafodmagan  searonettum  beseted. 

Bl.  Horn.  81.34:  we  witon  eall  3is  bus  geworden.  —  lb.  85.34:  bset  bu 
wistest  Crist  on  rode  ahangenne. 

Verbs  of  Declaring:  — 
bodian,  announce: 

Wcerf.  250.3 :  se  bodode  me  bone  ylcan  wer  for&feredne  =  305  B :  quia  eumdem 
virum  obisse  nuntiavit. 


124  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 

It  should  be  added  that  by  some  it  is  claimed  that  this  predicative  use  of  the 
participle  (and,  also,  of  the  adjective  and  of  the  noun)  had  much  to  do  with 
the  origin  of  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  —  a  claim  dis¬ 
cussed  in  Chapter  XIV,  section  viii. 

AS  SUBJECT. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

That  the  accusative  with  an  infinitive  is  used,  though  very  rarely,  as  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  an  impersonal  verb  in  Anglo-Saxon,  is  admitted  by  Erckmann,  l.  c.,  p.  6; 
by  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  22;  by  De  Reul,  l.  c.,  p.  135;  and  by  Stoffel,  l.  c.,  p.  52. 
And  what  seems  to  me  a  clear  example  of  the  passive  infinitive  so  used  in 
Anglo-Saxon  (Bede  338.11a-b),  is  given  by  Matzner,  and  is  copied  by  Dr. 
Stoffel.  But,  in  his  recent  The  Accusative  with  Infinitive,  p.  167,  Dr.  Zeitlin 
denies  the  existence  of  this  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon:  “The  use  of  a  sub¬ 
stantive  with  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  a  neuter  or  impersonal  verb  ...  is 
not  found  at  all  in  Old  English  [=  Anglo-Saxon].”  Below  I  give  all  the  clearer 
examples  that  I  have  observed  of  this  construction,  with  both  active  and 
passive  infinitive.  Although,  as  indicated,  some  of  the  examples  are  doubt¬ 
ful,  and  although  the  total  number  of  clear  examples  is  not  large,  it  is  suffi¬ 
cient,  I  believe,  to  establish  the  existence  of  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon.  As  is 
evident  from  my  examples,  the  use  of  this  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  Latin  originals. 

gebyrian,  befitting: 

Gasp.:  —  Mat.  17.10:  Hwset  secgeab  ba  boceras  bset  gebyrige  serest  cuman 
Heliamf  =  Quid  ergo  scribse  dicunt  quod  Eliarn  oporteat  primum  venire.  —  Mk. 
8.31b’ e:  Da  ongan  he  hi  Eeran  bset  mannes  Sunu  gebyred  fela  binga  Solian,  and 
beon  aworpen  fram  ealdormannum  .  .  .  and  beon  ofslegen,  and  .  .  .  arisan 
=  Et  coepit  docere  eos  quoniam  oportet  Filium  hominis  pati  multa,  et  reprobari 
a  senioribus  .  .  .  et  occidi;  et  .  .  .  resurgere.  —  L.  13.33:  Deah  hwaebere  me 
gebyreS  to  daeg  and  to  morgen  and  by  aefteran  dsege  gan  =  Verumtamen  oportet 
me  holdie  et  eras  et  sequenti  die  ambulare  (or  is  me  dative  and  gan  subjective?). 
L.  24.46a*  b:  bus  gebyrede  Crist  Solian,  and  by  briddan  dsege  of  deabe  avisan  = 
sic  oportebat  Christum  pati,  et  resurgere  a  mortuis  tertia  die.  [In  his  1893  edi¬ 
tion  of  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Professor  J.  W.  Bright  has, 
in  24.46,  Criste,  dative,  instead  of  Crist,  accusative.  Three  manuscripts  have 
the  accusative,  while  only  one  has  the  dative  here.] 

gedafenian,  befitting: 

Mat.  3.15:  bus  unc  gedafenatS  ealle  rihtwisnesse  gefyllan  =  sic  enim  decet  nos 
implere  omnem  justitiam  (or  is  unc  dative  and  gefyllan  subjective?). 

Possible,  but  not  probable,  examples  of  the  active  infinitive  with  accusative, 
as  subject  of  a  finite  verb  (impersonal),  are  found  in  the  following  passages,  the 
infinitives  in  which  seem  to  me  rather  subjective  than  predicative,  and  have 
accordingly  been  put  in  Chapter  I,  pp.  15, 16,  and  17 :  after  gebyrian,  Mat.  18.33, 
L.  11.42b,  12.12;  after  gedafenian,  Bede  342.18;  L .  4.43;  after  lician,  Bede 
276.12.  See,  too,  p.  73  above,  the  comment  on  healdan. 

Once  we  have  the  inflected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  as  subject  of 
a  passive  verb,  in  the  Chronicle  252b,  1123  Ec:  bset  wses  forban  baet  hit  wees  don 
bone  pape  to  understanden  (sic!)  beet  he  hsefde  etc. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


125 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  as  subject  of  an  active  verb 
is  found  a  few  times  (7  in  all)  with  the  following  verbs :  — 

gebyrian,  befitting: 

r  Gosp.:  Mk.  8.31*’  g,  already  quoted  on  p.  124  above  under  Mk.  8.31b> c.  — 
Mk.  13.10:  And  on  ealle  beoda  aerest  gebyraS  beon  baet  godspel  gebodud  =  Et 
in  omnes  gentes  primum  oportet  prcedicari  evangelium.  * —  L.  24.47 :  bus  gebyrede 
Crist  bolian,  and  by  briddan  daege  of  deabe  arisan;  and  beon  bodud  on  his 
naman  dcedbote  and  synna  forgyfenesse  on  ealle  beoda  =  sic  oportebat  Christum 
pati,  et  resurgere  a  mortuis  tertia  die;  et  prcedicari  in  nomine  ejus  poenitentiam , 
et  remissionem  peccatorum  in  omnes  gentes. 

gedafenian,  befitting : 

Bede  294.11:  baette  swelces  modes  wer  ma  gedafonade  beon  to  biscope 
gehalgad,  bonne  cyning  waere  =  225.24:  quia  talis  animi  uirum  episcopum  magis 
quam  regem  ordinari  deceret . 

lician,  be  pleasing: 

7?ede338.11a>  b:  ba  licede^ aem  .  .  .  foreseonde  .  .  .  ba  .  .  .  sawle  .  .  .  ademde  y 
asodene  beon  =  256.14:  placuit  .  .  .  prouisori  .  .  .  animam  .  .  .  examinari. 

Once  we  have  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  as  subject  of  a 
passive  verb,  in  Bede  70.32:  by  laes  on  him  gesegen  sy  ba  Sing  onwrecen  beon, 
in  baem  heo  burh  unwisnesse  gesyngodon  aer  fulwihtes  baebe  =  51.24:  ne  in  eis 
ilia  ulcisci  uideantur,  in  quibus  se  per  ignorantiam  ante  lauacrum  baptismatis 
adstrinxerunt. 

For  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 

Occasionally  in  Early  West  Saxon  and  frequently  in  Late  West  Saxon,  the 
predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  is  supplanted  by  the  predicative 
present  participle  with  accusative  subject,  and  I  heard  her  sing  becomes  I 
heard  her  singing,  —  a  topic  discussed  in  Chapter  XV. 

NOTES. 

1.  Ambiguous  Infinitives.  —  It  may  be  that,  in  Mat.  8.21b  (Drihten,  alyfe  me  serest  to 
farenne  and  bebyrigean  minne  feeder  =  Domine,  permitte  me  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem 
meum)  and  in  Luke  9.59  (alyf  me  aeryst  bebyrigean  minne  feeder  =  permitte  mihi  primum  ire, 
et  sepelire  patrem  meum),  we  have  an  accusative  and  predicative  infinitive,  but  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  we  have  rather  a  dative  (me)  and  an  objective  infinitive,  for  in  the  only  in¬ 
stance  in  which  we  have  aliefan  followed  by  an  infinitive  plus  a  pronoun  whose  case  is  cer¬ 
tain,  in  AElf.  L.  S.  102.227  (cTara  alyfde  se  casere  heora  cristendom  to  healdenne ),  we  have  the 
dative  case.  —  Me  and  an  infinitive  occur  after  other  verbs,  but  in  most  cases  it  is  clear  whether 
the  accusative  or  the  dative  is  intended  from  the  construction  of  the  verb  with  other  pro¬ 
nouns  or  with  nouns. 

2.  Future  Active  Infinitive.  —  We  have  a  kind  of  future  infinitive  active  in  the  following: 
Bede  406.21:  Done  .  .  .  riim  wintra  hiene  hcebbende  beon,  he  .  .  .  forescegde  =  294.23:  se 
numerum  annorum  fuisse  habiturum  .  .  .  prcedicere  solebat;  ib.  190.30:  ne  getreowe  me 
onfoendebeon  =  153.14:  m e  accepturum  esse  confidam;  ib.  430.24:  Mid  "Sy  ic  unc  wende  inngon- 
gende  beon  =  308.4:  in  cuius  amoenitatem  loci  cum  nos  intraturos  sperarem. 

3.  Alternation  of  Participle  and  Infinitive.  —  Occasionally  we  find  the  predicative  present 
participle  alternating  with  the  predicative  infinitive  active,  as  in:  Bened.  25.20:  tSylaes  be 
God  on  senigne  timan  us  geseo  bugende  to  yfele  and  to  nahte  gehweorfan  =  50.17:  ne  nos 


126  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


declinantes  in  malo,  et  inutiles  factos  aliqua  hora  aspiciat  Deus;  Bl.  Horn.  177.15a,b:  mon 
geseah  hine  blinde  onlyhtende ,  &  hreofe  clcensian. 

4.  An  Infinitive  Phrase  Introduced  by  “  Beet.”  —  Occasionally  in  the  Blickling  Homilies 
we  have  the  infinitive  phrase  introduced  by  the  conjunction  Sect:  217.21 :  Da  he  ba  Sanctus 
Martinus  baet  geseah ,  Sect  ba  obre  broSor  ealle  swa  unrote  ymb  beet  lie  utan  standan  (sic!),  be 
(sic!)  weop  he  &  eode  into  him;  45.19:  gif  he  ne  ge&afah  Scet  Godes  folc  heora  lif  on  woh 
lybban  (or  subjunctive?);  in  Bede:  440.24,  25:  bset  we  gemundon  Soette  usse  deede  7  usse 
geSohtas  .  .  .  in  idelnesse  tofiowenne,  ah  .  .  .  gehaldene  beon  =313.11,  12:  ut  meminerimus 
facta  et  cogitationes  nostras  non  in  uentum  diffiuere,  sed  .  .  .  seruari ;  and  in  iElfrics’s  Lives 
of  Saints:  108.323,  324:  Ge&afa  &cet  min  modor  me  gesprcecan  and  sume  breo  niht  on  minum 
rsede  beon.  Cf.  Note  5  to  Chapter  IV. 

5.  Inflected  Infinitive  without  “  To.”  —  An  inflected  infinitive  without  to  is  found  in  JElf. 
L.  S.  XXXI.  980,  quoted  on  p.  119  above. 

6.  The  Accusative  Subject  of  the  Passive  Infinitive  Is  to  Be  Supplied  in  Wcerf.  337.20a*  b : 
swa  bu  sylf  gelomlice  gehyrdest  mid  me  beon  seed  7  reht  be  sumum  halgum  were  =  405  C2  : 
sicut  narrari  de  quodam  sancto  viro  mecum  frequenter  audisti;  or  one  may  prefer  to  consider 
the  infinitive  as  merely  objective. 

7.  The  Infinitive  “  Beon  ”  or  “  Wesan  ”  May  Be  Supplied  in  such  sentences  as  the  fol¬ 
lowing,  but  this  is  not  necessary:  Greg.  291.21,22:  buton  bset  he  ongeat  Titum  hwene 
monbwaerran  &  gebyldigran  bonne  he  sceolde,  &  Timotheus  (sic!)  he  ongeat  hatheortran 
bonne  he  sceolde  =  220.22:  nisi  quod  mansuetioris  spiritus  Titum ,  et  paulo  ferventioris 
vidit  esse  Timotheum. 

8.  Position  of  the  Accusative  Subject.  —  Normally  the  accusative  subject  precedes  its 
predicative  infinitive,  but  occasionally  it  follows  the  infinitive,  in  both  objective  and  sub¬ 
jective  phrases,  as  in  the  following  passages,  quoted  on  the  pages  indicated:  Gen.  438a  and 
1439,  p.  Ill;  Mlf.  L.  S.  18.147,  p.  112;  Beow.  786  and  787,  p.  113;  Oros.  162.6,  7,  p.  114; 
Woerf.  74.20,  p.  117;  Mat.  17.10,  p.  124;  etc. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 


The  first  to  suggest  that  in  the  Germanic  languages,  specifically  in  Gothic, 
there  occurs  after  an  impersonal  verb  {wairpan)  a  dative  with  predicative  in¬ 
finitive  substantially  identical  with  the  -well-known  accusative  with  predicative 
infinitive,  was  Jacob  Grimm,  wrho,  in  his  Deutsche  Grammoiik,  IV,  p.  131,  cited 
the  following  as  an  example  in  Gothic:  Mark  2.  23:  jah  w>arp  pairhgaggan 

imma  pairh  atisk  =  K al  iyevero  7rap<nropevecr6aL  avrov  .  .  .  Sta  t£)v  cnroplpmtv.  To  me 
the  infinitive  here  seems  subjective,  not  predicative,  and  the  dative  seems 
governed  by  the  finite  verb,  not  to  be  the  subject  of  the  infinitive;  but  not  so 
to  Grimm:  “  Auf  warp  beziehen  mag  ich  den  Dat.  nicht  (etwa  in  dem  Sinn:  es 
geschah,  begegnete  ihm,  dass),  dann  wiirde  er  unmittelbar  daneben  stefaem” 
Further  discussion  of  this  locution  in  Gothic  is  deferred  to  Chapter  XVI, 
section  ix;  and  the  example  is  quoted  here  merely  to  define  the  idiom  under 
discussion  and,  incidentally,  to  give  a  bit  of  its  earliest  history. 

For  the  moment  accepting  Grimm’s  theory,  have  we  such  a  dative-with- 
infinitive  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon?  True,  Grimm  says  that  not  a  trace 
of  the  idiom  occurs  in  any  other  Germanic  language  besides  Gothic:  “  In 
keinem  andern  deutschen  Dialect  die  Spur  einer  solchen  Construction,  wie  sie 
auch  im  Goth,  nur  nach  warp  vorkommt.”  1  But  I  cannot  see  that  the  dative 
with  infinitive  in  the  following  examples  differs  essentially  from  that  in  the 
Gothic  sentence  above  quoted :  — 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gosp.:  Mk.  9.47:  hetere  &e  is  mid  anum  eagan  gan  on  Godes  rice  =  9.46: 
bonum  est  tibi  luscum  introire  in  regnum  Dei.  —  L.  12.12:  Halig  Gast  eow 
Iserb  on  bsere  tide  ba  bing  be  eow  specan  gebyraS  =  Spiritus  enim  sanctus  docebit 
vos  in  ipsa  hora  quid  oporteat  vos  dicere.  —  L.  15.32a>b:  8e  gebyrede  gewist- 
fullian  and  geblissian  =  Epulari  autem  et  gaudere  oportebat.2 — L.  24.26a*b: 
Hu  ne  gebyrede  Criste  bas  bing  Soligean,  and  swa  on  his  wuldor  gan?  =  Nonne 
hsec  oportuit  pati  Christum ,  et  ita  intrare  in  gloriam  suam?  —  Pr.  Gu.  V.  67,  68, 
69:  swa  bonne  gedafenaS  &am  men  [Vercelli  MS. :  bane  man]  gelice  burh  six  daga 
fsesten  bone  gast  gefrcetwian,  and  bonne  by  seofoban  dseg  mete  Sicgan  and  his 
lichaman  restan  —  ita  etiam  hominem  decet  sex  diebus  per  jejunii  plasma  spiritu 
reformari,  et  septimo  die  comedendo  carni  requiem  dare.  —  L.  4.43  Soblice  me 
gedafenad  obrum  ceastrum  Godes  rice  bodian  =  Quia  et  aliis  civitatibus  oportet 
me  evangelizare  (may  be  accusative  and  infinitive). 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mat.  19.24:  ea<5elicre  byS  bam  olfende  to  ganne  burh  nsedle  eage,  bonne  se 
welega  on  heofona  rice  ga  =  facilius  est  camelum  per  foramen  acus  transire , 
quam  divitem  intrare  in  regnum  coelorum.3  —  Mk.  10.25:  EatSere  ys  olfende  to 
farenne  burh  nasdle  byrel  =  Facilius  est  camelum  per  foramen  acus  transire. 


1  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  131. 

2  Cf.  Tatian’s  translation  of  the  same  passage,  in  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 

3  Cf.  Tatian’s  translation  of  the  same  passage,  in  Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 

127 


128  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 

Mat.  17.4a:  god  ys  us  her  to  beonne  =  Domine,  bonum  est  nos  hie  esse.1  —  JElf. 
Hept.:  Gen.  2.18a:  Nis  na  god  Sisum  men  ana  to  wunienne  =  Non  est  bonum 
hominem  esse  solum.  —  MJc.  14.31:  And  tSeah  me  gebyrige  mid  <5e  to  sweltenne 
=  Et  si  oportuerit  me  simul  common  tibi.  —  L.  11.42a:  t5as  <5ing  eow  gebyrede  to 
donne ,  and  ba  bing  ne  forlsetan  (sic!)  -  hsec  autem  oportuit  facere,  et  ilia  non 
omittere.  —  Bede  196.17:  Hwset  woldest  bu,  min  domne  biscop,  bset  cynelice 
hors  bsem  bearfan  syllan,  be  be  gedafenade  agan  (sic!)  to  habbanne  =  156.18: 
Quid  uoluisti,  domine  antistes,  equum  regium,  quern  te  conueniebat  proprium 
habere,  pauperi  dare? 

True,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  examples,  the  dative  usually  is  next  to  the  finite 
verb,  but  at  times  it  is  not,  as  in  L.  12.12;  and  in  the  examples  from  the  Old 
High  German,  below,  Chapter  XVI,  several  times  the  dative  is  separated  from 
the  principal  verb.  Moreover,  while  Professor  Streitberg  emphasizes  the  fact 
that,  in  the  examples  which  he  cites  of  the  Gothic  dative  with  infinitive,  “  der 
Dativ  steht  fast  ausnahmslos  hinter  dem  Infinitiv,  wie  im  Griech.  das  Subject 
des  Akk.  m.  Inf.,”  2  at  times,  as  in  2  Cor.  7.7,  cited  by  Professor  Streitberg  him¬ 
self,  the  dative  precedes  the  infinitive  as  in  the  Greek  original  the  accusative 
precedes  its  infinitive;  and  both  pre-position  and  postposition  of  the  dative 
seem  to  me  to  result  from  a  slavish  rather  than  an  independent  handling  of  the 
original.  Moreover,  in  our  Anglo-Saxon  examples  the  dative  regularly  pre¬ 
cedes  the  infinitive,  while  in  Old  High  German  it  sometimes  precedes  and  some¬ 
times  follows  it.  These  facts  lead  me  to  the  conclusion  that  little,  if  any, 
significance  is  to  be  attached  to  the  fact  that  the  dative  generally  follows  the  in¬ 
finitive  in  Gothic.  Nor  do  I  think  that  in  the  Gothic  examples  much,  if  any, 
weight  is  to  be  attached  to  the  separation  of  the  dative  from  the  chief  verb, 
since  this  separation,  too,  comes  of  following  the  order  of  words  in  Greek.  Two 
of  the  chief  arguments  offered  for  setting  up  a  genuine  dative-with-infinitive 
construction  after  impersonals  seem  to  me,  therefore,  considerably  weakened,  if 
not  nullified. 

It  may  be  urged,  however,  that  the  above  examples  from  Anglo-Saxon 
differ  radically  from  the  Gothic  example  in  that  in  the  latter  we  have  a  well 
nigh  colorless  word,  warp,  translating  the  Greek  cyeWo,  while  the  chief  verbs 
in  Anglo-Saxon  (gebyrian,  gedafenian,  and  beon  (wesan)  +  an  adjective  are  more 
datival  in  sense.  There  is  a  difference,  to  be  sure,  but  not  such  as  to  preclude 
the  Anglo-Saxon  examples  from  being  included  in  the  same  general  category 
with  the  Gothic,  I  think;  for  the  dative-with-infinitive  in  the  Slavic  languages 
—  where  the  construction  in  question  is  most  frequent  —  arose,  as  Miklosich  3 
tells  us,  because  of  the  very  large  number  of  dative-governing  verbal 
nouns  therein;  —  a  fact  of  which  I  was  not  aware  until  I  had  independently 
come  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  examples  above  given,  we 
more  usually  have  the  dative  and  the  infinitive  because  of  the  datival  force 
of  the  chief  verbs,  a  force,  however,  that  is  occasionally  overcome  by  the  trans¬ 
lator’s  following  the  Latin  original  and  giving  us  an  accusative  and  infinitive. 
When  we  have  the  dative,  though,  we  have  not  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  think,  a  gen¬ 
uine  dative-with-infinitive  construction:  the  dative  depends  on  the  chief  verb, 
and  the  infinitive  is  subject  thereto.  This  conclusion  is  rendered  the  more 

1  Cf.  Tatian  185.23:  guot  ist  uns  kir  zi  wesanne  =  bonum  est  nobis  kic  esse  (from  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  71). 

2  Streitberg,2 1.  c.,  p.  213. 

3  See  Miklosick,1 1.  c.,  p.  494,  and  Jolly,  l.  c.,  p.  269;  also  Vondrak,  l.  c.,  II,  pp.  366-368,  420-422.  Pro¬ 
fessor  C.  D.  Buck,  of  tke  University  of  Ckicago,  kindly  called  my  attention  to  tke  grammar  by  Vondrak. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 


129 


probable,  not  only  for  Anglo-Saxon  but  also  for  Gothic,  I  believe,  by  the  similar 
development  in  Old  High  German,  especially  after  gilimphan,  concerning 
which  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 

Moreover,  this  interpretation  of  the  dative  with  the  infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  tallies,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover,  with  that  given  of  the 
dative  with  the  infinitive  in  Latin.  In  Allen  and  Greenough’s  Latin  Grammar, 
§  272,  a.  1,  we  read:  “  With  certain  impersonal  verbs  and  expressions  that  take 
the  infinitive  as  an  apparent  subject  (§  270.  b),  the  personal  subject  of  the 
action  may  be  expressed  (1)  by  a  dative  depending  on  the  verb  or  verbal 
phrase  or  (2)  by  an  accusative  expressed  as  the  subject  of  the  infinitive.  Thus: 
rogant  ut  id  sibi  facer e  liceat  (B.G.  i.  7),  ‘they  ask  that  it  be  allowed  them  to  do 
this; 1  —  si  licet 1 * * 4  vivere  eum  quern  Sex.  Naevius  non  volt  ( Quinct .  94),  ‘  if  it  is 
allowed  a  man  to  live  against  the  will  of  Sextus  Naevius  (whom  S.  N.  does  not 
wish).’  ”  The  phrase,  “  the  dative  with  an  infinitive,”  occurs  in  but  few  of  the 
Latin  grammars  that  I  have  consulted,  and,  when  it  does  occur,  is  employed, 
as  in  the  Allen  and  Greenough  Latin  Grammar,  to  designate  a  dative  that  is 
governed  by  the  finite  verb  and  an  infinitive  that  is  the  subject  thereof.  No¬ 
where  have  I  found  a  claim,  implicit  or  explicit,  that  the  Latin  infinitive  in 
such  locutions  is  genuinely  predicative. 

It  will  have  been  observed  that,  in  some  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  examples  above 
given,  we  have  sometimes  a  dative  and  an  uninflected  infinitive,  sometimes  a 
dative  and  an  inflected  infinitive,  and  sometimes  with  the  same  verb  a  dative 
and  both  an  inflected  infinitive  and  an  uninflected  infinitive.  This  interchange 
of  uninflected  and  of  inflected  infinitives  has  already  been  explained  in  the 
consideration  of  the  Subjective  Infinitive,  Chapter  I,  pp.  20-26  above,  under 
which  head,  as  already  implied,  I  have  put  all  of  the  above  examples.  Here 
it  remains  only  to  add  that,  regardless  of  our  attitude  to  the  so-called  dative- 
with-infinitive  construction,  our  explanation  of  the  interchange  between  the 
uninflected  and  the  inflected  subjective  infinitives  is  strengthened,  if  not  con¬ 
firmed,  by  the  Miklosich  theory  of  the  dative  with  infinitive  in  the  Slavic 
languages. 

So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover,  the  phrase,  “  the  dative  with  infini¬ 
tive,”  in  the  sense  assigned  to  it  by  Grimm,  is  confined  in  the  grammars  to  the 
dative  with  infinitive  after  impersonal  verbs,  as  illustrated  in  the  preceding 
section  of  this  chapter.  But,  if  the  phrase  is  to  be  used  at  all,  I  do  not  see 
why  it  should  not  be  used  with  reference,  also,  to  the  dative  after  certain  per¬ 
sonal  verbs.  Note,  for  example,  how  close  to  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
after  permitto  in  the  Latin  Mat.  8.21  (Domine,  permitte  me  primum  ire,  et 
sepelire  patrem  meum  =  Drihten,  alyfe  me  serest  to  farenne  and  bebyrigean 
(sic!)  minne  fseder)  is  the  dative  with  infinitive  after  the  same  verb  in  Luke 
9.59  ( permitte  mihi  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem  meum  =  alyf  me  seryst  beby¬ 
rigean  minne  fseder),  at  least  as  close,  in  my  judgment,  as  is  the  dative  with 
infinitive  after  the  impersonal,  licet,  to  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  the 
same,  in  the  passages  quoted  above.  In  Anglo-Saxon,  too,  we  have  an  unin- 

i  According  to  Zumpt,  l.  c.,  §  601,  licet  is  more  frequently  followed  by  a  dative  with  an  infinitive  than  by 

an  accusative  with  an  infinitive.  I  have  found  no  clear  example  in  Anglo-Saxon  of  aliefan,  *  to  be  allowable,’ 

4  to  allow,’  followed  by  an  accusative  with  an  infinitive;  but  gebyrian  ‘  to  happen,’  *  to  be  fitting,’  and  gedafenian, 

4  to  be  fitting,’  are  followed  by  both  the  accusative  with  an  infinitive  and  the  dative  with  an  infinitive.  — ■ 
M.  C.,  Jr. 


130  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 

fleeted  active  infinitive  with  a  dative  after  (1)  certain  verbs  of  Commanding 
(i beodan ,  ‘  command; 9  hatan,  ‘command’)  and  (2)  certain  verbs  of  Causing 
and  Permitting  ( aliefan ,  ‘  allow; 1  don,  ‘  make/  ‘  cause;  ’  Icetan,  ‘  let/  ‘  cause  ’). 

I  quote  only  a  few  examples :  — 

beodan:  —  Chron.  173ra,  1048  Ec:  se  cyng  .  .  .  bead  heom  cuman  to 
Gleaweceastre.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.280b,  281:  Da  het  se  gerefa  hio 
genimon  (sic!)  and  bead  heom  hire  clabes  of  niman  and  hi  up  ahon  bi  bam 
fotum=  217.312a>  b:  Praefectus  dixit:  Exspoliate  earn  et  in  aerem  suspendite. 

hatan:  —  Wcerf.  202.13:  ba  het  he  heora  eeghwylcum  gesomnian  his  byrbene 
wyrta  =  245  C2:  Quos  statim  colledis  oleribus  onustari  fecit.  —  Mart.  210.6,  7: 
ba  het  he  hym  gebindan  anne  ancran  on  his  sweoran  and  hyne  forsendan  on 
sae.  —  AZlf.  Horn.  I.  416*:  Da  faerlice  het  he  his  gesihum  bone  biscop  mid  his 
preostum  samod  geandwerdian. 

aliefan:  see  Mat.  8.21  and  L.  9.59,  as  given  above  in  connection  with  the 
comment  on  the  Latin  permitto ;  in  these  examples,  of  course,  me  may  be  con¬ 
sidered  accusative  instead  of  dative,  but  it  is  more  probably  dative. 

don:  —  Chron.  266b,  1140  Ec:  be  biscop  .  .  .  dide  heom  cumen  bider. — 
lb.  262b,  1132  Ea>  b:  king  .  .  .  dide  him  gyuen  up  baet  abbotrice  of  Burch  7 
faren  ut  of  lande.  —  AElf.  L.  S.  464.376:  gif  him  byrste,  bu  do  him  drincan  (or 
is  drincan  a  noun?).  —  Lcece.  141.5:  do  sumne  dael  pipores  7  do  him  ete  (sic!) 
breo  snaeda  on  nihtnyhstig. 

laetan:  —  Chron.  56b,  796  Fa*b:  Ceolwulf  Myrcna  cing  .  .  .  gefeng  Ead- 
berht  Praen  ...  7  let  him  pytan  ut  his  eagan  7  ceorfan  of  his  handa.  —  lb. 
116*,  963  Ed:  se  arcebiscop  .  .  .  com  ba  to  be  cyng,  leot  him  locon  (sic!)  ba 
gewrite  be  acr  waeron  gefunden.  —  lb.  210b,  1075  Db:  se  scirgerefa  ...  let  him 
findan  mete.  —  lb.  225b,  1090  E:  he  .  .  .  let  heom  swa  weor&an. 

Some  of  these  examples  are  doubtful.  But  a  few  (those  with  don  and  Icetan) 
admit  of  no  other  explanation  than  to  consider  that  we  have  an  infinitive  with 
dative  subject,  unless  we  hold  that  at  that  stage  in  the  history  of  the  language 
the  dative  form,  him,  had  already  begun  to  supplant  the  accusative  forms, 
hine  and  hie,  —  a  possibility  suggested  by  the  fact  that  most  of  the  clearer 
examples  (those  after  don  and,  in  a  less  degree,  Icetan)  occur  in  the  later  Chronicle 
and,  usually,  in  the  later  manuscripts  of  that  work.  With  the  verbs  other  than 
don  and  Icetan  the  infinitive  seems  to  me  objective,  not  predicative;  and  the 
examples  have  been  included  in  Chapter  II.  Aside  from  the  confusion  of  the 
dative  and  the  accusative  forms  of  the  pronouns  already  suggested,  the  dative 
instead  of  the  accusative  seems  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  in  some  instances  we 
have  verbs  ( beodan  and  Icetan)  which  are  sometimes  followed  by  a  dative  as  well 
as  by  an  accusative,  and  that  in  other  verbs  of  kindred  signification  (hatan1)  the 
same  usage  arose  out  of  analogy. 

Concerning  this  idiom  with  personal  verbs  in  the  kindred  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 

At  times,  too,  we  have  an  inflected  active  infinitive  with  a  dative  after 
(1)  certain  verbs  of  Commanding  (bebeodan,  ‘  command;  *  beodan,  1  command; 9 
and  forbeodan, 1  forbid  ’) ;  (2)  one  verb  of  Sense  Perception  once  (hieran, 1  hear 9) ; 
and  (3)  certain  verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting  (aliefan,  ‘  allow; 9  gedon, 
*  cause;  ’  lief  an,  1  allow;  ’  and  wyrean,  1  make/  *  cause  ’). 


1  Cf.  Zeitlin,1  l.  e.,  p.  56. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT  131 

As  before,  I  quote  only  a  few  examples:  — 

bebeodan:  —  Bede  350.28:  Swa  hwset  swa  bu  me  onsettest  /  bebeodest  to 
donne  =  263.25:  quicquid  mihi  imposueris  agendum  (or,  as  the  Latin  suggests,  to 
donne  modifies  hweet?). —  Warf.  9.31:  hu  he  bebead  bsere  ncedran  ba  wyrta 
to  healdenne  =  no  Latin. 

beodan:  —  AElf.  Hept.:  Deut.  32.46a’ b:  beodaft  <5a  word  eowrum  bearnum 
to  healdenne  and  to  donne  =  ut  mandetis  ea  filiis  vestris  custodire  et  facere. 

forbeodan:  —  JElf.  L.  S.  XXV.  36:  mete,  be  moyses  forbead  godes  folce  to 
dicgenne  (or  final?).  —  lb.  XXV.  42:  Moyses  forbead  .  .  .  ba  nytenu  to  etanne 
bam  ealdan  folce  (or  final?).  —  76.  XXXII.  105:  be  forbead  petre  mid  wsepnum 
to  winnenne  wib  ba  .  .  .  iudeiscan. 

hieran:  —  Wcerf.  221.25:  wses  cub,  bset  se  .  .  .  deofol  .  .  .  him  hyrde  ba 
scos  of  to  donne  =  269  D2  :  Ad  cujus  vocem  mox  coeperunt  se  caligarum  corrigise 
in  summa  velocitate  dissolvere,  ut  aperte  constaret  quod  ei  ipse  qui  nominatus 
fuerat  ad  extrahendas  diabolus  caligas  obedisset. 

aliefan:  —  Mlj.  Hept.:  Deut.  3.25:  Alife  me  to  far enne  and  to  geseonne  bset 
seloste  land  =  Transibo  igitur  et  videbo  terram  hanc  optimam. 

liefan:  —  JZlf.  Hept.:  Num.  21.22:  Ic  bidde  bset  bu  me  lyfe  ofer  bin  land 
to  fer enne  =  Obsecro  ut  transire  mihi  liceat  per  terram  tuam. 

Some  of  the  foregoing  examples,  as  indicated,  are  doubtful.  In  most  of 
them,  however,  we  have  a  dative  and  an  inflected  objective  infinitive,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  the  infinitive  after  hieran,  all  have  been  put  under  the  objec¬ 
tive  use,  in  Chapter  II.  A  few  examples  are  quoted  in  this  chapter  on  the 
Predicative  Infinitive  with  a  Dative  Subject  merely  to  show  the  affinity  of 
these  inflected  infinitives  with  a  dative,  like  the  uninflected  infinitives  with  a 
dative  already  treated,  to  Grimm’s  dative-with-infinitive  construction.  But 
in  none  of  the  foregoing  examples  does  the  infinitive  seem  to  me  predicative  with 
the  possible  exception  of  the  infinitive  after  hieran.  In  this  example  the  inflected 
infinitive  is  probably  due  to  the  gerundive  of  the  Latin  original.  The  inflected 
infinitive  with  the  other  verbs  has  been  explained  already  in  Chapter  II. 

For  the  dative  with  inflected  infinitive  after  personal  verbs  in  the  other 
Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 

In  a  word,  I  doubt  whether  we  have  a  genuine  dative-with-infinitive  con¬ 
struction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  that  is,  a  predicative  infinitive  with  dative  subject 
substantially  equivalent  to  a  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject, 
after  either  impersonal  or  personal  verbs.  Normally,  after  the  former  class 
of  verbs  the  infinitive  is  subjective,  and  after  the  latter  class  the  infinitive  is 
objective;  and  after  both  the  dative  depends  on  the  chief  verb.  In  a  few 
sporadic  cases,  almost  exclusively  in  Late  West  Saxon,  after  a  few  personal 
verbs  like  don  and  Icetan,  we  do  have  an  uninflected  predicative  infinitive  whose 
subject  is  dative  in  form,  but  probably  bj^  that  time  the  distinction  between  the 
accusative  forms  (hine  and  hie)  and  the  dative  form  (him)  had  broken  down 
to  such  an  extent  that  him  was  felt  as  an  accusative.  And  once  possibly  (after 
hieran)  we  may  have  an  inflected  infinitive  used  predicatively  with  a  dative ;  if  so, 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  probably  due  to  the  gerundive  in  the  Latin  original. 

This  general  conclusion  is  fortified,  I  believe,  by  what  we  learn  of  the  same 
construction  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  especially  in  Old  High  German: 
see  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

2.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

The  active  infinitive  denoting  Purpose  after  active  verbs  is  quite  common, 
being  found  about  983  times.  Of  these  infinitives  about  442  are  uninflected, 
and  541  are  inflected.  The  total  number  of  final  infinitives  in  prose  is  about 
849,  of  which  323  are  uninflected,  and  526  are  inflected;  the  total  number  in 
poetry  is  about  134,  of  which  119  are  uninflected,  and  15  are  inflected.  As  a 
rule,  therefore,  the  final  infinitive  is  inflected  in  prose,  and  is  uninflected  in 
poetry. 

To  me  the  final  infinitive,  both  inflected  and  uninflected,  seems  dominantly, 
if  not  exclusively,  active  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form.  Dr.  Farrar,1  however, 
holds  that  in  sentences  like  the  following  the  inflected  infinitive  is  passive  in 
sense:  Bede  22.18:  Daet  .  .  .  cyning  to  gefullianne  com  to  Rome  =  292.9:  Ut 
.  .  .  rex  .  .  .  baptizandus  Romam  uenerit;  ib.  124.3:  his  dohtor  to  gehalgienne 
Criste  bam  biscope  to  wedde  gesealde  =  99.30:  filiam  suam  Christo  consecrandam 
.  .  .  episcopo  adsignavit;  Greg.  277.17:  suelce  he  .  .  .  sua  nacodne  hine  selfne 
eowige  to  wundigeanne  his  feondum  =  210.2:  Totam  vero  se  insidiantis  hostis 
vulneribus  detegit;  JElf.  Horn.  I.  46.35:  hine  ...  of  baere  byrig  gelceddon  to 
stcenenne.  Personally  I  think  that  in  such  sentences  the  infinitive  is  possibly, 
but  not  probably,  passive  in  sense;  and  it  may  be  that  this  is  what  Dr.  Farrar 
intends  to  assert.  The  grounds  of  my  own  opinion  are  these:  (1)  In  most,  if 
not  all,  of  such  sentences,  an  active  translation  is  allowable,  though  a  passive 
translation  is  more  common.  (2)  We  find  in  the  original  Latin  an  interchange 
between  gerund  and  gerundive,  as  in  Bede  76.34:  bas  wiif,  ba  be  heora  beam 
.  .  .  obrum  to  fedenne  sellad  =  55.13:  quae  filios  suos  .  .  .  aliis  ad  nutriendum 
tradunt ;  ib.  150.8:  ba  [=  these]  eft  seo  modor  sefter  bon  onsende  ...  in  Gallia 
rice  to  fedanne  Daegbrehte  bsem  cyninge  =  126.4:  quos  .  .  .  misit  in  Galliam 
nutriendos  regi  Daegberecto.  (3)  We  find  the  final  infinitive  not  infrequently 
translating  a  Latin  active  infinitive  or  subjunctive.  (4)  The  Anglo-Saxon 
had  little  feeling  for  a  genuine  passive  infinitive,  as  I  tried  to  show  in  the  dis¬ 
cussion  of  the  voice  of  the  objective  infinitive.  This  conclusion  tallies  with 
that  of  Dr.  Shearin,1  who,  l.  c.,  p.  28,  writes  as  follows  of  the  voice  of  the  prepo¬ 
sitional  infinitive  of  purpose:  “It  is  doubtful  whether  this  can  ever  be  with 
certainty  called  passive,  since  the  infinitive  may  be  felt  as  a  mere  verbal  noun, 
as  in  John  17.4:  baet  weorc  baet  bu  me  sealdest  to  donne,  where  the  Latin  quod 
dedisti  ut  faciam,  and  the  concurrent  Lind,  and  Rush,  glosses,  &cette  ic  gedoer 
show  plainly  that  to  donne  =  not  ‘  to  be  done/  but  ‘  for  doing.’  ” 

When  uninflected,  the  infinitive  is  far  less  frequently  of  doubtful  voice. 
While,  again,  I  believe,  that  the  infinitive  is  prevailingly,  perhaps  exclusively, 


1  L.  c.,  pp.  16,  19,  25. 
132 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


133 


active  in  sense,  in  the  following  we  have  active  infinitives  that  are  apparently 
but  not  really  passive  in  sense:  JElj.Hept.:  Jos.  11.6:  to  mergen  ic  hig  sylle  on 
bisre  ylcan  tide  ealle  gewundigean  on  Israela  gesihbe  =  eras  enim  hac  eadem 
hora  ego  tradam  omnes  istos  vulnerandos  in  conspectu  Israel;  Laws,  Ordal,  c.  4, 
§  1:  sylle  heom  eallum  cyssan  boc;  Bede  192.14:  Da  gehalgode  ic  wseter  j 
scsefban  dyde  in  baes  .  .  .  treoes,  7  sealde  bam  untruman  drincan  =  153.32: 
benedixi  aquam,  et  astulam  roboris  praefati  inmittens  obtuli  egro  potandum 
(with  which  compare  Greg.  329. 3b:  Me  byrste,  &  ge  me  ne  sealdon  drincan 
=  254.4:  sitivi,  et  non  dedistis  mihi  bibere);  Mk.  6.37c:  we  him  elan  syllaS 
=  dabimus  illis  manducare.  Again  I  am  in  substantial  agreement  with  Dr. 
Shearin,1 2 3 4  who,  l.  c.,  p.  16,  declares:  “  Only  the  active  meaning  of  the  simple 
infinitive  in  final  function  is  found  in  Old  English,  as  may  easily  be  noted  in  the 
examples  already  quoted,  in  which  the  Latin  original  is  of  like  voice.”  The 
last  clause  of  his  statement,  however,  is  somewhat  too  sweeping,  as  in  some  of 
the  examples  given  by  him  and  by  me  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  corresponds 
to  a  passive  locution  in  Latin. 

Normally  the  final  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  follows  the 
verb  that  it  modifies,  as  in  Beow.  115  (GewatlSsL  neosian  .  .  .  hean  huses)  and 
in  Mat.  9.13  (soblice  ne  com  ic  rihtwise  to  gecigeanne  =  Non  enim  veni  vocare 
justos),  but  occasionally  it  precedes  it,  as  in  Gen.  2262  (Heo  ba  fleon  gewat 
brea  7  beowdom)  and  in  Bede  22.18  (to  gefullianne  com  to  Rome  =  292.9: 
baptizandus  Romam  uenerit).  In  many  instances,  the  pre-positive  final  infini¬ 
tive  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose  corresponds  to  a  pre-positive  word  (infinitive,  gerund, 
or  gerundive)  in  the  Latin  original,  as  in  the  example  just  quoted  from  Bede. 
In  not  a  few  instances,  as  Dr.  Riggert,  passim,  suggests,  pre-position  seems  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  infinitive  occurs  in  a  dependent  clause,  as  in  Ex.  472 :  hwonne 
wabema  stream  .  .  .  neosan  come. 

As  stated  in  Chapter  V,  with  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest  it  is  at  times  diffi¬ 
cult  to  decide  whether  an  infinitive  is  final  or  predicative  in  use.  This  difficulty 
arises  out  of  the  close  kinship  of  the  two  uses  at  the  outset,  —  a  topic  discussed 
in  section  v  of  Chapter  XIV.  Again,  at  times  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
whether  an  inflected  infinitive  is  final  or  adjectival,  as  in  Bede  150.8  (ba  eft  seo 
modor  .  .  .  onsende  ...  in  G.  rice  to  fedanne=  126.4:  quos  .  .  .  misit  in 
Galliam  nutriendos ),  with  which  compare  Bede  76.30b  (bsette  wiif  forhyegab 
heora  beam  fedan,  ba  be  heo  cennab,  7  heo  obrum  wiifum  to  fedenne  sella& 
=  55.10:  eosque  aliis  mulieribus  ad  nutriendum  tradant). 

I.  Only  the  uninflected  final  infinitive  is  found  with  the  following  verbs:  — 

1.  Certain  Verbs  of  Motion:  — 

genaegan,  approach. 

gengan,  go. 

2.  Certain  Verbs  of  Rest:  — 

gesittan,  sit.  liegan,  lie. 

3.  Certain  Verbs  of  Commanding  and  Requesting:  — 

abiddan,  request.  biddan,  request. 

4.  Certain  Other  Verbs:  — 

gewyrean,  make.  scieppan,  create. 


gewitan,  depart. 
hladan,  load,  draw. 


134 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


Typical  examples  are :  — 

1.  Verbs  of  Motion:  — 
genaegan,  approach: 

Ex.  131 :  wiste  gencegdon  modige  metebegnas  hyra  maegen  beton  (sic!).  [The 
construction  of  beton  is  doubtful.  In  the  original  and  in  the  recent  editions 
of  Grein’s  Sprachschatz  der  Angelsacshischen  Dichter  and  in  Blackburn’s  edi¬ 
tion  of  the  Exodus ,  beton  is  entered  as  an  infinitive ;  but  in  the  latter  with  this 
query:  “  or  pt.  3  p.  for  betton  (?).”] 
gengan,  go: 

Beow.  1413:  He  .  .  .  gengde  .  .  .  wong  sceawian. 
gewitan,  depart,  go: 

Beow.  291:  gewitaS  forb  beran  waepen  and  gewaedu.  — 76.  1275:  ba  he  hean 
gewat,  dreame  bedaeled  deabwic  geseon.  —  76.  2820:  him  of  hrebre  gewat  sawol 
secean  sobfaestra  dom. 

Gen.  1649:  Gewiton  him  ba  eastan  sehta  Icedan.  —  76.  1920:  Him  ba  Loth 
gewat  land  sceawigan  be  Iordane. 
hladan,  load,  draw: 

Greg.  469.7 :  Ac  hladad  iow  nu  drincan  =  0. 

Wcerf.  220.22:  baer  hlodon  heom  drincan  =  269  A2:  ad  bibendum  hauriebant 
aquam. 

2.  Verbs  of  Rest:  — 
gesittan,  sit: 

And.  1162:  Gesceton  searubancle  sundor  to  rune  ermbu  eahtigan.  [Or  predi¬ 
cative?  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  45,  considers  the  infinitive  final.] 
began,  lie: 

JElf.  Hept.:  Judges  4.18b:  He  eode  ba  in  earhlice  swibe,  and  seo  wimman  mid 
hire  hwitle  bewreah  hine  sona,  let  hine  licgan  swa  cetlutian  his  feondum  =  Qui 
ingressus  tabernaculum  ejus  et  opertus  ab  ea  pallio,  dixit  ad  earn  (or  predi¬ 
cative?  see  Chapter  V,  pp.  91-92). 

3.  Verbs  of  Commanding  and  Requesting:  — 
abiddan,  request: 

Bede  392.32:  Wilt  bu  wit  unc  abidde  (sic!)  ondrmcan?  =  286.13:  Uis  petarnus 
bibere  1 

biddan,  request: 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Judges  4.19:  bced  him  drincan,  and  heo  him  blibelice  sealde, 
beheold  hine  eft  =  Da  mihi,  obsecro,  paululum  aquae,  quia  sitio  valde!  Quae 
dedit  ei  bibere  et  operuit  ilium. 

J.  4.9:  Humeta  bitst  bu  aet  me  drincan  =  Quomodo  tu  Judaeus  quum  sis, 
bibere  a  me  poscis  f 

4.  Other  Verbs,  with  each  of  which  the  construction  is  doubtful,  as  is  ap¬ 
parent  from  the  examples  (complete) :  — 

gewyrcan,  make: 

Gifts  66:  Sum  maeg  waepenbraece  wige  to  nytte  modcraeftig  smib  monige 
gefremman,  bonne  he  gewyrceS  to  wera  hilde  helm  obbe  hupseax  obbe  heabu- 
byrnan,  scirne  mece  obbe  scyldes  rond,  faeste  gefegan  wib  flyge  gares  (or  ac¬ 
cusative  and  infinitive?). 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


135 


scieppan,  create,  make: 

Gnomic  Sayings  129:  Gold  geriseb  on  guman  sweorde,  sellic  sigesceorp, 
sine  on  ewene;  god  scop  gumum,  garnib  werum,  wig  towibre  wiefreoba 
healdan  (?). 


The  following  is  a  complete  alphabetic  list  of  the  verbs  followed  by  the  un¬ 
inflected  final  infinitive  only:  — 


abiddan,  request. 
biddan,  request. 
genaegan,  approach. 
gengan,  go. 
gesittan,  sit. 


gewitan,  go,  depart. 
gewyrean,  make,  build. 
hladan,  lade,  draw. 
liegan,  lie. 

scieppan,  make,  create. 


II.  The  final  infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  inflected  with  the 
following  groups  of  verbs :  — 

1.  Chiefly  certain  Verbs  of  Motion:  — 


arisan,  arise. 
asendan,  send. 
becuman,  come. 
beran,  bear. 
cuman,  come. 
efstan,  hasten. 
faran,  go. 
feran,  go. 


forlaetan,  leave. 
fundian,  set  out,  strive. 
gan  [gangan],  go. 
gecierran,  turn ,  go. 
onsendan,  send. 
sendan,  send. 
wendan,  turn,  wend. 


2.  Frequently  certain  Verbs  of  Offering  and  of  Giving:  — 


beodan,  offer.  giefan,  give. 

gesellan,  give.  sellan,  give. 

Sellan  is  the  verb  most  frequently  used,  occurring  over  200  times. 

3.  Occasionally  certain  Verbs  of  Rest:  — 

sittan,  sit.  standan,  stand. 


4.  Occasionally  certain  Other  Verbs: 

aliesan,  release. 

The  following  are  typical  examples :  — 

1.  Verbs  of  Motion:  — 

arisan,  arise: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

And.  829,  830:  cining  engla  [lacuna]  ba  ba  aras  si&igean,  eadige  on  upweg 
ebles  neosan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Pr.  Ps.  26.4  :  beah  hi  arisan  ongean  me  to  feohtanne  =  26.3:  Si  insurgat  in 
me  helium. 

Wcerf.  201.23:  he  aras  .  .  .  lof  to  seeganne  =  245  B3:  ad  exhibendas  laudes 
Domino  surrexisset. 

Bened.  40.11:  ic  aras  ...  be  ^  andettenne  =  74.19:  surgeham  ad  confiten- 
dum  tibi. 

AElf.  L.  S.  456.233:  hi  swa  oft  arisan  (sic!)  ...  to  singenne  bone  lofsang. 

asendan,  send: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Mf.  Hept.:  Judges  15.18:  bsed  bone  .  .  .  god  bset  he  him  asende  drincan, 


136 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


for  Sam  6e  on  6sere  neawiste  nses  nan  wseterscipe  =  clamavit  ad  dominum  et 
ait:  en  siti  morior. 

(2)  Inflected: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  402b:  Se  asende  .  .  .  Titum  to  oferwinnenne  6a  .  .  .  Iudeiscan. 

JElf.  L.  S.  104.236:  hselend  hi  asende  ...  6a  men  to  fullienne. 

Mk.  3.14:  he  hi  asende  godspell  to  bodigenne  =  fecit  .  .  .  ut  mitteret  eos 
proedicare. 

becuman,  come: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Ermahnung  53:  ge6ancas,  6e  on  niht  becumad ,  synlustas  foroft  swi6e 
fremman. 

Beow.  2366:  lyt  eft  becwom  .  .  .  hames  niosan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  22.26:  becuman  wolde  on  Germaniam  to  bodianne  godcunde  lare 
=  296.3:  ad  praedicandum  in  Germaniam  uenire  uoluerit.  —  lb.  486. 8a>  b:  ic  .  .  . 
bidde  6aette  to  eallum  6e  6is  ylce  staer  to  becyme  ures  cynnes  to  rcedenne  o66e 
to  gehyrenne,  6aet  hi  .  .  .  6ingien  etc.  =  8.10a,b:  Praeterea  omnes,  ad  quos 
haec  eadem  historia  peruenire  potuerit  nostrae  nationis,  legentes  siue  audientes ? 
suppliciter  precor,  ut  etc. 

beran,  bear: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  396.8:  6aem  biscupe  beer  drincan  =  287.26:  obtulit  poculum  episcopo. 

jElf.  Horn.  II.  180*:  Se  deofol  cwae6  6set  he  wolde  beran  drincan  his 
gebro6rum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  440.2b:  heht  me  beran  to  rcedanne  =  312.16a:  iussit  .  .  .  mihi  ad 
legendum  deferre. 

Woerf.  128.11:  beer  mid  him  mettas  to  diegene  =  B.  158  C:  qui  sumendos 
cibos  in  itinere  portabat. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  512b:  6a6a  him  man  to  beer  cild  to  bletsigenne. 

c uman,  come: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  2010:  Ic  .  .  .  cwom  to  6am  hringsele  Hro6gar  gretan.  —  lb.  268: 
We  .  .  .  hlaford  6inne  .  .  .  secean  cwomon. 

Ex.  92 :  6aet  6aer  drihten  cwom  .  .  .  wicsteal  metan. 

El.  152:  Com  .  .  .  cyning  burga  neosan. 

Ex.  416:  Da  him  styran  cwom  stefn  of  heofonum. 

Bede  296.10:  6one  6e  hy  untrumne  neosian  cwomon  =  226.24:  quern  lan- 
guentem  uisitare  uenerant. 

Woerf.  251.9:  6aet  se  6e  6ider  com  eles  biddan  =  308  A2:  quia  is  qui  oleum 
petere  venerat,  etc. 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXX.  49a'  b:  ic  com  6aet  ic  me  6e  aetywde  6urh  6ysne  heort  and 
for  hine  6e  gehuntian  and  gefon  mid  6am  nettum  minre  mildheortnysse. 

Mat.  10.35:  Ic  com  .  .  .  mann  asyndrian  ongen  hys  Faeder  =  Vent  enim 
separare  hominem  ad  versus  patrem  suum. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Ps.  97.8b :  for6on  he  eadig  com  eor6an  to  demanne  -  quoniam  venit  judicare 
terram. 

Bede  22.18:  to  gefullianne  com  to  Rome  =  292.9:  baptizandus  Romam 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


137 


uenerit.  —  lb.  96.8:  monige  cwomon  to  bicgenne  Sa  Sing  =  79.30:  multi  ad 
emendum  confluxissent.  ■—  lb.  158.28:  coman  .  .  .  word  to  gehiyranne  =  132.19: 
eonfluebant  ad  audiendum  uerbum.  —  lb.  220.13:  Sane  (sic!)  cwom  Sider  to 
halgianne  .  .  .  se  biscop  =  169.15:  quem  ordinaturus  uenit  illuc  .  .  .  antistes. 

Wcerf.  46.2:  se  ceorl,  Se  Sider  com  hine  to  geseonne  =  180  B2:  is  qui  ad 
videndum  eum  venerat. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  142b  2:  Crist,  seSe  com  to  gehcelenne  ure  wunda. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  9.13:  soSlice  ne  com  ic  rihtwise  to  gecigeanne  =  Non  enim  veni 
vocare  justos.  —  J.  9.39:  Ic  com  on  Sysne  middaneard  to  demenne  =  In  judicium 
ego  in  hunc  mundum  veni.  —  J.  12.47:  ne  com  ic  middaneard  to  demanne,  ac 
Saet  ic  gehaele  middaneard  =  non  enim  veni  utjudicem  mundum,  sed  ut  salvificem 
mundum. 

Wulf.  219.26:  drehten  cwaeS,  Saet  he  come  to  demenne  cwicum. 

efstan,  hasten: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  3103a>b:  uton  nu  efstan  oSre  siSe  seon  and  secean  searogeSraec, 
wundur  under  wealle. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  376. 6a*  b:  efestton  Saem  biscope  to  cydenne  j  secgenne  (sic!)  Sa  Sing 
=  276.25:  festinarunt  referre  antisti. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  130m  3:  Ongunnon  .  .  .  menige  efstan  to  gehyrenne  Sa  halgan 
bodunge. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  312.91:  efst  Su  nu  me  to  fultumigenne  =  312.90:  ad  adiuuandum 
me  festina. 

faran,  go: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Met.  26.14:  for  wiges  heard  Creca  drihten  campstede  secan. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  372b  2:  Ic  bohte  fif  getymu  oxena,  and  ic  will e  faran  fandian 
Saera. 

Mlf.  Gr.  134. 12b:  ic  fare  huntian  =  uenatum  pergo. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Oros.  46.17°:  oSer  ut  faran  to  winnanne  =  47.16:  reginae  .  .  .  ,  quae  .  .  . 
vicissim  curam  belli  et  domus  custodiam  sortiebantur. 

Wcerf.  237.11:  Saet  wit  faran  (sic!)  to  Ispanialande  ...  to  gecySanne  Sa 
fordemednessa  =  289  B:  pro  ostendenda  ejusdem  Arianae  haereseos  damnatione,. 
transeamus  ...  ad  Hispanias. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  372b:  S efcerS  to  sceawienne  his  tun. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Deut.  11.29:  land,  Se  ge  farad  on  to  eardienne  =  ad  quam  pergis 
habitandam. 

feran,  go: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  840:  ferdon  folctogan  .  .  .  wundor  sceawian . 

And.  331 :  us  feran  het  geond  ginne  grund  gasta  streonan. 

L.  6.12:  heferde  on  anne  munt  hine  gebiddan  =  exiit  in  montem  or  are. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  372.11a>b:  Saet  wit  .  .  .  moton  to  heofenum  feran  his  gife  ...  to 
geseonne  7  to  sceawigenne  =  274.30:  ad  ..  .  uidendam  gratiam  transeamus. 

Wcerf.  63.29:  he  gewat  feran  ut  sum  dael  oSres  weorces  to  wyrcanne  =  193  B5: 
ad  exercendum  opus  aliquod  discessit. 


138 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


/Elf.  Horn .  II.  88m:  Sum  ssedere  ferde  to  sawenne  his  ssed. 

L.  7.25:  Ac  hwi  ferde  ge  to  seonnef  =  Sed  quid  existis  videre? 

forlaetan,  leave: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  971:  Hwsebere  he  his  folme  forlet  to  lifwrabe  last  weardian,  earm  and 
eaxle. 

J u.  554 :  Da  hine  seo  fsemne  forlet  setter  brsechwile  bystra  neosan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  138.28:  bset  .  .  .  geweorc  .  .  .  Oswalde  forlet  to  geendianne  =  114.16: 
opus  .  .  .  Osualdo  perficiendum  reliquit. 

fundian,  set  out,  strive: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Beow.  1820:  we  fundiad  Higelac  secan. 

Gen.  2270:  H wider  fundast  bu,  feasceaft  ides,  sibas  dreogan? 

(2)  Inflected: 

Greg .  93.24:  Se  bonne  se  be  fundige  wislice  to  sprecanne,  ondrsede  he  etc. 
=  64.10:  Qui  igitur  loqui  sapienter  nititur,  magnopere  metuat. 

Bl.  Horn.  93.4a-  b:  blodig  regn  &  fyren  fundiaS  bas  eorban  to  forswylgenne 
&  to  forbcernenne. 

gan  [gangan,  -o-],  go: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gen.  2430:  gretan  eode  cuman  cublice. 

Beow.  1786:  geong  sona  to  setles  neosan.  —  lb.  493:  on  beorsele  .  .  .  baer 
swibferhbe  sittan  eodon. 

Dan.  159 :  Da  eode  Daniel  .  .  .  swefen  reccan  sinum  frean. 

Bede  186.30:  eode  gesittan  to  bses  .  .  .  weres  liice  =  151.8:  sedentemque  ad 
tumbam  sancti  infirmitas  tangere  nequaquam,  praesumsit.  —  lb.  198.2:  bsed 
bset  he  eode  to  his  seble  sittan  to  his  swsesendum  J  unrotnisse  of  his  heortan 
asette  =  157.3:  promittens  se  multum  illi  esse  placatum,  dum  modo  ille  residens 
ad  epulas  tristitiam  deponeret. 

Greg.  309.14:  eodon  him  plegean  =  238.10:  surrexerunt  ludere.  —  lb.  415.14: 
Hit  is  awriten  bset  Dina  wsere  ut  gangende  sceawian  t5ses  londes  wif  =  336.13: 
Egressa  est  D.  ut  videret  mulieres. 

Wcerf.  115.7:  se  cniht,  be  eode  wseter  hladan  [MS.  H.  ferde  to  hladene]  =  B. 
146  A2:  puer  ille  qui  ad  hauriendam  aquam  perrexerat. 

/Elf.  Gr.  134.14:  ic  gange  drincan  =  bibitum  pergo. 

JHf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  917b:  tima  wsere  bset  he  into  cyrcan  eode  bam  folce  to 
msessigenne  and  godes  msersunge  don. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  242b  3:  He  eode  eft  sittan  sibban  mid  his  begnum. 

L.  1.17:  he  gceS  toforan  him  on  gaste  and  Elias  mihte,  bset  he  fsedera  heortan 
to  heora  bearnum  gecyrre,  and  ungeleaffulle  to  rihtwisra  gleawscype;  Drihtne 
fulfremed  folc  gegearwian  =  ipse  prcecedet  ante  ilium  in  spiritu  et  virtute  Eliae, 
ut  convertat  corda  patrum  in  filios,  et  incredulos  ad  prudentiam  justorum, 
parare  Domino  plebem  perfectam.  —  lb.  1.76,  79a:  bu  geest  beforan  Drihtnes 
ansyne  his  wegas  gearwian;  to  syllenne  his  folce  haele  gewit  oil  hyra  synna 
forgyfnesse,  burh  innobas  ures  Godes  mildheortnesse  on  bam  he  us  geneosode 
of  eastdsele  up  springende,  onlihtan  bam  be  on  bystrum  and  on  deabes  sceade 
sittab;  ure  fet  to  gereccenne  on  sybbe  weg  =  preeibis  enim  ante  faciem  Domini 
parare  vias  ejus,  Ad  dandam  scientiam  salutis  plebi  ejus,  in  remissionem  pecca- 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


139 


torum  eorum:  Per  viscera  misericordiae  Dei  nostri,  in  quibus  visitavit  nos, 
oriens  ex  alto:  Illuminare  his  qui  in  tenebris  et  in  umbra  mortis  sedent,  ad 
dirigendos  pedes  nostros  in  viam  pacis.  [See  the  section  on  “  the  Differentia¬ 
tion  of  the  Two  Infinitives  ”  in  this  chapter.] 

Apol.  28.18:  gan  we  secan  ure  gesthus,  Saet  we  magon  us  gerestan  =  45b: 
eamus,  hospitalia  requiramus. 

Lcece.  58.5:  Sonne  he  slapan  gan  wille. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  76.12:  Seah  Se  heo  .  .  .  Gode  Soncunge  to  donne  in  circan  gouge 
=  54.24:  si  .  .  .  actura  gratias  intrat  ecclesiam.  —  lb.  162.7:  ut  eode  to  his 
gebede  obbe  to  leornianne  mid  his  geferum  =  136.17:  adcelerauit  ...  ad 
legendum,  siue  ad  orandum  egredi.  —  lb.  362.18:  gedwolan  to  gereccenne  se  .  .  . 
man  woes  ut  gongende  =  269.22:  Ad  .  .  .  corrigendum  errorem  egressus. 

Greg.  165.25:  Gif  hwa  gouge  .  .  .  treow  to  ceorfanne  =  122.1:  Si  quis 
abler  it  ...  ad  ligna  ccedenda. 

AElf.  Horn.  II.  428m:  He  eode  into  .  .  .  temple  hine  to  gebiddenne. 

AElf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  917a:  quoted  on  p.  138. 

Mlj.  Hept.:  Gen.  2 AO:  Saet  flod  eode  .  .  .  towoetrienne  .  .  .  wang  =  fluvius 
egrediebatur  ...  ad  irrigandum  paradisum.  — Gen.  22.5 :  ic  and  Saet  cild  ga& 
unc  to  gebiddenne  =  postquam  adoraverimus. 

Gosp .:  Mat.  13.3:  ut  eode  se  saedere  hys  saed  to  sawenne  =  Ecce  exiit  qui 
seminat,  seminare.  Cf.  Mk.  4.3:  Ut  eode  se  ssedere  his  saed  to  sawenne  =  Ecce 
exiit  seminans  ad  seminandum. 

L.  1.77,  79b,  quoted  on  p.  138. 

gecierran,  turn,  go: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

And.  1079:  Hie  Sa  unhybige  eft  gecyrdon,  luste  belorene,  labspell  beran. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  12.8:  to  bodigenne  hider  gecyrdon  =  92.12:  ad  praedicandum  reuocauerit. 

onsendan,  send: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  398.1:  baed  Saet  he  him  onsende  wanes  ondrincan=  288.20:  rogans 
sibi  poculum  uini  mittere. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Dan.  76:  Onsende  <5a  sinra  Segna  worn  Sses  werudes  west  to  fer an  (sic!). 

Bede  150.8:  Sa  eft  seo  modor  .  .  .  onsende  ...  in  G.  rice  to  fedanne 
=  126.4:  quos  .  .  .  misit  in  Galliam  nutriendos. 

sendan,  send: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bede  54.31:  he  sende  A.  .  .  .  bodian  Godes  word  =42.22:  misit  .  .  .  A. 
.  .  .  praedicare  uerbum  Dei.  —  76.250.21:  sende  he  .  .  ,  bone  biscop  ...  to 
gereccenne  bone  gedwolan,  7  heo  to  sobfsestnesse  geleafan  eft  gecegan  =  199.26: 
misit  ad  corrigendum  errorem;  reuocandamque  ad  fidem  ueritatis  prouinciam. 

L.  9.2b:  he  sende  hig  to  bodianne  Godes  rice,  and  untrume  gehcelan  =  misit 
illos  praedicare  regnum  Dei  et  sanare  infirmos. 

(2)  Inflected : 

Bede  10.2:  Daet  .  .  .  Gregorius  Augustinum  sende  ...  to  bodiganne  Godes 
word  =42.10:  Ut  Gregorius  Augustinum  ad  praedicandum  genti  Anglorum 
mittens  etc.  —  76.  172.17a>  b:  sendon  heora  dohtor  Sider  to  Iceranne  7  to  geAeod- 


140 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


enne  bsem  .  .  .  brydguman  =  142.19,  20:  filias  suas  eisdem  erudiendas,  ac 
sponso  caelesti  copulandas  mittebant.  —  lb.  250.20:  quoted  on  p.  139. 

Greg.  49.17:  he  forcwaeb,  &  nolde  bset  hine  mon  sende  to  Iceranne  =  26.22: 
ne  mitti  ad  prcedicandum  debeat,  contradicit.  —  lb.  405.34:  oft  sende  his  englas 
us  ham  to  spananne  to  him  =  326.4:  qui  ad  revocandum  hominem  Legem  dedit, 
exhortantes  angelos  misit. 

Oros.  138.8:  here  .  .  .  sendon  an  hergiunge,  7  bset  folc  to  amierrenne 
=  139.5:  quibusdam  suis  ad  populandos  hostiles  agros  .  .  .  praemissis. 

Chron.  32b,  656  Ee:  preost  be  seo  kyning  .  .  .  seonde  to  bodian  (sic!) 
Cristendome  on  Wiht. 

Laws  42,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  lb:  hie  sendan  serendwrecan  .  .  .  Cristes  se 
to  Iceranne. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  372b:  Du,  ...  be  us  sendest  to  bodigenne  binne  geleafan. 

JElf.  Hept.:  Num.  13.17:  manna  .  .  .,  be  Moises  sende  to  sceawienne 
Chanaan  =  quos  misit  M.  ad  consider andam  terram  C. 

L.  9.2a:  quoted  on  p.  139. 

Wulf.  295.32a>  b:  ic  sende  ofer  eow  ba  beode  eow  to  hergianne  and  eower  land 
to  awestenne. 

wendan,  turn,  wend: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

S.  &  S.  20:  Ic  .  .  .  wende  mec  on  willan  on  wseteres  hricg  ofer  Coferflod 
Caldeas  secan. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXVII.  13:  wende  ham  ...  to  hire  .  .  .  sunu  his  geleafan  to 
getrymmenne. 

2.  Verbs  of  Offering  and  of  Giving:  — 

beodan,  offer,  entrust: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

MIJ.  Horn.  II.  254m:  and  him  budon  drincan  gebitrodne  windrenc. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  114.19:  bset  .  .  .  eowde  .  .  .  ,  bsette  he  him  bead  to  healdanne 
=  92.22:  gregem  .  .  .  quern  sibi  ipse  crediderat. 

gesellan,  give: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Oros.  136.16:  him  gesealdon  ator  drincan  =  137.10:  cum  .  .  .  ministri 
insidiis  venenum  potasset. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  124.3 :  his  dohtor  to  gehalgienne  Criste  bam  biscope  to  wedde  gesealde 
=  99.30:  filiam  suam  Christo  consecrandam  .  .  .  episcopo  adsignauit. 

Oros.  54.11:  gesealde  Ircaniam  ba  beode  on  anwald  to  habbane  =  55.3: 
eumque  Hyrcanorum  genti  praeposuit. 

giefan,  give: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Ps.  79.5:  tyhst  us  7  fedest  teara  hlafe  7  us  drincan  1  gifest  deorcum  tearum 
manna  gehwylcum  on  gemet  rihtes  =  79.6:  Cibabis  nos  pane  lacrymarum,  et 
potabis  nos  in  lacrymis  in  mensura? 

1  In  Bede  486.4  (ic  Se  bidde,  duguSa  Hselend,  Sset  Su  me  milde  forgife  swetlice  drincan  <5 a  word  Sines  wis- 
domes=  360.4:  Teque  deprecor,  bone  Iesu,  ut  cui  propitius  donasti  uerba  tuae  scientiae  dulciter  haurire,  dones 
etiam  etc.),  the  infinitive  seems  to  me  to  be  objective  rather  than  final,  and  has  been  put  in  Chapter  II. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


141 


(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  236.1:  tSaet  he  Gode  geaf  mynster  on  to  timbrenne  =  177.30:  ad  con - 
struenda  monasteria  donaret.  —  lb.  242.7 :  bee  on  to  leornienne  .  .  .  gefon 
=  192.17:  libros  ...  ad  legendum  .  .  .  praebere  curabant. 

Chron.  117m,  963  Ee:  ic  gife  tocnawlece  .  .  .  Peter  min  messehacel  .  .  . 
Criste  to  Seuwian  (sic!). 

sellan,  give: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Rid.  13.5:  Hwilum  ic  deorum  drincan  selle  beorne  of  bosme.  —  lb.  72.7 :  swsese 
brobor,  bara  onsundran  gehwylc  dsegtidum  me  drincan  sealde  burh  byrel  bearle. 

Laws  387,  Ordal,  c.  4,  §  1 :  sylle  heom  eallum  cyssan  boc. 

Bede  30.7:  ba  sceafban  dyde  on  wseter,  j  sealde  drincan  bam  mannum 
=  13.4:  ipsam  rasuram  aquae  inmissam  ac  potui  datam.  —  lb.  156.7:  bset  wseter 
.  .  .  drincan  syllad  =  129.18:  astulas  .  .  .  quas  cum  in  aquas  miserint,  eisque 
.  .  .  homines  aut  pecudes  potauerint.  —  lb.  192.14:  Da  gehalgode  ic  wseter  7 
scsefban  dyde  in  bses  .  .  .  treoes,  7  sealde  bam  untruman  drincan  =  153.32: 
benedixi  aquam,  et  astulam  roboris  praefati  inmittens  obtuli  egro  potandum. 

Greg.  329.3b:  ge  me  ne  sealdon  drincan  =  254.4:  non  dedistis  mihi  bibere.  — 
76.  459. 18a:  by  ic  sceal  sellan  eow  giet  mioloc  drincan  nalles  flsesc  etan  =  392.16: 
Tamquam  parvulis  in  Christo  lac  vobis  potum  dedi ,  non  escam. 

Oros.  136.1 :  Da  nam  he  ba  [=  wyrt]  on  mergen,  7  sealde  hie  bsem  gewundedum 
drincan  =  135.35:  ac  post  herba  per  somnium  sibi  ostensa  in  potum  sauciis  data. 

Wcerf.  161.5:  ic  wille  faran  to  bam  brobrum  7  him  syllan  drenc  drincan  -  B. 
188  A1:  Ecce  ad  fratres  vado  potionem  eis  dare. 

Bl.  Horn.  229.9:  hie  him  sealdon  attor  drincan. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  582b:  Swa  hwa  swa  sylS  ceald  wseter  drincan  anum  byrstigan 
menn  bsera  be  on  me  gelyfab,  etc. 

Jttf.  Hept.:  Gen.  21.19:  sumne  wseterpytt  .  .  .,  and  heo  of  bam  sealde 
bam  cnapan  drincan  =  dedit  puero  bibere.  —  Ex.  2.19:  hlod  wseter  mid  us  and 
sealde  bam  sceapum  drincan  =  potumque  dedit  ovibus. 

Mlf.  Gr.  111.6:  syle  us  drincan  =  da  nobis  bibere. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  25.35b:  ge  me  sealdun  drincan  =  dedistis  mihi  bibere. — Mat. 
25.42b:  ge  me  drincan  ne  sealdun  =  non  dedistis  mihi  potum. 

Widf.  288.32:  ge  me  drincan  ne  sealdon. 

Lcece.  8.21:  geseob  cerfillan  on  wsetere,  sele  drincan.  So  170  times  in  all 
in  Lcece. 

Greg.  329.3a:  ge  me  nawuht  ne  sealdun  etan  =  254.3:  non  dedistis  mihi 
manducare. 

Gosp.:  Mat.  14.16b:  sylle  ge  him  etan  =  date  illis  vos  manducare.  —  So: 
Mat.  25.35a,  42a;  Mk.  5.43a,  6.37a;  L.  8.55b,  9.13;  J.  6.31. 

Lcece.  21.39:  sele  etan.  So  27  times  in  all  in  Lcece. 

/ Elf .  Hept.:  Jos.  11.6:  to  mergen  ic  hig  sylle  on  bisre  ylcan  tide  ealle  gewun - 
digean  on  Israela  gesihbe  =  eras  enim  hac  eadem  hora  ego  tradam  omnes  istos 
vulnerandos  in  conspectu  Israel. 

Lcece.  37.19:  bset  seaw  sele  on  cuclere  supan.  So  8  times  in  Lcece. 

Lcece.  55.34:  sele  Sicgean.  So:  69.21a*  b;  150.6. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Beow.  1731:  sele$  him  on  eble  eorban  wynne,  to  healdanne  hleoburh  wera. 

Ps.  54.6:  Ic  ba  on  mode  cwseb,  hwa  me  sealde  to  fleogenne  fiberu  swa  culfran 


142 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


7  ic  Sonne  ricene  reste  sySSan  =  Quis  dabit  mihi  pennas  sicut  columbae?  et 
volabo  et  requiescam. 

Wids.  134:  se  biS  leofast  londbuendum,  se  Se  him  god  syle&  gumena  rice 
to  gehealdenne. 

Bede  76.30b:  heo  oSrum  wiifum  to  fedenne  sellaS  =  55.10:  eosque  aliis 
mulieribus  ad  nutriendum  tradant.  —  lb.  104.29:  his  gyfe  sealde  .  .  .,  him 
to  brucanne  =  85.29:  in  usum  eorum.  —  lb.  158.29:  sealde  aehte  7  land  mynster 
to  timbrianne  =  132.21:  donabantur  .  .  .  possessiones  ...  ad  instituenda  mo- 
nasteria.  —  lb.  232.25:  Sealde  se  biscop  Saet  mynster  to  reccenne  .  .  .  Ceaddan 
his  breSer  =  176.18:  Dedit  .  .  .  episcopus  regendum  post  se  monasterium 
fratri  suo.  —  lb.  480.29,  30:  ealle  geornesse  ic  sealde  to  leornienne  7  to  smeagenne 
halige  gewritu  =  357.11:  omnem  meditandis  scripturis  operam  dedi. 

Greg.  369.14:  Sonne  he  us  sel&  micle  getyngnesse  &  wlitige  spraece  ymb 
soSfaestnesse  to  cy&anne  =  286.17:  cum  nobis  luce  veritatis  plena  eloquia 
subministrat. 

Oros.  42.29:  ealle  .  .  .  beam  .  .  .  sealdon  Saem  Minotauro  to  etanne 
=  43.29:  qui  .  .  .  filios  Minotauro  .  .  .  devorandos  addicebant. 

Laws  48,  JElfred,  c.  1,  §  2b:  selle  ...  his  waepn  7  his  aehta  his  freondum  to 
gehealdanne. 

Wcerf.  253.13:  he  baed  hi,  Saet  hi  hine  sealdon  him  to  healdene  =  309  B1: 
petiit  ut  sibi  ad  custodiam  tradi  debuisset. 

Mlj.  Horn.  II.  244* 3 :  gelaehte  aenne  calic,  .  .  .  and  sealde  his  gingrum,  of 
to  supenne  aefter  gereorde. 

Mlj.  Kept.:  Gen.  28.20b:  Gif  drihten  .  .  .  sylS  me  hlaf  to  etenne  =  si  deus 
.  .  .  dederit  mihi  panem  ad  vescendum.  —  So:  Ex.  16.15;  Num.  11.4. 

J.  6.52b:  Hu  maeg  Ses  his  flaesc  us  syllan  to  etanne?  =  6.53:  Quomodo  potest 
hie  nobis  carnem  suam  dare  ad  manducandum? 

Lcece.  65.8:  sele  to  etanne  liferseocum  men.  —  lb.  17.11:  sele  Sry  dagas  Sry 
bollan  fulle  to  drincanne.  So  9  times  in  all.  —  lb.  87.8:  syle  Sonne  Saes  waeteres 
bollan  fulne  to  gedrincanne.  —  lb.  66.11:  Sam  mannum  sceal  man  sellan  aegra 
to  supanne.  —  lb.  65.26:  selle  him  mon  leohtes  hwaethwega  to  tdieganne.  So 

8  times  in  all. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  6.8:  Saet  ic  sylle  eow  to  agenne  =  daboque  illam  vobis 
possidendam. 

Mat.  27.26b:  Sone  Haelynd  he  let  swingan,  and  sealde  heom  to  ahonne 
=  Jesum  .  .  .  tradidit  eis  ut  crucifigeretur. 

3.  Verbs  of  Rest:  — 

sittan,  sit: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gen.  842:  seeton  onsundran  bidan  selfes  gesceapu  heofoncyninges  (or  predi¬ 
cative?  see  Chapter  V,  pp.  91-92). 

(2)  Inflected: 

MIJ.  Horn.  I.  542m:  he  him  behet  .  .  .,  Saet  hi  on  Sam  micclum  dome  ofer 
twelf  domsetl  sittende  beo& ,  to  demenne  eallum  mannum. 

standan,  stand: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Gen.  526:  me  her  standan  het  his  bebodu  healdan,  7  me  Sas  bryd  forgeaf 
(or  healdan  may  be  objective,  co-ordinate  with  standan?). 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


143 


(2)  Inflected: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  48m  1:  gemunde  .  .  .  gewrit  .  .  .  Sunu  standan  set  Godes 
swi<5ran  to  gescyndenne  baera  Iudeiscra  ungeleaffulnysse. 

&lf.  Hept.:  Deut.  27.13:  bas  sceolan  standan  on  H.  dune  to  wirgienne 
Ruben  =  stabant  ad  maledicendum  .  .  .  Ruben. 

Mk.  11.25:  bonne  ge  standa<5  eow  to  gebiddenne  =  Et  quum  stabitis  ad 
orandum. 


4.  Other  Verbs:  — 

aliesan,  release: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

L.  1.72b:  he  alysde  us  of  urum  feondum,  .  .  .  mildheortnesse  to  wyrcenne 
mid  urum  fsederum,  and  gemunan  his  halgan  cybnesse  =  Sicut  locutus  est  per  os 
sanctorum  .  .  .  prophetarum  ejus:  salutem  ex  inimicis  nostris  ...  ad  faciendam 
misericordiam  cum  patribus  nostris,  et  memorari  testamenti  sui  sancti. 

(2)  Inflected: 

L.  1.72a:  quoted  under  “ Uninflected”  above,  L.  1.72b. 


The  following  is  a  complete  alphabetic  list  of  the  verbs  followed  by  both 
the  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  and  the  inflected  infinitive  of  purpose:  — 


aliesan,  release. 
arisan,  arise. 
asendan,  send,  offer. 
becuman,  come. 
beodan,  command ,  offer. 
beran,  bear,  offer. 
cuman,  come. 
efstan,  hasten. 
faran,  go,  depart. 
feran,  go,  depart. 
forlaetan,  leave. 


fundian,  set  out,  strive. 

gan  [gangan,  -o-],  go. 
gecierran,  turn,  go. 
gesellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  give. 
giefan,  give,  offer. 
onsendan,  send,  offer. 
sellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  give,  offer. 
sendan,  send. 
sittan,  sit. 
standan,  stand. 
wendan,  wend,  go. 


III.  The  inflected  final  infinitive  only  is  found  with  a  very  large  number  of 
verbs  of  such  varied  significations  that  it  seems  unwise  to  attempt  to  classify 


them.  Accordingly,  I  give  merely  an 
by  the  inflected  final  infinitive:  — 

seteowan  [-ea-],  show,  appear. 
aetwindan,  escape,  fly  away. 
afaran,  travel,  go. 
agiefan  [-y-],  give. 
al  sedan,  lead  away. 
aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow. 
araecan,  reach,  hand. 
araeran,  disseminate. 
astigan,  ascend. 
aweccan,  bring  to  life. 
awendan,  translate. 
beciepan  [-y-],  sell. 
befsestan,  entrust,  commit. 
belaefan,  leave. 
betaecan,  entrust,  commit. 
betSurfan,  need. 
biegan,  bend,  turn. 
bindan,  bind. 
brecan  [hine],  retch. 


alphabetic  list  of  the  verbs  followed  only 

bringan,  bring. 
cytSan,  make  known. 
don,  do,  make,  put. 
eowian,  show,  expose. 
findan,  find. 
fleogan,  [-e-],  fly. 
forestihtian,  predestinate. 
forgiefan  [-y-],  give. 
forsendan,  send. 
gadrian,  gather. 
gearcian,  prepare. 
gearwian,  make  ready,  prepare. 
gebindan,  bind. 

gebredan,  draw,  hence  feign  (reflexive). 

gebugan,  turn,  go. 

gebycgan,  buy. 

geceosan,  choose. 

gecuman,  come. 

gedon,  commit,  entrust. 


144 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


ge-emtigian  [-aem-],  keep  one's  self  free. 

gefreogan  [-freon],  free. 

gefultumian,  help. 

gegripan,  seize. 

gehwierfan,  turn. 

gelaecan,  seize. 

gelaedan,  lead. 

geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe. 

gelogian,  arrange. 

gemearcian,  mark,  plan. 

genealaecan,  approach. 

geniman,  take,  accept. 

gesamnian  [-0-],  assemble. 

gescieppan,  create,  make. 

gesecan,  seek. 

gesettan,  set,  establish. 

gestandan,  stand,  stand  up. 

geteon  [-tion],  draw,  attract. 

getSafian,  grant,  give. 

ge-unnan,  grant,  give. 

gewendan,  wend,  go. 

habban  (nabban),  have  {not). 

healdan,  hold,  keep. 

iecan  [aecan],  increase. 

iernan,  run. 

ingan  [-gangan,  -o-],  go  in. 

1  sedan,  lead. 
lsefan,  leave,  entrust. 
laenan,  lend. 
laetan,  leave. 
lecgean,  lay,  place. 
libban,  live. 
liehtan,  light. 


logian,  arrange,  frame. 
lufian,  love. 
niman,  take. 
niSerastigan,  descend. 
ondfon,  receive. 
onfindan  [?],  find,  receive. 
onfon,  receive,  undertake. 
onginnan,  begin. 
onlaenan,  lend. 
ontynan,  open. 
raecan,  reach,  seize. 
reccan,  care. 
sceawian,  grant. 
scyndan,  hasten. 
secan,  seek. 
settan,  set,  place. 
sitSian,  travel,  go. 
sniSan,  cut  open. 
stician,  stick. 
teon,  make,  create. 
tocuman,  come,  come  to. 
tofaran,  separate,  disperse. 
toferan,  separate,  disperse. 
tosendan,  send. 
tSrowian,  suffer,  endure. 
?Surfan,  need. 

utgan  [-gangan,  -o-],  go  out. 
wegan,  carry,  manifest. 
weorpan,  throw,  cast. 
wil(l)nian,  desire,  wish. 
winnan,  struggle,  strive. 
wunian,  dwell,  remain. 
wyrcan,  make. 


I  quote  only  a  few  examples :  — 
befaestan,  entrust,  commit: 

Wcerf.  111.3b,  4a:  ongunnon  .  .  .  ba  .  .  .  weras  .  .  .  him  befcestan  heora 
suna  to  fedanne  7  to  lceranne=  B.  140  C4:  Ccepere  .  .  .  ei  filios  omnipotenti 
Deo  nutriendos  dare.  —  76.  254.1:  baedon,  baet  he  heom  bone  agaefe,  be  hi  him 
ser  befceston  to  healdenne  =  309  C2:  quern  dederant  petierunt  (but  cf.  309  C1:  qui 
diaconum  ad  custodiendum  dederant). 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXVI.  76:  gif  bu  wilt  me  befcestan  cnapan  to  Icerenne. 

Apol.  32.4:  ic  .  .  .  bas  mine  dohtor  befceste  bam  .  .  .  mannan  to  fedanne 
=  49*:  hanc  vero  .  .  .  filiam  meam  nutriendam  .  .  .  hominibus  commendavi. 
gedon,  entrust,  commit : 

Cato  10:  Donne  bu  eald  sie  and  manegra  ealdra  cwidas  and  lara  geaxod 
haebbe,  gedo  hie  bonne  bam  geongum  to  witanne.  [Cf.  Greg.  357.5,  Oros.  126.31, 
and  the  comments  given  thereon,  p.  118,  above.  Koch,  l.  c.,  II,  p.  64,  quotes, 
without  a  reference,  the  following  passage,  which  I  am  unable  to  locate:  “  Ic 
do  eow  to  witanne  ( thu  euch  zu  wisseri).”] 
secan,  seek: 

Bede  50.11ab:  hwaer  him  waere  fultum  to  secanne  to  gewearnienne  7  to 
wi&scufanne  swa  rebre  hergunge  7  swa  gelomlicre  bara  norbbeoda  =  30.17a>  b: 
ubi  quaerendum  esset  praesidium  ad  euitandas  uel  repellenddas  tarn  feras  tamque 
creberrimas  gentium  aquilonialium  inruptiones. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


145 


Mat.  2.13:  toweard  ys  tSset  Herodes  sec&  <5set  Cild  to  forspillenne  =  futurum 
est  enim  ut  Herodes  qucerat  puerum  ad  perdendum  eum  (may  be  objective  in 
Anglo-Saxon). 

JElf.  L.  S.  368.78:  bset  eower  nan  .  .  .  ne  galdras  ne  sece  to  gremigenne 
his  scyppend. 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

The  active  infinitive  of  purpose  is  found  uninflected  only  with  the  passive 
of  the  following  verb :  — 

(ge)wealdan,  instruct  (?). 

I  quote  all  the  examples  noted :  — 

Gifts  of  Men  47:  hond  bib  gelsered  wis  and  gewealden,  swa  bib  wyrhtan  ryht, 
sele  asettan. 


Both  infinitives  are  found  with  the  passive  of : 

asendan,  send.  (ge)settan,  appoint. 

Typical  examples  are:  — 

asendan : 

(1)  Uninflected: 

L.  1.19a>b:  ic  eom  asend  wib  be  sprecan  and  be  bis  bodian  =  missus  sum 
loqui  ad  te,  et  hsec  tibi  evangelizare. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Chron.  llb,  430  E:  Her  Patricius  wees  asend  fram  Celestine  bam  papan  to 
bodianne  Scottum  fulluht. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  488b5>6:  We  sind  asende  to  gecigenne  mancynn  from  deabe 
to  life,  na  to  scufenne  fram  life  to  deabe. 

(ge)settan: 

(1)  Uninflected: 

Bl.  Horn.  157.35:  mi  syndon  gesette  ba  apostolas  inhlet  se  hie  bodian  hire. 

(2)  Inflected: 

Bede  396. 28a:  in  bsere  he  to  bebyrgenne  geseted  beon  scolde  =  228. 16a:  in  quo 
sepeliendus  poni  deberet. 


But  normally  the  infinitive  of  purpose  is  inflected  with  passive  verbs;  it 
is  so  found  with  the  passive  of  the  following  verbs :  — 


aliefan,  allow. 
befaestan,  commit ,  entrust. 
beran,  bear,  give  birth. 
betaecan,  commit ,  entrust. 
bringan,  bring. 
ceosan,  choose. 
forgiefan,  give. 

(ge)beodan,  offer. 
gebringan,  bring. 
(ge)gadrian,  gather  together. 
(ge)gearwian,  prepare. 


gehalsian  [gi-j,  request. 
(ge)healdan,  preserve. 
(ge)laedan,  lead. 
(ge)latSian,  invite. 
(ge)raedan,  advise. 
(ge)samnian,  assemble. 
(ge)sellan,  give. 
(ge)smyrian,  anoint. 
(ge)tacnian,  signify. 
(ge)wyrcan,  make ,  build. 
gierwan,  prepare. 


iecan  [-y-],  increase. 
nacian,  make  naked. 
onfon,  receive. 
onsendan,  send. 
ontendan,  kindle. 
sellan,  give,  entrust. 
sendan,  send. 
todrifan,  drive. 
yean:  see  iecan. 
ymbsellan,  surround. 


A  few  examples  will  suffice: 
aliefan  [-y-],  allow: 


146 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


Mat.  12.4:  hu  he  ...  set  6a  offringhlafas  6e  ncerun  him  alyfede  to  etynne 
=  Quomodo  .  .  .  panes  .  .  .  comedit,  quos  non  licebat  ei  edere. 

ceosan,  choose: 

Mlj.  L.  S.  XXXII.  223:  6e  beo&  gecorene  gode  to  Segnigenne. 

(ge)Ia6ian,  invite: 

Bede  394.19:  woes  6yder  gela&od  circan  to  halgianne  =  287.6:  Contigit  .  .  . 
uirurn  ...  ad  dedicandam  ecclesiam  .  .  .  uocari. 

(ge)wyrcan,  make ,  build: 

Bede  354.19a>  b:  6a  hus  6a  6e  in  to  gebiddenne  j  to  leornienne  geworhte  wceron 
=  265. 13a>  b:  quae  ad  orandum  uel  legendum  factae  erant. 

sellan,  give ,  entrust: 

Bede  480.26,  27:  6a  woes  ic  .  .  .  seald  to  fedanne  j  to  loerenne  6am  .  .  . 
abbude  Benedicte  =  357.9:  datus  sum  educandus  .  .  .  abbati  Benedicto. 

sendan,  send: 

Bede  108.23:  A.  ...  to  loeranne  Ongol6eode  sended  woes  =  89.5:  ad  praedi- 
candum  genti  Anglorum  missus  est. 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

We  find  that  in  the  poetry  practically  only  the  uninflected  infinitive  of 
purpose  is  used,  that  it  is  very  frequent  after  verbs  of  motion,  and  is  very  rare 
after  other  verbs;  that  in  the  prose  we  have  the  uninflected  infinitive  of  pur¬ 
pose  after  certain  verbs  (1)  of  motion  and  (2)  of  giving  only,1  but  that  more 
frequently  the  inflected  infinitive  is  found,  in  prose,  with  these  two  groups  of 
verbs,  while  with  a  very  large  number  of  verbs  only  the  inflected  infinitive  is 
found.  Moreover,  as  will  be  shown  in  the  section  on  the  origin  of  the  final 
infinitive,  in  Chapter  XIV,  the  Latin  original  has  much  to  do  with  whether  or 
not  the  infinitive  is  inflected  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose:  in  a  number  of  instances 
the  uninflected  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  translates  a  Latin  final  infinitive  after 
verbs  of  motion  and  of  giving;  and  the  inflected  infinitive,  with  verbs  of  all 
kinds,  the  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive.  Not  a  few  times,  however,  the  inflected 
infinitive  is  found,  especially  in  the  Gospels ,  translating  a  Latin  final  infinitive 
after  verbs  of  motion,  —  a  circumstance  doubtless  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that 
the  inflected  infinitive  had  by  that  time  become  a  common  instrument  for  the 
expression  of  purpose  owing  to  the  Early  West  Saxon’s  frequent  translation 
of  the  Latin  gerund  and  gerundive  by  an  inflected  infinitive  and  in  part  to  the 
superior  clarity 2  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  a  means  of  expressing  purpose. 
At  any  rate,  purpose  was  normally  expressed  by  the  inflected  infinitive  in  all 
Anglo-Saxon  prose,  early  and  late,  except  in  the  Gospels ,  in  which  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  slightly  predominates  owing  to  the  large  number  of  final 
infinitives  in  the  Latin  original,  and  except  in  the  Lceceboc,  in  which  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  decidedly  predominates  owing  to  the  very  frequent  use  of  the 
uninflected  infinitive  after  sellan ,  ‘  give  ’  (especially  with  drincan ,  1  drink,’  and 
etan,  1  eat  ’).  The  probability  that  the  few  instances  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
of  purpose  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  are  due  to  Latin  influence  is  discussed  in  the 
section  on  the  origin  of  the  final  infinitive,  in  Chapter  XIV. 


1  Sporadically,  also,  with  certain  verbs  (3)  of  rest  and  (4)  of  commanding;  in  (4)  in  direct  translation  of 
Latin  final  infinitives. 

*  On  the  ambiguity  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  the  complement  of  the  verb  of  motion  see  Chapter  XIV. 
section  x. 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


147 


In  a  series  of  co-ordinated  final  infinitives,  each  infinitive  is,  as  noted  by 
Professor  Shearin,* 1  l.  c.,  p.  30,  usually  preceded  by  to,  though  occasionally  to 
appears  only  before  the  first  infinitive,  and  the  succeeding  infinitive  is  unin¬ 
flected.  A  complete  list  of  the  final  infinitive  in  a  series  is  given  in  Note  1  at 
the  end  of  the  present  chapter.  In  the  four  examples  of  the  uninflected  in¬ 
finitive  following  the  inflected  there  cited,  I  believe  the  absence  of  inflection  is 
largely  due  to  the  remoteness  of  the  infinitive  from  its  chief  verb,  for,  although 
the  examples  are  too  few  to  demonstrate  this,  this  is  in  keeping  with  what  we 
have  seen  to  be  the  influence  of  proximity  and  of  separation  in  the  subjective 
use  of  the  infinitive.  Once,  however,  as  shown  by  Dr.  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  31,  we 
have  an  alternation  of  uninflected  with  inflected  infinitive  that  is  probably 
due  to  a  slavish  following  of  the  Latin  1  original,  in  Luke  1.76-79,  in  which 
the  Anglo-Saxon  has  twice  an  uninflected  infinitive  for  the  Latin  infinitive,  and 
twice  the  inflected  infinitive  for  the  Latin  gerundive. 

On  p.  27  Dr.  Shearin1  declares:  “  A  separable  adverbial  prefix  seems  to 
have  the  effect  of  divorcing  sellan  from  the  following  purpose  idea  enough  to 
cause  this  to  be  expressed  by  the  prepositional,  not  the  simple,  infinitive;  e.  g. 
ASH.  ii.  244.12:  eft  swa  gelice  gelsehte  senne  calie  .  .  .  and  sealde  his  gingrum  of 
to  suppenne  sefter  gereorde;  L.  S.  ii.  142.264:  sealde  bam  adligan  of  to  supenne. 
The  same  effect  is  seen  after  the  passive;  e.  g.  Lch.  i.  370.15:  eft  webe2  hundes 
heafod  and  his  lifer  gesoden  and  geseald  to  etanne  .  .  .  gehseleb;  as  well  as  when 
the  infinitive  precedes  sellan;  e.  g.  0.  108.28:  and  hit  on  mete  cbbe  on  drynce 
to  gebicgenne  gesellan.”  Personally,  however,  I  believe  the  inflected  infinitive 
is,  in  each  of  these  cases,  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  general  principles  laid  down 
above  rather  than  on  the  special  grounds  suggested  by  Dr.  Shearin;  at  any 
rate,  my  statistics  show  that  we  have,  also,  the  uninflected  infinitive  when  the 
infinitive  precedes  sellan  and  when  it  follows  it  at  an  appreciable  distance. 

Substantially  the  same  differentiation  between  the  uninflected  infinitive  of 
purpose  and  the  inflected  infinitive  of  purpose  is  found  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages:  see  Chapter  XVI. 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

I  have  not  found  a  clear  example  of  the  passive  infinitive  of  purpose  in 
Anglo-Saxon. 


For  the  final  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  x. 


NOTES. 


1.  The  Final  Infinitive  in  a  Series.  —  Dr.  Farrar,  l.  c.,  p.  16,  cites  only  one  example  ( Bede 
250.20,  21)  of  an  inflected  final  infinitive’s  being  followed  by  an  uninflected  in  a  series,  and 
Professor  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  30,  cites  only  three:  Bede  250.20,  21,  quoted  on  p.  139  above; 
L.  1.72a,b,  on  p.  143;  and  L.  9.2s* b,  on  p.  139.  To  these  examples,  however,  should  be 
added  Bede  376.6s*  b,  quoted  on  p.  137,  and  JElfi  L.  S.  XXXI.  917a*  quoted  on  p.  138.  On 
the  other  hand,  twice  (in  L.  1.76,  77,  79®*  b,  quoted  on  p.  138)  we  have  an  uninflected  infini¬ 
tive  succeeded  by  an  inflected  infinitive,  owing  no  doubt  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  original, 
as  suggested  by  Professor  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  31,  though  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  2,  is  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  here  used,  not  because  of  the  Latin  infinitive,  but  be¬ 
cause  it  follows  a  verb  of  motion  in  Anglo-Saxon.  In  the  following  passages  we  have  a 
series  of  inflected  infinitives:  Bede  2.3a,b,  4a,b;  50.11a,b;  66.5s* b;  116.32s* b,c;  124.30,  31; 
172. 17a* b;  272.25s* b;  372.11a*b;  438.14,  15;  454.9s* b;  480.29,  30;  486.8s* b;  —  Boeth.  19.22, 


1  Dr.  Kenyon  demurs:  see  Note  1  below. 

1  We&e  should  read  wede:  see  Cockayne,  l.  c.,  I,  370.15.  —  M.  C.,  Jr. 


148 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


23; — Greg.  307.17a*b;  373.8,  9;  — Oros.  188.10,  11;  —  Wcerf.  111.3b,  4a;  218.4s* b;  —  Chron. 
253*,  1123  Ed*  c;  256b,  1127  Ec*  d;  —  Laws  38,  c.  36s* b;  42,  c.  49b*  c*  d;  366,  c.  79a* b;  —  Mlf. 
Horn.  I.320*1*2;  582* lt2;  II.  444*  2 ;  —  Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  28.20s' b;  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII B.  418, 
419;  —  Mlf.  Int.  155a*b;  —  Mat.  20.19s* b-  c;  —  Wulf.  295. 32s* b;  —  Poems:  Christ  1621s* b, 
1622.  With  this  list  should  be  compared  that  given  by  Dr.  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  pp.  30-31.  The 
differences  are  slight,  and  arise  from  the  fact  that  he  gives  statistics  for  one  work,  Kemble’s 
Codex  Diplomaticus  Mvi  Saxoriici,  to  which  I  have  not  had  access;  that  he  includes  a  few 
inflected  infinitives  that  modify  a  noun  ( Bede  62.8a,b,  9;  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  360b  u  2* 3*  4 ;  Wulf. 
202.1s* b),  one  that  seems  to  me  consecutive  ( Bede  330.18s* b,  19),  and  one  that  seems  to  me 
objective  (Greg.  293.3s* b).  Dr.  Farrar  does  not  give  a  list  of  this  series;  nor  does  Dr.  Riggert. 

2.  A  Clause  Alternates  with  an  Infinitive  occasionally,  as  in  Mlf.  L.  S.  XXX.  49s* b,  quoted 
on  p.  136;  J.  12.47,  quoted  on  p.  137;  and  L.  1.17,  quoted  on  p.  138.  Dr.  Farrar,  l.  c., 
pp.  28  and  33,  cites  only  the  example  from  John.  In  the  two  examples  from  the  Gospels  we 
have  the  same  alternation  of  clause  and  of  infinitive  in  the  Latin  original. 

3.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Prepositional  Phrase  at  times,  as  in  Bede  162.7, 
quoted  on  p.  139;  Oros.  138.8,  quoted  on  p.  140;  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  340m:  Ne  lufode  he  woruld- 
lice  sehta  for  his  neode  ana,  ac  to  dcelenne  eallum  wsedliendum;  —  ib.  430b:  bes  sunderhalga 
.  .  .  haefde  opene  eagan  to  forhcefednysse,  to  celmes-deedum ,  to  tSancigenne  Gode. 

4.  “  For  To  ”  with  the  Inflected  Infinitive  of  Purpose  is  found  in  Chron.  256b,  1127  Ec*  d: 
se  kyng  hit  dide  for  to  hauene  sibbe  of  se  eorl  Angeow,  for  helpe  to  hauene  togaenes  his  neue. 
Cf.  the  New  English  Dictionary,  sub  v.  for  IV,  11,  where  the  earliest  example  given  of  this 
idiom  is  dated  1175  (Cotton  Homilies). 

5.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  without  “  To  ”  is  found  in  Mlf.  L.  S.  222.39:  ba  petrus  si&ode 
neosigenne  [MSS.  U.  and  B.:  neosigende]  ba  geleaffullan. 

6.  The  Uninfected  Infinitive  after  “  Beran,”  11  Hladan,”  and  “  Sellan.”  —  Dr.  Wulfing,2 
l.  c.,  II,  pp.  178  and  181,  seems  to  consider  as  objective  the  uninflected  infinitive  after  beran, 
hladan,  and  sellan,  but  the  Latin  equivalents  in  most  cases  show,  I  think,  that  the  infinitive 
is  final,  as  in  the  Latin  da  bibere  etc.  Occasionally  in  Anglo-Saxon,  drincan  (after  sellan ) 
may  be  a  noun  instead  of  an  infinitive,  as  it  at  times  corresponds  to  the  Latin  noun,  potum, 
instead  of  to  the  infinitive,  bibere,  as  in  Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  2.19  (hlod  wseter  mid  us  and  sealde 
bam  sceapum  drincan  =  hausit  aquam  nobiscum  potumque  dedit  ovibus).  The  infinitive 
after  these  verbs  is  considered  final  by  Dr.  Shearin,1 1.  c.,  pp.  13-15. 

7.  A  Final  Infinitive  as  Modifier  of  a  Verb  to  Be  Supplied.  —  Occasionally  a  final  infini¬ 
tive  modifies  an  infinitive  that  is  to  be  supplied  as  the  complement  of  an  auxiliary  verb,  as 
in  Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  22.4  (Da  on  bone  briddan  deeg,  ba  hig  ba  dune  gesawon,  beer  beer  hig  to 
sceoldon  to  ofsleanne  Isaac  =  vidit  locum  procul)  and  in  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II,  15.218  (Ge- 
swic  bu  earming,  ne  miht  bu  to  nahte  minne  msegbhad  me  to  beswicenne). 

8.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  as  a  Translation  of  the  Latin  Supine  in  “  -um.”  —  iElfric, 
in  his  Grammar,  p.  134,  gives  several  examples  of  an  uninflected  infinitive  translating  a 
Latin  supine,  after  a  verb  of  motion  in  each  language,  and  seems  to  say  that  the  infinitive 
denotes  futurity,  but  in  each  example  the  infinitive,  while  future  in  sense,  also  denotes  pur¬ 
pose,  I  think.  The  examples  are:  vis  amatum  ire?  =  wylt  bu  faran  lufian?  uenatum  pergo 
=  ic  fare  huntian;  uis  doctum  ire?  =  wylt  bu  gan  leornian?  lectum  pergit  =  he  gseb  rsedan; 
bibitum  pergo  =  ic  gange  drincan. 

9.  Final  or  Predicative  Infinitive?  —  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  137,  considers  the  two  infinitives 
(beon  and  faran)  after  todceldon,  in  Oros.  46.15,  16,  as  final.  To  me,  however,  they  seem 
predicative,  and  the  infinitive  phrase  seems  absolute:  see  Chapter  VIII,  p.  118,  and  section  D 
of  Chapter  XII,  p.  169. 

10.  Infinitive  or  Indicative  ?  —  In  Ex.  166  (Wulfas  sungon  atol  sefenleob  setes  on  wenan, 
carleasan  deor,  cwyldrof  beodan  on  labra  last  leodmsegnes  ful),  as  Grein,  in  his  Sprachschatz, 
sub  v.  beodan,  states,  we  may  have  the  infinitive  of  beodan,  1  announce,’  or  the  preterite  plural 
of  bidan,  1  await.’  Professor  J.  W.  Bright  kindly  writes  me  that  the  presumption  is  certainty 
against  the  infinitive,  and  that  he  would  read  fyl  for  ful.  Accordingly,  I  have  omitted  beodan 
from  my  statistics. 

11.  “  The  Split  Infinitive.”  — •  In  the  second  infinitive  quoted  in  Note  4  above,  we  seem 
to  have  the  earliest  instance  of  splitting  the  infinitive  in  the  English  language,  though  it  is 
of  the  compound  prepositional  infinitive  introduced  by  for  to,  not  of  the  simple  prepositional 
infinitive  introduced  by  to,  to  which  latter  idiom  the  phrase,  “  the  split  infinitive,”  is  usually 
applied.  Of  the  latter  idiom,  the  earliest  instance  cited  by  F.  Hall  is  from  Wycliffe:  see  his 
“  On  the  Separation,  by  a  Word  or  Words,  of  To  and  the  Infinitive  Mood,”  as  cited  in  my 
bibliography. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES,1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Usually  the  active  infinitive  that  modifies  an  Adjective  is  inflected,  but 
occasionally  it  is  uninflected.  There  are  241  examples  of  the  former  to  6  ex¬ 
amples  of  the  latter.  Of  the  inflected  infinitive,  217  examples  occur  in  the  prose, 
rather  widely  distributed,  in  Early  West  Saxon  and  in  Late  West  Saxon,  and 
24  examples  in  the  poetry.  Of  the  six  uninflected  infinitives,  four  are  found  in 
the  prose  and  two  in  the  poetry.  Although  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  71,  declares 
that  “  Ein  reiner  Infinitiv  in  Verbindung  mit  einem  Adjektiv  ist  in  der  ae. 
Poesie  nicht  zu  belegen,”  he  practically  withdraws  this  statement  in  his  com¬ 
ment  on  Guthlac,  1.  1050.  In  discussing  the  simple  infinitive  of  purpose  after 
verbs  of  motion,  he  adds,  l.  c.,  p.  44:  “  Anzufiihren  ist  hier  endlich  Gu.  1050,  wo 
ic  eom  si&es  fus  als  Ausdruck  der  Eile  aufzufassen  ist  und  demgemass  mit  dem 
reinen  Infinitiv  steht;  Gu.  1050:  ic  eom  sibes  fus  upeard  niman  edleanan  georn 
in  Sam  ecan  gefean,  sergewyrhtum  geseon  sigora  frean.” 

To  me  the  active  infinitive  with  adjectives  seems  almost,  if  not  quite,  ex¬ 
clusively  active  in  sense.  Dr.  Farrar,  however,  l.  c.,  pp.  16  and  19,  contends 
that  the  infinitive  is  passive  in  the  following:  Bede  174.22:  wundro,  .  .  .  Sa 
Se  nu  to  long  to  secgenne  syndon  =  143.30:  sed  haec  nos  ad  alia  tendentes,  suis 
narrare  permittimus;  Greg.  173.11 :  Ne  brede  ge  no  Sa  stengeas  of  Saem  hringum, 
Sylaes  sio  earc  sie  ungearo  to  heranne  =  126.28:  Ut  ad  portandam  arcam  nulla 
mora  prcepeditat.  Undoubtedly  each  of  these  infinitives  may  be  translated  as 
if  passive,  but  I  see  no  necessity  therefor  in  either  sentence.  The  Latin  in  the 
second  sentence  seems  to  me  distinctly  to  suggest  that  to  heranne  is  to  be  taken 
as  active,  not  passive,  in  sense;  and  with  the  former  sentence  should  be  com¬ 
pared  Greg.  239.10  (nawuht  nis  iedre  to  gesecgenne,  ne  eac  to  [ge]hefanne  tionne 
so<5  =  180.21 :  Nil  autem  est  ad  defendendum  puritate  tutius,  nil  ad  dicendum 
veritate  facilius),  in  which  ad  dicendum  likewise  suggests  the  active  sense  for 
to  {ge) secgenne.  More  doubtful  than  the  two  cases  cited  by  Dr.  Farrar,  in  my 
judgment,  are  the  following:  —  Oros.  80.11,  12a-b:  SwatSeahseo  .  .  .  menegeo 
t>ges  folces  waes  ba  iedre  to  oferwinnanne  ‘Sonne  heo  us  sie  nu  to  gerimanne  oSSe 
to  geliefanne  -  81.7,  8:  Huic  tarn  incredibili  temporibus  nostris  agmini,  cujus 
numerum  nunc  difficilius  est  adstrui,  quam  tunc  fuit  vinci;  Greg.  459.9a*b: 
sio  hea  lar  is  betere  manegum  monnum  to  helanne ,  &  feawum  to  secgganne 
=  392.7,  8:  Alta  enim  quseque  debent  multis  audientibus  contegi,  et  vix  paucis 
aperiri.  However,  despite  the  presence  of  the  Latin  passive  infinitives  in 
these  sentences,  I  see  no  necessity  for  considering  the  corresponding  infinitives 
in  Anglo-Saxon  as  passive;  it  seems  to  me  that  the  utmost  that  we  can  say  is 
this :  the  infinitives  may  be  passive  in  sense,  but  are  probably  not. 

The  general  contention  of  the  preceding  paragraph  is  supported,  it  seems 
to  me,  by  what  we  know  of  the  infinitive  with  adjectives  in  Greek.  In  his 


1  Also  sporadically  with  a  few  Adverbs. 

149 


150 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


Syntax  of  Classical  Greek ,  I,  §  143,  “  Infinitive  Active  Apparently  as  Passive,” 
Professor  Gildersleeve  tells  us:  “  The  infinitive  being  a  verbal  noun  is  not  so 
strictly  bound  by  the  voices  as  the  finite  form.  The  infinitive  as  a  complement 
to  adjectives  and  the  so-called  epexegetic  infinitive  often  coincide  with  the 
English  idiom  in  which  ‘  good  to  eat  ’  is  ‘  good  for  food/  ‘  fair  to  see  ’  is  ‘  fair 
to  the  sight/  and  in  Greek  the  active  form  is  more  common  and,  if  anything, 
more  natural  than  the  passive.  KaAos  ISelv,  ‘fair  to  see/  xaXerra  evpe 2v,  Plato, 
Rpb.  412  B,  ‘hard  to  find/  but  xaXe-n-ol  .  .  .  Antiphon,  2  a  I,  ‘hard 

to  recognize.” f 

The  infinitive  usually  follows  its  adjective,  at  times  immediately,  as  in  And. 
73  (ic  beo  sona  gearu  to  dreoganne  baet  bu  .  .  .  deman  wille);  at  times  with 
several  words  intervening,  as  in  Chron.  139b,  1009  Ec  (eall  folc  gearu  wses  heom 
on  to  fonne).  Occasionally  the  infinitive  precedes  the  adjective,  as  in  Hept.: 
Gen.  2.9  (treow  ...  to  brucenne  wynsum  =  lignum  ...  ad  vescendum  suave). 
Not  infrequently  the  adjective  immediately  precedes  the  noun  that  it  modifies 
(apparently  attributively  but  really  appositively,  as  a  rule),  and  sometimes 
it  is  not  easy  to  tell  whether  the  infinitive  modifies  the  adjective  or  the  inter¬ 
vening  noun,  as  in  Bede  60.29:  heo  haefdon  geara  mod  .  .  .  deab  sylfne  to 
Srowianne  =  47.6:  paratum  ad  ..  ,  moriendum  .  .  .  animum  habendo;  Beow. 
2416:  naes  bait  ytSe  ceap  to  gegangenne  gumena  senigum. 

As  stated  in  Chapter  I,  some  of  the  infinitives  there  classed  as  subjective 
may  possibly  belong  here;  and  this  difficulty,  if  not  impossibilitjq  of  precise 
demarcation  1  accounts  for  the  chief  divergences  of  my  statistics  from  those 
of  my  predecessors.  The  differences  occur  chiefly  in  pronominal  clauses  of 
the  sort  discussed  in  Chapter  I,  pp.  9  ff.  Aside  from  this,  Dr.  Wiilfing 2 
puts  here  Bede  468.30  =  643.7  (Sende  him  crseftige  wyrhtan  stsenene  cyricean 
to  timbrianne  =  333.12:  misit  architectos),  which  I  consider  final;  and  Bede 
202.28  =  543.27,  which  he  3  rightly  puts  here,  has  no  infinitive  in  the  text  used 
by  me.  Once  more:  as  stated  below,  in  the  discussion  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
with  adjectives,  I  have  put  a  few  infinitives  with  adjectives  in  the  chapter  on 
“  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive,”  in  the  section  treating  of  the  con¬ 
secutive  use. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED. 

Of  the  six  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  modifying  an  adjective, 
three  occur  with  gearu(-o),  ‘  ready/  ‘  prepared  for; '  two  with  fus,  1  ready/ 
‘  prepared; ,  and  one  with  wier&e  (- u -,  - y- ),  ‘  worthy/  I  give  the  examples  in 
full :  — 

fus,  ready ,  prepared: 

Gu.  1051,  1053:  ic  eom  sibes  fus  upeard  niman  edleanan  georn  in  bam  ecan 
gefean,  sergewyrhtum  geseon  sigora  frean,  min  bset  swaese  beam!  [See  Dr. 
Riggert’s  comment  on  this  passage,  above,  p.  149.] 

gearu,  ready: 

Bede  56.21:  forbon  he  gearo  wsere  in  bam  ylcan  gewinne  mid  him  beon 
-  43.21 :  quia  labor  are  scilicet  uolo. 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  534b  3:  ic  eom  gearo  to  gecyrrenne  to  munuclicere  drohtnunge, 

1  On  this  topic  see,  too,  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  pp.  243-244. 

*  Wiilfing,* *  l.  c.,  II,  p.  199  .  The  number  after  the  equal  sign  is  that  of  the  text  used  by  Wiilfing,  namely. 
Smith’s.  3  Wiilfing,2  l.  c.,  II,  p.  203. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


151 


and  woruldlice  (5eawas  ealle  forlcetan  (sic!).  —  lb.  II.  130* 2 :  gearowe  waeron 
ehtnysse  to  boligenne,  and  deatSe  sweltan. 
wierSe,  worthy : 

Mlf.  L.  S.  138.353b:  biddende  mid  wope  baet  hi  wurSe  waeron  for  criste  to 
browiganne  and  becuman  (sic!)  to  his  halgum. 


II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED. 


The  inflected  infinitive  occurs  with  numerous  adjectives  to  specify  the 
tendency,  the  purpose,  or  the  activity  appropriate  to  the  quality  denoted  by 
the  adjective,  about  as  does  the  Latin  phrase  made  up  of  ad  -f  a  gerund  (or 
ad-\-  a  gerundive),  or  the  Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive  or  the  dative  or  the 
ablative,  or  the  supine  in  -w-,  —  idioms  to  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  inflected 
infinitive  often  corresponds  in  the  translations.  The  Infinitive  of  Specifica¬ 
tion  occurs  with  the  following  groups  1  of  adjectives  (and  adverbs):  — 

1.  Adjectives  Denoting  Readiness,  Capacity,  Inclination,  and  the  like, 
with  their  opposites,  the  chief  representatives  of  which  are  gearu,  i  ready,'  and 
its  negative,  ungearu :  — 


aemetig,  at  leisure ,  free . 

bealdra,  bolder. 

behydigest,  most  solicitous. 

freora,  freer. 

from,  energetic. 

fus,  ready. 

gearu,  ready. 

gedyrstig,  audacious. 

gemyndig,  mindful . 

geornfull  [giom-],  eager ,  desirous. 

geomost,  most  eager. 

geris(e)ne,  suitable ,  apt . 

geSancol,  thoughtful. 

gifre,  eager. 

hal,  whole ,  able  (?). 

hrsed,  quick . 


hraetS:  see  hraed. 
laet,  slow. 

latheort,  slow  of  heart. 
listhendig,  skillful. 
lustbaere,  desirous. 
iustfull,  desirous. 
lustlic,  desirous. 
mi(e)htig,  mighty,  powerful. 
open,  open. 
scearp,  sharp,  eager. 
strang  [-o-],  strong,  powerful. 
strengra,  stronger. 
swift,  swift. 
trum,  firm,  strong. 
Surhwaeccendlic,  very  vigilant. 
ungearu[-o],  unready. 


2.  Adjectives  Denoting  Ease  and  Difficulty  and  the  like,  of  which  the  chief 
representatives  are  ieSe, 1  easy/  its  negative,  unie&e,  and  earfo&(e),  ‘  difficult :  ’  — 


deop,  deep,  profound. 
earfoS(e),  difficult. 
earfoSest,  most  difficult. 
earfoSIic,  difficult. 
hefig,  difficult. 
ieSe  [y-,  e-,  ea-],  easy. 
ietSelic,  easy. 


ieSre,  easier. 

lang  [-0-],  long,  tedious. 

langsum  [-0-],  long,  tedious. 

leoht,  light,  easy. 

leohtest,  lightest,  easiest. 

lytel,  little,  insignificant. 

unietSe  [-ea-,  -e-j,  not  easy,  difficuU. 


3.  Adjectives  Denoting  Goodness,  Usefulness,  Necessity,  and  the  like,  of 
which  the  chief  representatives  are  god,  1  good; '  sel,  ‘  excellent;  ’  wier&e , 
*  worthy/  and  its  compounds;  nyt,  1  useful/  with  its  compounds;  and  nieddearf, 
‘  necessary/  with  its  compounds:  — 


aetSele,  excellent,  valuable. 
betere,  better. 
betst,  best. 


frymful,  beneficial. 
god,  good. 

maere,  glorious,  famous. 


1  The  groups  are  substantially  those  given  by  Dr.  Wiilfing,2 3 1.  c.,  II,  pp.  197-206.  A  fevr  adjectives  appear 
in  more  than  one  group. 


152 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


niedbetSearfest  [-ea-,  -e-],  most  necessary. 
niedSearf  [-ea-,  -e-],  necessary. 
niedS  ear  flic,  necessary. 
nyt(t)wierSe  [-y-],  useful. 
nyt(t)wiertSlic  [-y-],  usef  ul. 
raedlicost,  most  advisable. 


selost  [-a-,  -e-],  most  excellent. 
selra,  more  excellent. 
til,  excellent. 

wierSe  [-U-,  -y-],  worthy. 
wierSelic,  worthy. 
wierSost,  most  worthy. 


4.  Adjectives  Denoting  Pleasantness  and  Unpleasantness  and  the  like,  of 
which  the  chief  representatives  are  leof,  ‘  dear/  with  its  compounds;  and 
wynsum,  1  winsome/  with  its  compounds:  — 


andrysnlic  [on-],  terrible. 

arwurSlic,  venerable. 

bitterre,  more  bitter. 

eatolice,  terribly. 

egeful,  terrible. 

egeslic,  terrible. 

faeger,  fair ,  beautiful. 

gecweme,  agreeable. 

gesom,  agreed ,  friendly. 

glaed,  bright ,  clear. 

glasshIut(t)or,  clear  as  glass. 

grimlic,  terrible. 

grimre,  more  terrible. 

halwende,  beneficial. 

leof,  dear ,  desirable. 

leofra,  dearer ,  etc. 

leofost,  dearest,  etc. 

licwierSe  [-u-],  pleasing,  acceptable. 


lit>e,  pleasant. 

lustbaere,  pleasant,  fruitful  (also  in  1). 

lustbaerre,  more  pleasant. 

iustfullic,  pleasant. 

lustlicre,  more  pleasant. 

lustsumlic,  pleasant. 

myrige,  pleasant. 

onderslic,  terrible. 

reow  [reoh],  rough,  fierce. 

scir,  white. 

swete,  sweet. 

Searlic,  painful. 
unwerodre,  more  unsweet. 
un  wynsum  [-i-],  unwinsome. 
wered  [-od],  sweet. 
wynsum  [-i-],  winsome,  pleasant. 
wynsumre  [-i-],  more  winsome,  etc. 


5.  Adjectives  Denoting  Right  and  Wrong,  Suitability  and  Unsuitability, 
the  Customary  and  the  Strange,  and  the  like,  of  which  the  chief  representatives 
are  rihtlic ,  ‘  right ;  ’  gecoplic,  1  suitable; '  getriewe,  ‘  true; J  gewuna,  ‘accus¬ 
tomed;  ’  soA lie,  *  true;  ’  unrihtlic,  1  wrong; '  wundorlic,  1  wonderful:  ’  — 


deaflic,  suitable. 
diegol  [diegle],  mysterious. 
gecoplic,  fit,  suitable. 
gehendast,  most  convenient. 
gehyS,  convenient. 
getriewe  [-e-],  true,  safe,  able. 
gewuna,  accustomed. 
lang  [-o-],  long  (also  in  2). 
langsum  [-0-],  long  (also  in  2). 
manigfeald  [-0-],  manifold. 
manigfealdlicor,  more  manifoldly. 

6.  Other  Adjectives:  — 

ana,  alone. 

feald  [god  and  — ],  suitable  (?). 
feorr,  far. 

Typical  examples  are:  — 


micel  [-y-],  great,  wonderful. 
rihtlic,  just,  proper. 
sotSlic,  true. 

unaberendlicre,  more  intolerable. 
ungeliefedlic,  incredible. 
ungewunelic,  unusual. 
unrihtlic,  wrong,  improper. 
unscende,  honorable. 
wraetlic,  rare,  wonderful. 
wundorlic,  wonderful. 


laene,  fleeting,  deceptive. 
toweard,  toward,  coming. 


1.  Adjectives  Denoting  Readiness,  Capacity,  Inclination,  etc.: 

fus,  ready: 

Beow.  1805:  wseron  sebelingas  eft  to  leodum  fuse  to  far enne. 
gearu  [-o],  ready: 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


153 


And.  73:  quoted  on  p.  150. 

Bede  60.29:  quoted  on  p.  150.  —  76.98.4:  Saet  he  selfa  geara  waere  .  .  .  Saet 
weorc  tofremmenne  =  80.27:  ipsum  paratum  esse  in  hoc  opus  .  .  .  perficendum . 

Boeth.  107.32:  Su  eart  gearo  to  ongitanne  =  93.69:  quoniam  te  ad  intelle - 
gendum  promptissimum  esse  conspicio. 

Greg.  45.9:  SceawiaS  iowre  fet,  Saet  ge  sien  gearwe  to  ganganne  on  sibbe 
weg  =  22.28:  Calceati  pedes  in  prceparatione  Evangelii  pads.  —  76.  173.5: 
Sonne  hi  suiSe  hraedlice  bioS  gearwe  to  Iceranne  =  126.24:  protinus  docent. — 
76.  173. 81* 2:  BioS  simle  gearwe  to  Iceranne  &  to  forgiefanne  aelcum  etc.  =  126.26: 
Parati  semper  ad  satisf actionem  omni  poscenti  vos  rationem  etc.  —  76.  203.12: 
Sonne  beoS  Sa  heortan  suiSe  gearwe  wisdomes  to  anfonne=  152.10:  quasi  ad 
svscipiendum  sedificium  corda  paraverunt.  —  lb.  423.28:  forSaemSe  he  naefS 
gear  one  willan  Saet  woh  to  fulfremmanne  =  346.21 :  nec  bonos  mala  inconsum- 
mata  condemnant. 

Solil.  11.11:  Se  ic  eom  gearu  to  tSeowianne  =  tibi  soli  servire  paratus  sum. 

Pr.  Ps.  7.13:  he  bende  his  bogan,  se  is  nu  gearo  to  sceotanne  =  arcum  suum 
tetendit,  et  paravit  ilium. 

Ghron.  139b,  1009  Ec:  eall  folc  gearu  waes  heom  on  to  fonne. 

Laws  166,  V  ^Ethelstan,  Prol.,  1 :  Nu  haebbe  ic  f unden  mid  Saem  witum  .  .  . 
Saet  Sa  ealle  beon  gearwe  .  .  .  mid  eallum  Singum  to  farenne  Sider  ic  wille. 

Wcerf.  80.27:  we  syndon  gearwe  Saet  to  done  [sic!  but  MS.  H.:  to  donne] 
=  205  C2:  facer e  parati  sumus. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  406b:  gif  hwa  .  .  .  wolde  his  lac  Gode  offrian,  Saet  he  on 
gehendnysse  to  bicgenne  gearu  haefde. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXVII.  110:  ic  .  .  .  gearo  eom  witu  to  tSrowienne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Num.  15.40:  We  syndon  gearwe  nu  to  gewinnanne  Saet  land 
=  Parati  sumus  ascender e  ad  locum. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  15.104:  ic  eom  geara  ...  on  drihten  to  gelefanne 
=  210.90:  ego  ilium  adoro. 

L.  22.33:  ic  eom  gearu  to  farenne  mid  Se  =  tecum  paratus  sum  .  .  .  ire. 

gemyndig,  mindful: 

Pr.  Ps.  9.12:  he  is  swySe  gemyndig  heora  blod  to  wrecanne  =  9.13:  requirens 
sanguinem  eorum  recordatus  est. 

geomfull  [giom-],  eager,  desirous: 

Boeth .  51.9:  Saet  Su  swiSe  geornfidl  waere  hit  to  gehyranne  =  50.14:  te 
audiendi  cupidum. 

Greg.  281. 5b:  Sie  aeghwelc  mon  suiSe  hraed  &  suiSe  geornful  to  gehieranne, 
&  suiSe  laet  to  sprecanne  =  212.9a:  Sit  omnis  homo  velox  ad  audiendum,  tardus 
autem  ad  loquendum. 

geris(e)ne,  suitable,  apt: 

Bede  274.7:  Sa  gemette  he  sume  gerisne  stowe  in  H.  mynster  on  to  tim - 
brienne =  213.24:  inuenit  locum  in  H.  .  .  .  aptum  monasterio  construendo. 

gifre,  eager: 

Boeth.  50.24a*  b:  ic  heora  eom  swiSe  gifre  aegSer  ge  to  geheranne  ge  eac  to 
gehealdenne  =  50.8:  audiendi  auidus  (or  are  the  infinitives  appositive  ?) . 

laet,  slow,  tardy: 

Greg.  281.6:  see  under  geornful. 

listhendig,  skillful:  - . .  — 

Gifts  of  Men  96:  Sum  biS  listhendig  to  awritanne  wordgeryno. 


154 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


lustbaere,1  desirous: 

Boeth.  50.10:  ic  .  .  .  waes  .  .  .  swiSe  lustbcere  hine  to  geheranne  =  50.1: 

me  audiendi  auidum. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  96.117:  waeron  lustbcere  .  .  .  wita  to  Srowienne. 
mi(e)htig,  mighty ,  powerful: 

Greg.  91.15a>  b:  se  lareow  sceolde  beon  miehtig  to  tyhtanne  on  halwende  lare, 
&  eac  to  Sreanne  Sa  Se  him  [wiS]stondan  wiellen  =  62.3,  4:  Ut  potens  sit 
exhortari  in  doctrina  sana,  et  eos,  qui  contradicunt,  arguere. 

Surhwaeccendlic,  very  vigilant: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  44:  mid  $ urhwceccendlican  mode  for <5  heonon  to  under 
[fonne]  Sa  toweardan  mede. 
ungearu  [-o],  unready: 

Greg.  173.11:  quoted  on  p.  149. 

2.  Adjectives  Denoting  Ease  and  Difficulty,  etc.:  — 

earfoS(e)  [-eS(e)],  difficult: 

Boeth.  81. 3a-  b:  Swa  swa  nu  eorSe  ...  7  waeter  sint  swiSe  earfo&e  to 
geseonne  oSSe  to  ongitonne  dysgum  monnum  =0.  —  lb.  92.24 :  Sa  stanas  .  .  . 
bioS  earfoSe  to  tedcelenne  (sic!)  =  79.77:  ne  facile  dissoluantur. 

Chron.  218m,  1086  Ea:  unriht  .  .  .,  Se  sindon  earfetSe  to  areccenne. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  542b:  M\c  ehtnys  biS  earfotSe  to  Solienne. 
ieSe  [eSe],  easy : 

Beow.  2416:  quoted  on  p.  150. 

Boeth.  16.13b:  Sing  Sa  Se  nawSer  ne  sint  getrewe  to  habbanne,  ne  eac  iede 
to  forlcetanne  =  25.38:  quam  non  relicturam  nemo  umquam  poterit  esset 
securus.  An  uero  tu  pretiosam  aestimas  abituram  felicitatem?  —  lb.  92.27 : 
hi  bioS  swiSe  eSe  to  tedcelenne  (sic!)  -  79.79:  facile  quidem  diuidentibus 
cedunt. 

ieSelic,  easy: 

Greg.  419.10:  Da  cySde  se  witga  hu  ieftelic  bi#  to  forgiefenne  sio  geSohte 
synn  =  340.22:  quam  sit  super  h&cfacilis  venia  ostendit. 
ieSre,  easier: 

Greg.  239.10,  11:  nawuht  nis  ieSre  to  [ge]secganne  ne  eac  to  [ge]hefanne 
Sonne  soS  =  180.21:  Nil  autem  est  ad  defendendum  puritate  tutius,  nil  ad 
dicendum  veritate  facilius. 

langsum  2  [-o-],  long ,  tedious: ' 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  170b  2:  Sing  .  .  .,  Se  us  sind  langsume  to  gereccenne,  and 
eow  to  gehyrenne. 
leoht,  light,  easy: 

Greg.  23.13:  Sylaes  hi  hwaem  leohte  Syncen  to  underfonne  -  2.3:  quae  ne 
quibusdam  levia  esse  videantur. 

unieSe  [uneaSe],  not  easy,  difficult : 

Greg.  385.10,  11 :  Du  gionga,  bio  Se  uni$e  to  clipianne  &  to  Iceranne  =  300.16: 
Adolescens  loquere  in  causa  tua  vix.  —  lb.  409.20 :  saede  Saet  he  unieSe  waere  to 
gehealdenne  =  330.1:  et  dum  praedicit  quia  difficile  capitur. 

Bl.  Horn.  59.15:  se  deada  byS  uneaSe  aelcon  men  on  neaweste  to  hoebbenne. 
[Cf.  Einenkel,2  l.  c.,  p.  244.] 


1  Also  under  4. 


1  See  also  under  5. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


155 


3.  Adjectives  Denoting  Goodness,  Usefulness,  Necessity,  etc.:  — 
betere,  better: 

Greg.  457.7:  Daette  hwilum  Sa  leohtan  scylda  bioS  beteran  to  forlcetenne 
=  388.21 :  Quod  aliquando  leviora  vitia  relinquenda  sunt. 
betst,  best: 

Lcece.  44.29:  wyrta  Sonne  sien  betste  to  wyrcenne. 
god,  good: 

Bened.  127.7a:  craeftas,  Se  synd  gode  to  beganne  =  194.13:  ut  .  .  .  artes 
divers®  .  .  .  exerceantur. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  3.6:  Saet  treow  waes  god  to  etanne  =  bonum  esset  lignum 
ad  vescendum. 

Lcece.  34.10:  fifleafe  awrungenu  7  wiS  win  gemenged  god  biS  to  drincanne. 
niedbeSearfost,  most  necessary: 

Greg.  7.7:  bee,  Sa  Se  niedbeSearfosta  sien  eallum  monnum  to  wiotonne  =  0. 
niedSearflic  [ned-],  necessary: 

Bl.  Horn.  225.26:  gif  ic  nugit  sie  Sinum  folce  neddearflic  on  worlde  to 
hcebbenne. 

nyt(t)wierSe  [-y-],  useful: 

Greg.  275.14,  15:  ac  Sonne  he  nytwyr&ne  timan  ongiet  to  sprecanne,  he 
forsihS  Sa  swigean,  &  spricS  eall  Saet  he  nytwyrSes  ongiet  to  sprecanne  =  208.8: 
ut  nimirum  cum  opportunum  considerat,  postposita  censura  silentii,  loquendo 
quae  congruunt,  in  usum  se  utilitatis  impendat.  —  lb.  255.12:  se  gaesSlica 
Faeder  he  us  laerS  nytwyrSiicu  Sing  to  underfonne,  Saet  is  Saet  we  ge(e)arnigen 
Saet  ece  lif  =  192.23:  Et  illi  quidem  in  tempore  paueorum  dierum  secundum 
voluntatem  suam  erudiebant  nos;  hie  autem  ad  id  quod  utile  est  in  recipiendo 
sanctificationem  ejus. 
selra,  more  excellent: 

Beow.  1851:  Wen  ic  talige  .  .  .  Saet  Se  Sae-Geatas  selran  naebben  to  geceo - 
senne  cyning  aenigne,  hordweard  haeleSa. 

S.  &  S.  406:  Swilc  biS  seo  an  snaed  aeghwylcum  men  selre  micle,  gif  heo 
gesegnod  biS,  to  dyegganne. 
wierSe  [-U-,  -y-],  worthy: 

Gen.  622 :  ne  wite  ic  him  Sa  womewidas,  Seah  he  his  wyr&e  ne  sie  to  alcetanne 
Saes  fela  he  me  laSes  spraec. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  138.353a:  biddende  mid  wope  Saet  hi  wur$e  waeron  for  criste  to 
<5rowigenne  and  becuman  (sic!)  to  his  halgum. 

Mat.  3.11:  Saes  gescy  neom  ic  wyrSe  to  berenne  =  cujus  non  sum  dignus 
calceamenta  portare. 

wierSelic  [-y-],  worthy: 

Wcerf.  230.16:  bebodu,  Se  wyrSelice  waeron  to  gehyranne  =  281  B:  ei  per 
quos  potuit  quae  fuerat  dignus  audire  mandavit. 
wierSost  [— y— ],  most  worthy: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  637 :  he  wur&ost  waes  aefter  him  to  drincenne. 

4.  Adjectives  Denoting  Pleasantness  and  Unpleasantness,  etc.:  — 
andrysnlic,  terrible: 

Bl.  Horn.  33.5:  Donne  SincS  Sis  geleaffullum  monnum  swiSe  andrysnlicu 
wise  to  gehyrenne.  ~  -  - 

faeger,  fair,  beautiful: 


156  THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 

Oros.  74.13:  Seo  burg  .  .  .  waes  swi fie  fceger  an  to  locianne  =  75.11:  natura 
loci  laetissima. 

Bl.  Horn.  113.22:  baer  bu  aer  gesawe  .  .  .  fcegre  leomu  on  to  seonne . 
glad,  bright,  clear: 

Boeth.  14.14:  beah  heo  [=  sae]  ser  gladu  waere  on  to  locienne  =  23.12:  0. 
grimlic,  terrible: 

Chr.  919b:  he  bib  bam  yflum  egeslic  and  grimlic  to  geseonne. 
leof,  dear,  desirable: 

Bede  450.3a>  b:  Waes  he  .  .  .  ealre  his  beode  leof  heora  rice  to  habbanne 
7  to  healdenne  =  322.8,  9:  genti  ad  tenenda  seruandaque  regni  sceptra 
exoptatissimus. 

leofost,  dearest,  most  desirable: 

Bl.  Horn.  55.18:  ba  word  be  he  wenb  baet  him  leofoste  syn  to  gehyrenne.  — 
lb.  111.26a’  b:  eall  forlaeteb  baet  him  .  .  .  wynsumlic  waes,  &  leofost  to  agenne 
&  to  hcebbenne. 

leofra,  dearer,  more  desirable: 

Oros.  286. 8a>  b:  him  leofre  waes  se  cristendom  to  beganne  bonne  his  scira  to 
habbanne  =  287.8:  omnes  officium  quam  fidem  deserere  maluerunt. 

Bl.  Horn.  195.8:  him  waeron  aer  his  aehta  leofran  to  hcebbenne  bonne  Godes 
lufu.  [Cf.  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  p.  244.] 
lustbsere,1  pleasant,  fruitful: 

/Elf.  Horn.  I.  130m:  Das  word  sind  lustbcere  to  gehyrenne. 
lustlicre,  more  pleasant: 

Bened.  3.3:  Hwaet  is  lustlicre  to  gehyrenne  bonne  beos  .  .  .  stefn?  =  6.7: 
Quid  dulcius  nobis  hac  voce? 
onderslic,  terrible: 

Bede  144. 18b:  waere  aeghwaeber  ge  arwyrblic  ge  onderslic  on  to  seonne 
=  117.29b:  uenerabilis  simul  et  terribilis  aspedu. 
swete,  sweet: 

Boeth.  51.5:  he  [=  se  laececraft]  .  .  .  swibe  swete  to  bealcetenne  =  0. 

Bl.  Horn.  59.10:  geogoblustas  .  .  .  ba  be  .  .  .  him  swete  waeron  to  arcef- 
nenne.  [Cf.  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  p.  244.] 
unwynsum,  unwinsome: 

/Elf.  Horn.  I.  184*:  swa  baet  heo  foroft  bib  swibe  unwynsum  on  to 
eardigenne.  - 

werod  [-ed],  sweet: 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  15.25b:  het  don  baet  treow  on  baet  waeter,  and  hit  wearb 
sibban  wered  to  drincanne  =  lignum,  quod  cum  misisset  in  aquas,  in  dulcedinem 
versae  sunt. 

wynsum  [-i-],  winsome: 

Met.  21.19:  baet  is  wynsum  stow  aefter  bissum  yrmbum  to  aganne. 

Bede  346.4:  his  song  7  his  leob  waeron  swa  wynsumu  to  gehyranne,  baette 
.  .  .  his  lareowas  aet  his  mube  wreoton  7  leornodon  =  260.32:  suauiusque 
resonando  doctores  suos  uicissim  auditores  sui  faciebant. 

Solil.  51.11:  deoplicu  is  seo  ascung  and  winsumu  to  witanne  =  0. 

/Elf.  L.  S.  XXX.  315:  Waes  seo  wunung  baer  .  .  .  wynsum  on  to  wicenne. 
wynsumre  [-i-J,  more  winsome: 


1  Also  under  1. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


157 


Boeth.  52.8:  Swa  bib  eac  micle  be  winsumre  sio  sobe  gesaelb  to  habbenne 
efter  bam  eormbum  bisses  .  .  .  lifes  =  0. 

5.  Adjectives  Denoting  Right  and  Wrong,  Suitability  and  Unsuitability, 
the  Customary  and  the  Strange,  etc. :  — 

getriewe  [-trewe],  true ,  safe: 

Boeth.  16.13a:  bing  ba  be  nawber  ne  sint  getrewe  to  habbanne ,  ne  eac  iebe  to 
forlaetanne  =  25.36:  quam  non  relicturam  nemo  umquam  poterit  esset  securus. 
An  uero  tu  pretiosam  aestimas  abituram  felicitatem? 
gewuna,  accustomed: 

jElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  614:  ne  oferfar  bu  na  iordanen  swa  swa  gewuna  synt 
of  eowrum  mynstrum  to  f avenue. 
rihtlic,  just,  proper: 

Wcerf.  345.14:  bing  .  .  .,  be  heom  symle  gelyfde  waeron  genoh  rihtlice  to 
habbanne  =421  A1:  coeperunt  singuli  extrema  quaeque  et  vilia,  et  quae  eis 
habere  regulariter  semper  licuerat  (or  does  the  infinitive  modify  gelyfde  f). 
soblic,  true: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  182.226:  scyppend  so& lie  to  wur&igenne. 
ungewunelic,  unusual: 

Wcerf.  17.28:  ongan  bencan,  baet  byllic  wundor  waere  mannum  ungewunelic 
to  wyreanne  =  160  B2:  At  ille  inusitatum  habens  tale  miraculum,  expavit 
petitionis  illius  juramentum. 
unrihtlic,  wrong ,  improper: 

Wcerf.  209. 23a:  beah  be  heo  [=  spraec]  si  us  unwyrbelice  (sic!)  j  unrihtlic 
to  sprecane  (sic!)  =  256  C1:  locutionem  quae  nobis  indigna  est  etiam  delect  a- 
biliter  tenemus. 

wraetiic,  rare,  wonderful: 

Rid.  40.25:  baet  [is]  wraetiic  bing  to  geseeganne. 
wundorlic,  wonderful: 

Wulf.  15.14:  seo  mennisenes  is  wundorlic  ymbe  to  smeagenne. 

6.  Other  Adjectives:  — 

ana,  alone: 

JElf.  L.  S.  182.225:  Eala  bu  aelmihtiga  god  ana  to  gebiddene  (sic!). 
feald  [god  and  — ],  suitable  (?) : 

Lcece.  87.15,  16:  se  petraoleum  ...  is  god  and  feald  to  drincanne  wib 
innan  tiedernesse  7  utan  to  smerwanne  on  wdntres  daege. 
feorr,  far: 

And.  424:  Mycel  is  nu  gena  lad  ofer  lagustream,  land  swi be/eorr  to  secanne. 
[Cf.  Beow.  1922  in  Ch.  I,  p.  13.] 
laene,  fleeting,  deceptive: 

Wulf.  189.4:  gecnawan  hu  Icene  .  .  .  bis  lif  is  on  to  getruwianne. 
toweard,1  toward,  coming: 

Bede  270.  2:  hwonne  he  .  .  .  toweard  sy  in  .  .  .  wolenum  .  .  .  to  demanne 
cwice  and  deade  =  211.7:  uenturus  est  ..  .  ad  iudicandos  uiuos  et  mortuos. 

Bl.  Horn.  81.35,  36:  we  eac  witon  baet  he  is  toweard  to  demenne,  &  bas 
world  to  geendenne. 


1  See  Chapter  VII,  p.  105. 


158 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


sElf.  Horn.  I.  190b:  Godes  Sunu,  se  t5e  wees  toweard  to  alysenne  ealne  mid- 
dangeard  fram  deofles  anwealde. 

Chad.  188:  Sonne  he  bib  toweard  to  demenne  cwice  /  deade. 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

Although  twice  in  the  poetry  an  uninflected  infinitive  is  found  with  an 
adjective,  we  may  be  reasonably  sure  that,  in  the  poetry  as  in  the  prose,  the 
infinitive  with  adjectives  normally  was  inflected:  of  the  26  examples  of  the 
infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  only  two  are  uninflected;  of  the  221  examples 
in  the  prose,  only  four  are  uninflected.  The  lack  of  inflection  in  both  poetry 
and  prose  appears  to  be  due  chiefly  to  the  remoteness  of  the  infinitive  from  the 
adjective  that  it  modifies,  since  in  each  1  of  the  examples  the  infinitive  is  ap¬ 
preciably  separated  from  its  adjective.  As,  however,  in  three  of  the  examples 
(AElf.  Horn.  I.  534b3,  II.  130* 2;  AElf.  L.  S.  138.353b)  the  uninflected  infinitive 
is  the  second  of  a  series  of  two  infinitives  the  first  of  which  is  inflected,  some  may 
prefer  to  consider  that  the  force  of  to  is  carried  over  to  the  second  infinitive, 
or,  to  state  the  matter  another  way,  that  the  presence  of  to  with  the  first  infini¬ 
tive  accounts  for  its  absence  with  the  second  infinitive.  What  seems  to  me 
to  militate  against  this  latter  view  and  to  favor  the  former,  is  the  fact  that  in 
Bede  56.21,  where  we  have  only  a  single  infinitive  and  that  separated  from  its 
adjective  by  a  number  of  words,  the  infinitive  is  uninflected;  and  the  further 
fact  that  in  sixteen  series  we  have  only  the  inflected  infinitive,  while  in  only 
three  series  have  we  an  uninflected  infinitive  following  an  inflected.  More¬ 
over,  we  have  seen  that  in  some  other  uses  remoteness  from  a  word  normally 
requiring  an  inflected  infinitive,  tends  to  cause  the  infinitive  to  lose  its  inflection. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Of  an  adjective  modified  by  an  infinitive  that  is  passive  in  form  I  have 
found  only  one  example,  in  /Elf.  Horn.  II.  316b  2:  we  Se  nseron  wurtfe  heon  his 
wealas  gecigde. 

For  the  infinitive  with  adjectives  (and  adverbs)  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  xi. 

NOTES. 

1.  The  Infinitive  in  a  Series  with  Adjectives.  —  In  the  following  passages,  of  which  only 
the  last  is  cited  by  Dr.  Farrar,2  we  have  a  series  of  infinitives  with  adjectives  in  which  the 
first  infinitive  is  inflected,  but  the  succeeding  is  not:  /Elf.  Horn.  I.  534b  2* 3,  quoted  on  p.  150; 
II.  ISO41* 2,  quoted  on  p.  151;  /Elf.  L.  S.  138.353a,b,  quoted  on  p.  151.  In  the  following 
passages  we  have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  each  infinitive  is  inflected:  Bede  410.4b,  5b; 
450.3a’ b;  —  Boeth.  50.24a’b,  81.3a-b;  —  Greg.  91.15a’b;  173.8a*b;  239.10,  11;  385.10,  11; 
459.9**’ b;  —  Oros.  80.11,  12a’b;  286.8a,b;  —  Wcerf.  27.8,  9 ;  —  Bl.  Horn.  81.35,  36;  111.26a’b; 
—  /Elf.  Horn.  II.  170b  1>2;  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  XXV.  113a* b;  —  Lcece.  87.15,  16. 

2.  An  Infinitive  with  an  Adjective  That  Is  to  Be  Supplied.  — ■  We  have  an  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  dependent  upon  an  adjective  that  is  to  be  supplied  from  the  context  in  the  following: 
Oros.  120.9:  Sonne  sceoldon  ge  swa  lustlice  eowre  agnu  brocu  araefnan,  Seh  hie  laessan  sien, 
swa  ge  heora  sint  to  gehieranne  [=  (as  Dr.  Wtilfing,2 1.  c.,  II,  p.  199,  states)  swa  ge  lustlice  sint 
heora  to  gehieranne ]. 


1  Except  in  Gu.  1051,  in  which  only  one  word  intervenes:  see  pp.  149  and  150. 

2  L.  c.,  pp.  25  and  34. 


NOTES. 


159 


3.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Prepositional  Phrase  in  /Elf .  Horn.  II.  322m: 
Wa  tSan  t5e  strang  bits  to  swi&licum  drencum  and  to  gemencgenne  ba  micclan  druncennysse. 

4.  Confusion  of  Adjective  with  Adverb.  ■ —  Occasionally  confusion  seems  to  arise  between 
an  adjective  and  an  adverb,  as  in  the  following:  Bede  240.21:  Da  wses  geworden  ymb  syx 
hund  wintra  7  feower  7  syxtig  sefter  Drihtnes  menniscnesse  eclipsis  solis,  bset  is  sunnan 
asprungennis,  bset  heo  sciman  ne  hsefde:  7  wses  eatolice  on  to  seonne  =  191.29:  facta  erat  eclipsis 
solis;  —  Wcerf.  49.8:  bohte  .  .  .  bset  seo  ylce  stow  mihte  beon  gecoplice  wyrta  on  to  settanne 
-  184  A:  cogitaret,  quod  saltern  ad  condimenta  olerum  nutrienda  locus  idem  aptus  potuisset 
existere;  —  Alex.  66:  by  lses  bset  eow  seo  saegen  monigfealdlicor  bi  bon  tSuhte  to  writanne. 

5.  The  Infinitive  with  Adverbs.  —  In  the  following  passages,  all  quoted  in  the  preceding 
note,  we  have  an  inflected  infinitive  modifying  an  adverb,  not  an  adjective:  Bede  240.21: 
eatolice;  Wcerf.  49.8:  gecoplice;  Alex.  66:  monigfealdlicor.  Dr.  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  26,  would 
put  here  the  following,  the  only  examples  given  by  him  of  the  infinitive  with  adverbs:  “  In 
two  instances  the  infinitive  depends  upon  an  adverb  in  the  main  clause  and  the  purpose  idea 
fades  into  one  of  mere  reference,  e.  g.  2E.  H.  ii.  78.14  [=  my  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  78.14]:  ge  habbab 
hwonlice  to  swincenne  =  ‘little  time  to  labor;7  Int.  Sig.  285  [=  my  Mlf.  Int.  285]:  Hwset 
is,  bset  God  gelogode  Cherubim  and  fyren  swurd  and  awendedlic  to  gehealdenne  (=  Quid  est: 
Cherubin  vel  flammeum  gladium  atque  versatilem  ad  custodiendum  viam  ligni  vitse  posuit).” 
To  me,  however,  to  swincenne  seems  rather  the  object  of  habba&  (see  p.  43  above,  in  Chap¬ 
ter  II) ;  and  to  gehealdenne ,  the  adverbial  (final)  modifier  of  gelogode.  Dr.  Kuhn,  l.  c.,  p.  36, 
considers  that  the  infinitive  depends  on  an  adverb  in  the  following  passages  in  Mlf.  L.  S.:  — 
126.150:  gearcodon  heora  mod  to  bam  martyrdome  caflice  to  campienne  for  cristes  geleafan; 
182.226:  Eala  bu  selmihtiga  god,  ana  to  gebiddenne,  ondrsedendlic  scyppend,  so&lic  to  wur- 
tSigenne;  274.186:  Hi  wurdon  ba  beswungene  and  swyblice  getintregode,  swa  swa  ba  wses  ge- 
wunelic  to  witnigenne  forligr.  But  to  me  it  seems  that,  in  the  first  example,  the  adverb 
modifies  the  infinitive,  which  latter  is  final;  that,  in  the  other  two  examples,  we  have,  not 
adverbs,  but  adjectives;  that,  in  the  second  example,  the  infinitive  modifies  the  adjective; 
and  that,  in  the  third  example,  the  infinitive  is  the  subject  of  the  verbal  phrase  made  up  of 
the  copula  plus  the  adjective. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


Besides  denoting  purpose  and  specification  (with  Adjectives),  the  infinitive 
in  Anglo-Saxon  is  occasionally  used  to  denote  other  adverbial  relationships: 
(A)  Cause;  (B)  Specification  with  Verbs;  (C)  Result;  and  (D)  Absoluteness. 
Possible  examples  of  an  infinitive  denoting  (E)  Condition  and  (F)  Manner, 
are  given  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

In  each  of  these  uses,  the  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  seems  to  me  active 
in  sense  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  absolute  infinitives,  to  metanne  wi& 
and  to  gesettanne  wi&:  see  D  below. 

A.  THE  CAUSAL  INFINITIVE. 

With  a  few  verbs  denoting  emotion  the  infinitive  is  occasionally  used  to 
denote  the  Cause  of  the  emotion.  The  little  that  has  been  written  about  this 
use  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  referred  to  under  the  specific  examples. 
At  this  place  I  need  to  quote  only  the  statement  of  Matzner,  who,  l.  c.,  Ill, 
p.  40,  in  speaking  of  the  inflected  infinitive  of  cause  after  verbs  of  emotion  in 
Modern  and  in  Middle  English,  declares:  “  Im  Ags.  trifft  man  nichts  Ent- 
sprechendes.”  While  some  of  my  examples  are  doubtful,  I  think  those  with 
the  inflected  infinitive  (especially  after  forsceamigan )  are  less  doubtful  than 
those  with  the  simple  infinitive.  I  give  all  the  clearer  examples  that  I  have 
observed :  — 

(1)  The  Uninflected  Infinitive: 

cearian,  care: 

Gen.  2279:  Ne  ceara  bu  feor  heonon  fleame,  dcelan  somwist  incre  (or  objec¬ 
tive?). —  lb.  2733:  Ne  ceara  incit  duguba  of  bisse  ebeltyrf  ellor  secan  wdnas 
uncube,  ac  wuniab  her  (or  objective?).  [Cf.  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  40,  who 
also  seems  in  doubt  as  to  whether  to  consider  the  infinitive  here  as  objective 
or  as  causal.] 

gefeon,  rejoice,  delight: 

Bede  484.15:  mynstres,  on  bam  ic  gefeo  Siowian  bsere  uplican  arfaestnesse 
=  359.13:  in  quo  supernae  pietati  deseruire  gaudeo.  —  lb.  478.32:  sibbe  7  sob- 
fsestnesse  mid  .  .  .  Godes  ciricean  gifecS  (=  gifeh&)  dselnimende  beon  =  351.7: 
pacis  ac  ueritatis  cum  universali  ecclesia  particeps  existere  gaudet.  [Dr.  Kenyon, 
l.  c.,  p.  69,  cites  this  example,  and  adds:  “  Gefeon  takes  the  simple  infinitive, 
but  it  may  as  well  be  complementary  as  causal  in  conception.  I  find  in  Wiilfing 
no  cases  of  the  prepositional  infinitive  that  can  be  distinctly  treated  as  causal.”] 

gelustfullian,  rejoice  in: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  535:  ic  gewilnode  baes  wines  on  bam  ic  ser  gelustfullode 
to  oferdruncennysse  brucan. 

lustfullian,  rejoice  in: 

Bede  432.32:  ic  lustfullede  bsere  stowe  swetnesse  7  wlite,  be  ic  bser  geseah, 
7  eac  somod  bara  gemaenan  7  eadignesse  brucan,  be  ic  on  bsere  stowe  sceawade 

160 


THE  INFINITIVE  OF  SPECIFICATION  WITH  VERBS. 


161 


=  309.11:  delectatus  nimirum  suauitate  ac  decore  loci  illius,  quem  intuebar, 
simul  et  consortio  eorum  quos  in  illo  uidebam. 

(2)  The  Inflected  Infinitive: 

aforhtian,  be  afraid : 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  18.357:  ic  earma  nu  aforhtige  to  secgenne  hwset  me 
becom  (or  objective?). 

bisorgian,  regret: 

Chr.  1555:  Ne  bisorgatS  he  synne  to  fremman  (sic!),  wonhydig  mon.  [On 
this  infinitive,  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  71,  speaks  as  follows:  “  In  a  sentence  like 
Christ,  1556,  Ne  bisorgad  he  synne  to  fremman ,  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  we 
have  a  complementary  or  a  true  causal  infinitive.  Such  an  example  in  O.  F. 
would  be  explicable  as  causal,  with  a  or  de  +  infinitive,  on  the  ground  of  the 
original  meaning  of  the  preposition  itself,  but  hardly  so  in  O.  E.  It  may  be 
that  in  many  such  cases  in  O.  E.  the  present  object  of  the  infinitive  (synne)  was 
originally  object  of  the  main  verb  (bisorga$),  so  that  the  infinitive  could  have 
its  natural  purpose  force,  as  further  explication.  But  in  both  O.  F.  and  O.  E., 
constructions  like  this  with  verbs  of  dislike,  sorrowing,  etc.,  w*ould  easily  arise 
by  analogy  of  words  like  desire  +  infinitive.”] 

forhtian,  be  afraid,  fear: 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  538b:  Be  Sam  we  forhtiad  fela  to  sprecenne  (or  objective?). — 
76.  II.  554* 3 :  Seah  ne  forhtiatS  to  wunigenne  on  heora  unrihtwisnyssum  (or 
objective?). 

forsc(e)ami(g)an,  be  ashamed: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  18.189:  ic  nu  forsceamige  to  secganne  mine  un- 
geleaffulnesse. 

Wulf.  275.23:  forSam  na  Set  he  naht,  forsceame  he  Sset  riht  to  secgenne. 

geunlustian,  loathe: 

Bl.  Horn.  59.9:  se  lichoma  geunlustad  Sa  geogoSlustas  to  fremmenne  (or 
objective?). 


B.  THE  INFINITIVE  OF  SPECIFICATION  WITH  VERBS. 

Aside  from  denoting  Specification  (or  Respect  Wherein)  with  Adjectives 
(already  treated  in  Chapter  XI),  occasionally  the  infinitive,  always  inflected, 
seems  to  be  used  with  a  verb  to  denote  Specification:  — 

1.  With  an  Active  Finite  Verb. 

drefan,  trouble: 

Mf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  283:  To  hwy  gedrefest  Su  abbot  Sine  geSohtas  to 
geceswicianne  on  me  (or  final?). 

efstan,  hasten: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  364:  swa  miccle  swiSor  we  efstaS  to  lybbenne  swa  micclum 
swa  we  swiSor  on  Sissere  oncnawennysse  Seonde  beoS  (or  final?). 

forlaetan,  leave: 

Bede  82.22:  Ses  mon  is  his  seolfes  dome  to  forlcetenne,  oSSe  be  cirican  ingonge, 
oSSe  to  onfonne  Ssem  geryne  =  58.25:  iste  profecto  siue  de  ingressu  ecclesiae, 
seu  de  sumendo  dominici  corporis  sanguinisque  mysterio,  suo  est  iudicio  re- 
linquendus.  [Cf.  Chapter  III,  p.  78.] 

slawian,  be  or  become  sluggish: 


162 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  224:  hwses  wilnast  bu  fram  me  to  hsebbenne  obbe  to 
witenne  bset  bu  ne  slawedest  swa  micel  geswinc  to  gefremmanne  for  minum 
bingum? 

2.  With  a  Passive  Finite  Verb. 

abysgian,  occupy,  engage: 

Wcerf.  88.18:  bat  se  msessepreost  wees  unwenlice  abysgod  wingeard  to 
settanne  =  212  C1:  Qui  videlicet  sacerdos  inopinate  contigit  ut  ad  putandam 
vineam  esset  occupatus  (or  final?). 

(ge)l£eran,  teach,  instruct: 

Wcerf.  180.26:  bset  he  gelcered  wees  wyrta  to  begangenne  =  217  C1:  Quod  vir 
gentilis  valde  libenter  accepit,  cum  in  nutriendis  oleribus  quia  peritus  esset 
audivit. 

All  of  the  foregoing  examples,  with  both  active  and  passive  verbs,  seem 
doubtful  to  me  except  Wcerf.  180.26. 

C.  THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

I  have  found  very  little  concerning  the  Consecutive  Use  of  the  Infinitive 
in  Anglo-Saxon.  Dr.  K.  Kohler  and  Dr.  Wulfing  do  not  treat  this  use  apart 
from  that  of  purpose.  In  his  “  The  Clause  of  Result  in  Old  English  Prose, ” 
Dr.  A.  R.  Benham  does  not  include  the  infinitive.  Professor  Einenkel  treats 
the  construction  in  Middle  English,  but  says  nothing  of  it  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
Matzner  treats  the  consecutive  infinitive  after  particles  (so,  as,  such,  enough, 
too,  more  than),  in  III,  48-49,  and  the  infinitive  of  result  that  is  loosely  con¬ 
nected  with  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  in  III,  49-50,  but  he  says  nothing  of 
either  use  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Koch,  too,  has  a  word  about  the  infinitive  after 
particles,  in  II,  64,  but  likewise  says  nothing  of  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
Aside  from  these  two  statements,  the  most  specific  comments  are  those  by 
Dr.  Buchtenkirch,  Dr.  Hoser,  and  Dr.  Kenyon,  which  are  quoted  below. 

At  times  the  inflected  infinitive  denotes  Tendency  or  Result,  and  in  such 
use  is  found  (a)  with  Adjectives  and  (b)  with  Verbs. 

1.  With  Adjectives. 

It  is  difficult  to  distinguish  this  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  adjec¬ 
tives  to  denote  tendency  or  result  from  its  use  with  adjectives  to  denote  speci¬ 
fication  (or  respect  wherein).  But  in  the  examples  below,  those  in  which  the 
adjective  is  preceded  by  an  adverb  ( swa  or  to)  seem  to  me  pretty  certainly  to 
denote  tendency  or  result,  and  thus  to  be  clearly  differentiated  from  the  in¬ 
flected  infinitive  with  adjectives  as  treated  in  Chapter  XI.  Even  this  use  with 
swa  and  to  has  been  denied  to  Anglo-Saxon,  as  by  Dr.  Buchtenkirch,  l.  c., 
p.  41,  who,  in  speaking  of  this  construction  in  Occleve,  declares:  “  Im  Angel- 
sachsischen  scheint  der  Infinitiv  in  dieser  Verbindung  garnicht  vorzukommen; 
wenigstens  fiihren  Matzner  und  Kohler  keine  Belege  an.” 

I  cite  all  of  what  seem  to  me  the  clearer  examples:  — 

With  several  adjectives: 

Bl.  Horn.  109.29,  30:  Ne  beo  nsenig  man  her  on  worldrice  on  his  gebohte 
to  modig,  ne  on  his  lichoman  to  strang,  ne  niba  to  georn,  ne  bealwes  to  beald,  ne 
bregda  to  full,  ne  inwit  (sic!)  to  leof,  ne  wrohtas  to  webgenne,  ne  searo  to  renigenne. 


THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


163 


Nic.  506.1:  Obbe  hwaet  eart  bu  swa  my  cel  7  eac  swa  lytel  7  swa  nySerlic  7 
eft  up  swa  heah  7  swa  wunderlic  on  anes  mannes  hywe  us  to  oferdryfenne  % 

Wulf.  253. 7a*  b,  8a*  b>  c:  ne  syn  we  to  gifre  ne  to  frece  ne  to  firenlustgeorne  ne 
to  cefestige  ne  to  inwitfulle  ne  to  tcelende  ne  to  twigspraece  ne  mo r ‘5 or  to  begangenne 
ne  abas  to  swerianne  ne  nibas  to  fremmanne  ne  leasunga  to  scecganne  ne  beofenda 
to  begangenne . 

aelenge,  tedious: 

Solil.  59.31:  ac  me  bincb  nu  baet  to  lang  aeall  to  rimande  (sic!)  and  be  to 
celenge  to  gehyranne  =  0. 
beald,  bold: 

Wcerf.  132.13:  he  naes  naht  beald  him  to  to  ganne  =  B.  162.A2:  non  ausus 
accedere  sese  in  terram  dedit. 
carful,  careful: 

/Elf.  Horn.  I.  340b  2:  baet  hi  ne  beob  ealles  swa  carfulle  to  beganne  ba  ear- 
foblican  drohtnunge. 
eald,  old: 

Elf.  L.  S.  XXV.  94:  ic  eom  eald  to  hiwigenne  (or  specification?), 
genoh,  enough: 

Boeth.  135.9:  Ac  on  baem  hi  habbab  genoh  to  ongitanne  baet  etc.  =  114.189: 
Hoc  tantum  perspexisse  sufficiat. 

Greg.  415.35:  hwilum  him  byncb  baet  he  haebbe  fierst  genogne  to  hreowsianne 
=  338.2:  moclo  adhuc  tempus  subsequens  ad  pcenitentiam  pollicetur. 

Wcerf.  49.16:  gewearb  bam  gebrobrum  baer  genoh  rum  stow  wyrta  on  to 
settanne  =  184  B:  invenerunt  .  .  .  suoque  secessu  largum  fratribus  spatium 
dedisse. 

Hept.:  Ex.  16.16:  ba3t  selc  man  gadrie  swa  micel  baet  he  genoh  haebbe  to 
etanne  =  colligat  .  .  .  quantum  sufficit  ad  vescendum.  —  Ex.  17.6:  bast  waeter 
gaeb  ut  of  him,  baet  baet  folc  haefb  genoh  to  drincanne  =  exibit  ex  ea  aqua,  ut 
bibat  populus. 
geomful,  eager: 

Solil.  63.11:  Acsa  bin  agen  mod  for  hwi  hyt  swa  willen  si  and  swa  geomful 
to  witanne  baette  aer  waes  =  0. 
lang  [-0-],  long ,  tedious: 

Bede  174.22:  wundro  .  .  ba  be  nu  to  long  to  secgenne  syndon  =  143.30: 
sed  haec  nos  ad  alia  tendentes,  suis  narrare  permittimus. 

Solil.  59.30:  ac  me  bincb  nu  bast  to  lang  aeall  to  rimande  (sic!),  and  be  to 
aelenge  to  gehyranne. 

Lcece.  56.19:  laecedomas  .  .  .  ne  sculon  on  ane  brage  to  lange  beon  to 
donne. 

lustsumlic,  pleasant: 

Oros.  120.3:  Ic  nat  ...  for  hwi  eow  Romanum  sindon  ba  aerran  gewin 
swa  wel  gelicad  7  swa  lustsumlice  on  leobcwidum  to  gehieranne  =  0. 
mihtig,  powerful: 

Bl.  Horn.  223.22:  Tobaes  mihtig  he  .  .  .  waes  .  .  .  untrumnesse  to  hcelenne. 
—  Ib.  235.36,  237.1:  ic  eom  mihtig  .  .  .  eal  to  donne  &  ...  to  ceteowenne  swa 
hwaet  me  licab. 

Elf.  Horn.  I.  296bl:  we  beob  .  .  .  mihtige  to  gefremmenne  swa  hwaet  swa 
us  licab.  •  .. 

strang  [mihtig  and  — ],  strong: 


164 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  9.127a>  b:  he  gedyde  hi  sona  mihtige  and  strange  to 
wi&standenne  heora  feondum. 

swi?5,  strong,  'powerful: 

Dan.  285:  trn  eart  mihtum  swi<5  ni<5as  to  nergenne ! 

Az.  6 :  <5u  eart  meahtum  swi&  nibas  to  nergenne. 

ungeomful,  negligent: 

Greg.  239.2:  obbe  eft  sio  bilewitnes  &  sio  anfealdnes  hine  to  ungeornfulne 
gedoo  to  ongietanne,  <5ylses  he  weorbe  besolcen  =  180.14:  quatenus  nec  seducti 
per  prudentiam  calleant,  nec  ab  intellectus  studio  ex  simplicitate  torpescant. 

unstrang,  not  strong: 

Mart.  146.14:  his  browung  wses  be  lengre  ond  by  heardre  by  be  hyra  handa 
waeron  unstrange  hine  to  acwellane. 

Wcerf.  63.19:  se  be  naht  unstrang  nis  wrsece  to  donne  =  193  B3:  qui  ad 
inferendam  ultionem  quam  voluerit,  invalidus  non  est  (or  final?). 

unswete,  unsweet: 

Lcece.  16.2:  gif  bu  hine  nimest  j  gaderast  set  fylne  bonne  ne  bib  he  to  un¬ 
swete  to  gestincanne. 

2.  With  Verbs. 

Verbs  meaning  to  incite,  to  persuade,  to  compel,  to  prepare,  to  suffice,  and  the 
like  are  followed  by  an  inflected  infinitive  denoting  tendency  or  result.  It  is 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  draw  a  hard-and-fast  line  between  the  consecu¬ 
tive  use  of  the  infinitive  denoting  tendency  or  result  and  the  final  use  of  the 
infinitive  denoting  purpose,  so  imperceptibly  does  the  one  use  pass  into  the 
other.  Accordingly,  as  noted  below,  a  few  of  my  examples  for  the  consecu¬ 
tive  use  are  by  others,  notably  by  Dr.  Kenyon,  put  under  the  final  use.  In¬ 
deed,  Dr.  Kenyon’s  second  subdivision  of  the  “  The  Prepositional  Infinitive 
of  Purpose,”  in  which,  as  he  states,  l.  c .,  p.  18,  “  The  infinitive  often  denotes, 
not  so  much  a  consciously  conceived,  final  purpose  of  the  action  of  the  govern¬ 
ing  verb,  as  simply  the  direction,  tendency,  or  destiny  of  it,”  is  scarcely  dis¬ 
tinguishable  from  what  he  (on  p.  59)  and  I  both  consider  the  consecutive  use. 
On  the  other  hand,  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  60,  considers  that,  in  AElf.  L.  S.  368.78 
(ne  galdras  ne  sece,  to  gremigenne  his  scyppend),  the  infinitive  is  consecutive, 
but  to  me  it  seems  final.  Once  more:  unquestionably  to  some  the  inflected 
infinitive  after  verbs  like  tilian,  1  strive  for/  may  seem  to  belong  either  here 
under  the  consecutive  use  or  in  Chapter  X  under  the  final  use;  but,  as  this 
verb  is  followed  also  by  the  uninflected  infinitive,  I  have  considered  the  infini¬ 
tive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  after  it  as  objective  rather  than  as 
adverbial.  Again,  in  some  of  the  examples  below  (especially  with  verbs  of 
compelling)  we  may  have  an  inflected  predicative  instead  of  a  consecutive  infini¬ 
tive:  see  the  note  to  neadian.  Finally,  it  should  be  added  that  Dr.  Hoser,  l.  c., 
p.  38,  cites  Doomsday,  1.  186  (nsenig  sprsec  mseg  beon,  spellum  areccan  senegum 
on  eorban  earmlice  witu),  as  having  an  uninflected  infinitive  of  result,  and 
that  he  is  quoted  approvingly  by  Professor  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  60,  but  to  me 
areccan  seems  predicative  after  mceg. 

I.  WITH  AN  ACTIVE  FINITE  VERB. 

The  inflected  infinitive  is  found  after  the  active  of  the  following  verbs  to 
denote  tendency  or  result :  — 


THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


165 


aweccan,  awake,  incite. 
b sedan,  compel. 
deah,  avail. 
gearcian,  prepare. 
gebiegan,  bend,  force. 
gegearwian,  make  ready. 
gehwierfan,  turn. 
gel  sedan,  lead. 

gemedemian  (hine),  humble  one's  self,  condescend. 

geneah,  suffice. 

geniedan,  force. 

genihtsumian,  suffice. 

gescierpan,  sharpen. 

geweman,  persuade. 


gremian,  provoke. 

hieonian,  lean,  incline. 

manian,  admonish,  urge. 

neadian,  compel. 

niedan  [-y-],  compel. 

onselan,  incite. 

onstyrian,  stir. 

sellan,  give. 

teon,  draw,  induce. 

trymman,  strengthen,  encourage. 

(5eowan,  force,  threaten. 

tSreatian,  force. 

tSywan  [-i-],  force,  threaten. 

weaxan,  grow. 


The  clearer  examples  in  full  are :  — 
aweccan,  awaken,  incite: 

Bede  268.31:  baet  he  eorb-bigengan  awecce  hine  to  ondrcedanne  =  211.1:  ut 
terrigenas  ad  timendum  se  suscitet  (considered  by  Wulfing,2  l.  c.,  II,  p.  217,  as 
final;  by  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  60,  as  consecutive). 

Chad  185:  he  leobrab  of  heofone  baet  he  ba  eorblican  mod  awecceS  hine  to 
ondredenne. 

baedan,  compel: 

Lcece.  86.27a:  hcede  to  spiwanne. 
deah,  avail: 

Lcece.  68.27 :  Dicge  baet  brob  7  eac  deah  netle  gesoden  on  waetre  7  geselt  to 
cficganne  7  eac  ellenes  leaf  etc.  —  lb.  72.11:  wyrt,  seo  deah  to  drincanne.  —  76. 
122. 12a*  b:  beos  sealf  deah  wib  aeghwylcum  geswelle  to  Sicganne  7  to  smergenne 
on  swa  hwylcum  lime  swa  hit  on  bib. 
gearcian,  prepare: 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  84m:  He  gearcaft  urne  godan  willan  to  fultumigenne. 
gebiegan,  bend: 

Pr.  Ps.  34.13:  Ic  .  .  .  gebigde  min  mod  to  fcestenne  =  humiliabam  in  jejunio 
animam  meam.  [Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  31,  seems  to  consider  this  an  instance 
of  the  accusative  with  predicative  inflected  infinitive,  while  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c., 
p.  19,  considers  the  infinitive  to  be  final  in  sense;  but  see  neadian.] 
gegearwian,  make  ready: 

Wulf.  35.11:  baet  is,  baet  he  gegearwaS  his  heortan  gode  on  to  wunianne. 

gehwierfan,  turn: 

Greg.  255.16:  for  baem  sio  medtrymnes  baet  mod  gehwierfft  gehwelces  monnes 
hine  selfne  to  ongietanne  =  192.26:  molestia  corporalis,  quae  ad  cognitionem  sui 
mentem  revocat. 
gelaedan,  lead: 

Bede  468. 7a-  b:  he  hine  7  his  beode  gelcedde  to  mcersianne  7  to  weor&ianne 
ba  .  .  .  tide  =  332.19:  se  suosque  omnes  ad  .  .  .  tempus  celebrandum  perduxit. 
gemedemian  (hine),  humble  one’s  self,  condescend:  see  pp.  54-55  above, 
geneah,  suffice: 

Bl.  Horn.  165.5:  naenig  .  .  .  tunge  ne  geneah  baes  .  .  .  engles  godcund 
maegen  to  gesecgenne. 

geniedan  [-y-],  force,  compel: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  360:  miltsa  me  baet  bu  me  ne  genyde  to  areccenne  mine 
gescyndnysse.  —  76.  XXIII  B.  381 :  hu  ic  to  syngigenne  genydde  aegber  ge  ba 
earman  willendan  and  ba  earman  syllendan. 


166 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


Wulf.  200.6:  arserab  him  anlicnesse,  and  bserto  hi  genydaS  men  to  gebiddanne. 
genihtsumian  [-y-],  suffice: 

Mart.  104.12:  ne  genyhtsumad  senigum  men  to  asecganne  bses  acennedan 
engles  msegen  Johannes. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  90m1*2:  heorte  .  .  be  ne  genihtsumaS  to  underfonne 
Godes  word,  ne  nsenne  wsestm  to  spryttanne. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  788:  seo  leo  .  .  .  scrsef  geworhte  swa  micel  swa 
genihtsumode  bsere  halgan  to  byrgenne. 

gescierpan  [-y-],  sharpen : 

Wcerf.  269.21:  buton  hit  gescyrpe  ba  bing  to  geseonne  seo  unlichamlice  wise 
=  329  A1:  nisi  hunc  res  incorporea  ad  videndum  acueret. 
geweman,  persuade: 

Mlf.  Int.  504:  bset  is  seo  costnung  be  gewemd  bone  man  to  synnigenne 
=  qua  [=  tentatione]  peccato  implicamur. 
gremian,  provoke: 

Lcece.  55.26:  hine  mon  seel  neahtnestigne  tyhtan  and  gremian  to  spiwanne. 
hleonian,  lean,  incline: 

Bede  258.21:  ealra  willa  hleonade  to  geheranne  ba  gefean  =  205.8:  omnium 
uota  ad  nuper  audita  .  .  .  gaudia  penderent. 
manian  [-0-],  admonish,  urge: 

Seafarer  38:  monaQ  modes  lust  msela  gehwylce  ferb  to  feran  (sic!),  bset  ic 
feor  heonan  elbeodigra  eard  gesece. 

Wcerf.  265.20:  for  hwan  wolde  he  bonne  ealle  men  manegian  samod  mid 
him  to  gehyranne  bone  sende  bsere  sprsece?  =  324  B :  cur  ad  audiendum  loquendi 
finem  secum  pariter  omnes  admonebatf 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  520b  u  2:  Des  apostolica  freolsdseg  mana&  us  to  sprecenne, 
and  sum  bing  eow  to  seegenne  be  bam  gesseligan  heape. 
neadian,  compel: 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  114*:  HealdacS  bis  fseste  on  eowerum  heortum,  bset  se  .  .  . 
God  nsenne  mann  ne  neadaS  to  syngigenne.  [Cf.  Matzner,  l.  c.,  III.  p.  31,  who 
seems  inclined  to  consider  this  an  instance  of  the  predicative  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject.] 

Mlf.  Hept.:  De  N.  T.  21.31 :  se  be  oberne  neadad  ofer  his  mihte  to  drincenne. 
niedan  [-y-],  compel: 

Greg.  271.16:  forbsem  hie  hie  selfe  nida&  to  healdonne  ungemetlice  swigean, 
&  forbsem  beob  suibe  forbrycte  =  204.19:  ut  eo  plus  cogitationes  in  mente 
ferveant,  quo  illas  violenta  custodia  indiscreti  silentii  angustat. 

Mart.  166.21 :  Done  nydde  Decius  se  casere  deofolgeld  to  begangenne. 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  376m:  Far  nu  geond  wegas  and  hegas,  and  nyd  hi  inn  to 
farenne.  [Cf.  L.  14.23:  Ga  geond  bas  wegas  and  hegas  and  nyd  hig  bset  hig  gan 
in  =  Exi  in  vias  et  sepes,  et  compelle  intrare.] 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  102.36*:  Ga  geond  wegas  and  hegas,  and  nyd  hi  in  to 
farenne. 

Lcece.  86.24:  nede  hine  to  spiwanne. 
onselan,  incite: 

Wcerf.  109.30:  he  tihte  and  oncelde  obre  men  bus  to  arcefnienne  =  B.  140  A2: 
qui  passionum  certamina  non  solum  ipse  appetit,  sed  ad  toleranda  hsec  et  alios 
accendit. 

onstyrian,  stir: 


THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


167 


Wcerf.  224.23:  ne  mihte  na  onstyrian  his  fet  to  ganne  =  273  C1:  gressum 
movere  non  potuit. 
sellan  [-i— ],  give: 

&lf.  Hept.:  Num.  11.13:  Site  us  flsesc  to  etanne  =  Da  nobis  carnes,  ut 
comedamas  (or  final?), 
teon,  draw,  induce: 

Attf.  L.  S.  316.148:  On  hwilcum  godum  tihst  bu  us  to  gelyfennef 
trymman,  strengthen,  encourage: 

Bede  124.26:  gewrit,  mid  by  he  hine  trymede  to  onfonne  Cristes  leafan 
=  100.18:  exhortatorias  ad  fidem  litteras  .  .  .  accepit  (or  final?), 
beowan,  force,  threaten: 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  9.342:  beah  be  he  mid  huxe  hine  hete  gebindan  and 
hine  Seowde  to  ofsleanne  mid  bam  folce  (or  objective?), 
breatian,  force: 

Boeth.  138.2:  wyrde  be  oft  SreataS  ba  yflan  to  witnianne  =  117.27:  iusto 
supplicio  malos  cohercet. 

bywan  [— i— ],  force,  threaten: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  174b  2:  Benedicte,  be  hi  ser  for  heora  stuntum  wordum  Siwde 
to  amansumigenne  (or  objective?).  —  lb.  II.  308b:  Da  Sywde  se  casere  hine  to 
swingenne  (or  objective?), 
weaxan,  grow: 

Greg.  263.18:  hie  sculon  uparisan  &  weaxan  a  ma  &  ma  to  lufigeanne  ba 
godcundan  weorc  =  198.20:  sed  ad  amoris  gratiam  nutrimento  caritatis  ex- 
crescant  (cited  also  by  Dr.  Kenyon,  p.  60,  as  consecutive). 


II.  WITH  PASSIVE  VERBS. 


Occasionally  the  inflected  infinitive  is  used  after  the  passive  of  the  follow¬ 
ing  verbs  to  denote  tendency  or  result :  — 


afysan,  impel. 
ascierpan,  sharpen. 
baeman,  incite. 
forSgelaedan,  lead  forth. 
(ge)baedan,  compel. 
(ge)cierran,  turn,  move. 


(ge)fysan,  incite. 
(ge)laedan,  lead. 
(ge)manian,  admonish. 
(ge)neadian,  compel. 
(ge)niedan,  compel. 


onaelan,  kindle,  incite. 

onwendan  [-waend-],  move. 
settan,  set,  appoint. 
sponan,  persuade. 
under<5eodan,  subject. 


I  cite  all  the  clearer  examples  that  I  have  observed :  — 

afysan,  impel: 

Ph.  275:  Donne  afysed  bid  agenne  eard  eft  to  secan  (sic!). 

ascierpan,  sharpen: 

Greg.  69.13:  bonne  we  mid  bsem  lsecedome  godra  weorca  gefultumab  urum 
ondgite  bset  hit  biS  ascirped  to  ongietenne  ba  bierhtu  bees  soban  leohtes  =  44.1: 
cum  ad  cognoscendam  veri  luminis  claritatem  intellectus  nostri  aciem  medica- 
mine  operationis  adjuvamus  (or  final,  as  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  19,  holds?). 

baeman,  incite: 

Bede  330. 18a*  b,  19:  men  .  .  .  wceron  bcernde  .  .  .  to  gebiddenne  ge  aelmessan 
to  sellenne  ge  Gode  asaegdnesse  to  beranne  =  252. 5a*  b>  c:  accensi  sunt  ...  ad 
orandum  uel  ad  elimosynas  faciendas,  uel  ad  offerendas  Deo  uictimas  sacrae  obla- 
tionis  (or  final,  as  Dr.  Shearin,1  l.  c.,  p.  31,  holds?). 

forbgelaedan,  lead,  induce: 

Oros.  290.10:  Firmus  wearS  gefangen,  j  fordgelceded  to  sleanne  =  291.9: 
Firmum  coegit  ad  mortem. 


168 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


(ge)baedan,  compel: 

Greg.  251.13:  bonne  hio  hire  unbonces  gebcedd  wierB  baet  yfel  to  forlcetanne 
=  190.14:  cum  jam  egredi  anima  urgetur. 

(ge)cierran,  turn,  move: 

Greg.  99.19:  for  mildheortnesse  wees  bonon  gecierred  to  smeaganne  hu  flaescli- 
cum  mo(n)num  gedafenode  on  hira  burcotum  &  on  hiera  beddum  to  donne 
=  68.17:  tamen  per  condescensionis  viscera  carnalium  cubile  perscrutatur. 
(ge)fysan,  incite: 

Beow.  2562:  ba  wees  hringbogan  heorte  gefysed  saecce  to  seceanne. 

(ge)laedan,  lead: 

Weerf.  227.26:  bonne  baet  .  .  .  mod  by 3  gelceded  ofer  hit  self  hwaethwylces 
to  geseonne  -  277  D1 :  cum  mens  .  .  .  ultra  se  ad  videndum  ducitur,  necesse 
est  ut  etc. 

(ge)manian,  admonish: 

Greg.  259.20:  bonne  beo  we  suigende  gemanode  mid  baere  mettrymnesse  ura 
synna  to  gemunanne  =  196.9:  ad  peccatorum  nostrorum  memoriam  taciti 
afflictique  revocamur. 

(ge)neadian,  force: 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  376b4:  Se  bi<5  geneadod  to  cumenne . 

(ge)niedan  [-e-],  compel: 

Bede  368.17:  he  wees  oferswibed  7  geneded  to  onfonne  ba  begnunge  bisco- 
phades  =  272.29:  ad  suscipiendum  episcopatus  officium  collum  submittere 
compellitur. 

Greg.  302. 19a*  b:  weorSen  geniedde  h[i]era  unbeawas  to  herianne  &  to  weorSi - 
anne  -  230.2:  compellantur  eorum  etiam  vitia  venerari . 
onselan,  kindle,  incite: 

Greg.  383.18,  19:  Godes  begn  se  be  mid  baem  andan  onceled  biB  godcundre 
lufan  unbeawas  to  ofsleanne=  298.16:  Si  ergo  ille  Dei  dicitur  qui  ad  ferienda 
vitia  zelo  divini  amoris  excitatur. 

onwendan  [-waend-],  move: 

Weerf.  195.10:  ba  wees  eac  se  cyning  .  .  .  onweended  to  begangenne  baes 
biscopes  arwyrbnysse  =  237  C1:  Tunc  ad  ejus  reverentiam  colendam  rex  ipse 
permotus  est. 

settan,  set,  appoint: 

Wulf.  304.29:  eac  is  geset  swibe  micel  daedbot  swylcum  mannum  to  donne 
and  to  betenne  (or  final?), 
sponan,  persuade: 

Bede  220.31:  he  wees  swibust  gesponen  to  onfonne  Cristes  geleafan  from 
Oswies  suna  =  170.7 :  persuasus  maxime  ad  percipiendam  fidem  a  filio  regis 
Osuiu. 

underbeodan,  subject: 

Mlf.  Horn.  II.  116*:  forban  be  we  sind  eadmodlice,  mid  lichaman  and  mid 
sawle,  godcundlicum  spraecum  underdeodde  to  gefyllenne  his  beboda,  baet  he  us 
his  behat  gelaeste. 

Note.  —  Possible  but  not  Probable  Examples  of  the  Inflected  Infinitive  of  Result  occur  after 
the  active  of  the  following  verbs,  which  have  been  left  under  the  Objective  Use:  —  ceteowan, 
‘show:’  Bl.  Horn.  169.9;  beotigan ,  ‘boast,/  ‘threaten:’  Chad  193;  elcian,  ‘delay:’  Mlf. 
Horn.  II.  282;  gedihtan,  ‘direct:’  Wulf.  10.10;  higian,  ‘strive  for/  ‘be  intent  on:’  Weerf. 
178.3a'b;  toecan,  ‘teach:’  Greg.  165.10;  Mlf.  Horn.  II.  216b 


THE  ABSOLUTE  INFINITIVE. 


169 


D.  THE  ABSOLUTE  INFINITIVE. 

The  Absolute  Use  of  the  Infinitive  Matzner,  l.  c.,  Ill,  p.  53,  characterizes 
as  follows:  “Von  anderer  Art  sind  prapositionale  Infinitive,  zum  Theil  paren- 
thetischer  Natur,  welche  eine  Reflexion  des  Redenden,  die  Absicht  desselben 
bei  der  Darstellung  ihrem  Gehalte  oder  ihrer  Form  nach,  eine  Erklarung, 
Erinnerung  oder  Versicherung  dem  Zuhorer  oder  Leser  gegeniiber  enthalten.” 
After  giving  examples  like  to  be  short,  to  say  truth,  etc.,  in  Modern  English  and 
in  Middle  English,  he  adds,  p.  54:  “  Im  Ags.  sind  mir  dergleichen  unabhangige 
Infinitive  nicht  aufgestossen.”  I  had  discovered  the  examples  of  the  absolute 
use  of  hrcedest  to  secgenne  in  Wulfstan  before  I  came  upon  the  following  from 
Sohrauer,  who,  l.  c.,  p.  27,  after  quoting  the  foregoing  passage  from  Matzner, 
adds:  “  Einen  beleg  fur  das  ae.  bietet  Napier’s  Wulfstan,  36.6,”  and  quotes 
one  example  of  hrcedest  to  secganne 1  given  below,  but  not  the  others.  Wiilfing,2 
l.  c.,  II,  p.  224,  calls  attention  to  the  absolute  use  of  to  metanne  wiS  in  Boethius. 
Professor  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  p.  240,  speaks  of  the  construction  in  Middle  English 
and  declares  that  it  exists  in  Anglo-Saxon,  but  he  does  not  give  any  examples 
from  the  latter.  Koch,  l.  c.,  II,  p.  69,  Dr.  Scholz,  and  Dr.  Druve  treat  the 
idiom  in  Modern  English  only;  Dr.  Zeitlin,  in  Middle  English  only.  The 
idiom  is  not  discussed  by  Dr.  Karl  Kohler.  For  the  construction  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Dr.  Kenyon  merely  refers  to  the  above  passage  from  Sohrauer.  Drs. 
Farrar  and  Riggert  do  not  mention  the  idiom. 

The  infinitive  is  inflected  in  all  cases  except  two.  The  two  uninflected 
infinitives  and  several  of  the  inflected  infinitives  are  doubtful.  I  give  all 
the  examples  that  I  have  observed :  — 

(1)  The  Uninflected  Infinitive: 

Oros.  46.16,  17b:  Heora  twa  wseron  heora  cwena,  Marsepia  /  Lampida 
waeron  hatene.  Hie  heora  here  on  tu  todseldon;  ober  set  ham  beon  heora  lond 
to  healdanne,  ober  nt  far  an  to  winnanne  =  47.16:  Harum  duae  fuere  reginae, 
Marsepia  et  Lampedo,  quae  agmine  diviso  in  duas  partes,  vicissim  curam  belli 
et  domus  custodiam  sortiebantur.  [The  foregoing  seems  to  me  to  be  a  possible 
instance  of  what  I  should  call  an  absolute  infinitive  with  an  accusative  subject, 
by  which  I  mean  an  accusative-and-infinitive  phrase  standing  in  an  absolute 
or  loose  relation  to  the  rest  of  the  sentence;  and  I  have  put  the  passage  in 
Chapter  VIII,  p.  118.  It  is  possible,  of  course,  as  claimed  by  Drs.  Einenkel2 
and  Zeitlin,3  that  o&er  here  is  nominative,  not  accusative;  but  I  prefer  to  be¬ 
lieve  with  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  137,  that  ofter  is  accusative  neuter,  possibly  due 
to  the  influence  of  tu.  Dr.  Kenyon,  however,  considers  oSer  to  be,  not  the 
subject  of  the  infinitive,  but  an  appositive  each  to  butu;  and  the  infinitives  to 
denote  purpose  after  todeeldon.  Somewhat  similar,  apparently,  is  the  view  of 
Dr.  Wiilfing,2 1.  c.,  II,  §  487 :  “  Im  Or.  [46.16, 17b]  steht  der  Infinitiv  einmal  ganz 
unabhangig  zur  Angabe  des  Zweckes;  ”  though  he  clearly  considers  that  the 
use  leans  more  to  the  absolute  than  does  Dr.  Kenyon.  Whether  Dr.  Wiilfing 
considers  these  infinitives,  also,  to  be  the  predicates  of  o&er-o$er  is  not  clear. 
And  there  is  the  same  uncertainty  on  this  point  in  the  statement  of  Dr.  Shearin,4 

1  Mohrbutter,  l.  c.,  p.  35,  considers  that  the  infinitive  is,  not  absolute,  but  dependent  on  hrcedest,  which  he 
takes  to  be  an  adjective. 

2  Einenkel,3 1.  c.,  p.  1076.  3  Zeitlin, * 1.  c.,  p.  145.  4  Wiilfing,3  l.  c.,  II,  p.  224. 


170 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


Z.  c.,  p.  15:  “Twice  we  find  the  simple  infinitive  following  loosely  the  main 
verb  as  a  final  element.”  He  then  cites  the  Orosius  passage  as  one  example 
and  Luke  1.17  as  another.  Concerning  the  latter  see  Chapter  X,  p.  148, 
Note  2.] 

(2)  The  Inflected  Infinitive: 

Perhaps  the  clearest  example  of  the  absolute  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
is  to  be  found  in  the  phrase  hrcedest  to  secganne,  1  to  speak  briefly/  of  which  I 
give  all  the  clearer  examples  observed:  Wulf.  27.1:  byder  sculon  wiccan  and 
wigleras  and,  hrcedest  to  secganne,  ealle  ba  manfullan,  be  ser  yfel  worhton  and 
noldan  geswican  ne  wib  god  bingian;  —  ib.  36.7:  bonne  wyrb  bset  wseter  mid 
bam  halgan  gaste  burhgoten,  and,  hrcedest  to  secganne,  eal,  bset  se  sacerd  deb 
burh  ba  halgan  benunge  gesawenlice,  eal  hit  fulfremeb  se  halga  gast  gerynelice; 

—  ib.  115.3:  bider  sculan  beofas  .  .  .  and,  hrcedest  to  secganne,  ealle  ba  man¬ 
fullan. —  With  this  infinitive  phrase  compare  the  following:  Boeth.  39.10: 
Swa  hit  is  nu  hra&ost  to  secganne  be  eallum  bam  woruldgesselbum  be  seo  wyrd 
brengb,  bset  etc.  =  42.63:  Postremo  idem  de  tota  concludere  fortuna  licet  etc.; 

—  ib.  41.3:  Daet  is  nu  hratSost  to  secganne,  [bset  ic  wilnode]  weorbfullice  to 
libbanne  =  46.80:  0;  —  Wulf.  158.16:  godcunde  hadas  wseron  nu  lange  swa 
forsawene  .  .  .  and  hrcedest  is  to  cweSenne  godes  laga  labe  and  lara  forsewene; 

—  ib.  204.2:  bider  scylan  wiccan  and  wigleras,  and,  rarest  is  to  scecgenne,  ealle 
ba  manfullan. 

Another  phrase  used  absolutely  is  to  metanne  wits,  1  to  compare  with/  ‘  in 
comparison  with/  which,  as  stated  above,  is  mentioned  by  Wiilfing,1  and 
occurs  as  follows:  Boeth .  29.6:  forbsem  be  ober  twega  obbe  hit  nan  god  nis  for 
eow  selfe,  obbe  beah  forlytel  god  wib  eow  to  metane  =  36.28:  quae  tametsi 
conditoris  opera  suique  distinctione  postremo  aliquid  pulchritudinis  trahunt, 
infra  uestram  tamen  excellentiam  conlocatae  ammirationem  uestram  nullo 
modo  merebantur;  —  ib.  36.3:  Hu  micle  mare  is  bonne  bses  monnes  lichoma 
to  metenne  wib  bset  mod  bonne  seo  mus  wib  bone  mon  =  41.18:  0;  —  ib.  41.24: 
bonne  meaht  bu  ongetan  bset  he  is  eal  wib  bone  heofon  to  metanne  swilce  an 
lytlu  price  on  bradum  brede  =  44.11:  ad  caeli  spatium  puncti  constat  optinere 
rationem,  id  est  ut,  si  ad  caelestis  globi  magnitudinem  conferatur,  nihil  spatii 
prorsus  habere  iudicetur;  —  ib.  44.26:  beah  he  [=  hlisa]  hwilum  lang  sie,  y  fela 
geara  burhwunige,  he  bib  beah  swibe  scort  to  metanne  wib  bone  be  nsefre  ne 
geendab  =  46.58:  ita  fit,  ut  quamlibet  prolixi  temporis  fama,  si  cum  inex- 
hausta  aeternitate  cogitetur,  non  parua  sed  plane  nulla  esse  uideatur;  —  ib.  72.18: 
bonne  magon  ge  ongitan  bset  he  [=  heofon]  is  ealles  nauht  wib  his  sceppend  to 
metanne  y  wib  his  wealdend  =  65.17:  0;  —  ib.  89.22:  bonne  wile  he  cweban 
bset  sio  beorhtnes  bsere  sunnan  sciman  sie  besternes  to  metanne  wib  ba  ecan 
birhtu  Godes  =  77.17:  0;  —  ib.  130.29,  31a,b:  Swylc  is  bset  bset  we  wyrd 
hatab  be  bam  godcundan  forebonce,  swylce  sio  smeaung  y  sio  gesceadwisnes 
is  to  metanne  wib  bone  gearowitan,  y  swylce  bas  lsenan  bing  biob  to  metanne  wib 
ba  ecan,  y  swilce  bset  hweol  bib  to  metanne  wib  ba  eaxe  =  110.74,  75,  76:  Igitur 
uti  est  ad  intellectum  ratiocinatio,  ad  id  quod  est  id  quod  gignitur,  ad  aeterni- 
tatem  tempus,  ad  punctum  medium  circulus:  id  est  fati  series  mobilis  ad 
prouidentiae  stabilem  simplicitatem.  —  Boeth.  36.3  above,  Dr.  Wiilfing2  (II, 
213)  puts,  allowably,  under  the  infinitive  with  beon  denoting  necessity,  as  he 
probably  does  Boeth.  72.18  and  130.29,  31a>  b,  none  of  which  are  given  by  him 


THE  MODAL  INFINITIVE. 


171 


under  the  absolute  infinitive.  I  have  put  these  examples  here,  despite  their 
doubtfulness,  primarily  to  show  how  the  predicative  infinitive  of  necessity 
passes  over  to  the  absolute  infinitive.  With  the  examples  of  to  metanne  above 
given,  compare  those  that  I  have  given  under  the  Infinitive  of  Necessity  with 
beon,  Chapter  VII.  Perhaps  Met.  21.42  (bonne  wile  he  secgan  bset  bsere 
sunnan  sie  beorhtnes  biostro  beorna  gehwylcum  to  metanne  wib  bset  micle  leoht 
godes  selmihtiges)  belongs  under  the  absolute  use  rather  than  under  necessity. 

Possibly  we  have  the  absolute  use  of  the  infinitive  in  the  Metres  of  Boethius 
6.7:  forbsem  hiora  birhtu  ne  bib  auht  to  gesettanne  wib  bsere  sunnan  leoht;  if 
not,  we  have  an  infinitive  of  necessity  on  the  road  to  becoming  an  absolute 
infinitive. 

In  the  following,  the  infinitive,  though  predicative  and  therefore  given  in 
Chapter  VII,  reminds  one  of  our  modern  idiom, 1  so  to  speak: *  Bede  88.23:  bses 
be  swa  to  cwe&enne  sy  =  62.1:  ut  ita  dixerim. 

We  have  an  infinitive  loosely  connected  with  the  rest  of  the  sentence  in 
the  following  from  the  Lceceboc:  1 .26a* b :  Lsecedomas  gif  men  yrne  blod  of  nebbe ; 
eft  blodsetena,  ge  on  to  bindanne  ge  on  eare,  to  donne  ge  horse  ge  menn;  57.3: 
Wib  wlsettan  j  to  hcetanne  magan.  But  the  idea  of  purpose  is  evident,  and  I 
put  these  examples  in  the  present  chapter  only  because  of  the  looseness  of  the 
connection  with  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  or,  better,  because  of  the  elliptical 
nature  of  the  sentence.  To  the  same  purport  is  the  following  from  Dr.  Shearin,1 
l.  c .,  p.  23:  “  The  following  infinitives  are  used  absolutely,  yet  implying  a  pur¬ 
pose  relation  to  a  main  verb  to  be  supplied,  whose  grammatical  subject  will  be 
logically  the  subject  of  the  phrase;  e.  g.,  Lch.  ii,  188.19:  To  rymanne1  bone 
cealdan  magan  .  .  .  (sc.  1  genim  ;);  id.  304.9:  gealdor  on  to  singanne.” 

E.  THE  CONDITIONAL  INFINITIVE. 

In  the  Martyrology  54.11  (Des  biscop  is  swibe  mihtig  on  frecnum  wisum 
gescyldnesse  to  biddanne),  Dr.  Herzfeld,  the  editor,  translates  the  infinitive  as 
if  it  were  used  to  denote  a  condition:  “  This  bishop  is  very  powerful,  if  asked 
for  protection  in  dangerous  condition.”  To  me,  however,  the  infinitive  seems 
to  specify  the  respect  wherein  the  bishop  was  powerful,  viz.,  ‘  in  praying  for 
protection/  and  to  belong  in  Chapter  XL 

F.  THE  MODAL  INFINITIVE. 

As  stated  in  Chapter  V,  some  consider  that  the  infinitive  in  the  com  .  .  . 
fleogan  construction  denotes  manner.  But  I  have  there  tried  to  show  why  it 
seems  better  to  me  to  consider  that  the  infinitive  is  predicative  in  use  rather 
than  modal. 

Possible,  but  not  probable,  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  used  to 
denote  manner  are  found  in  the  Prose  Psalms,  34.13  (quoted  under  gebiegan) 
and  Boeth.  138.2  (quoted  under  Sreatian)  in  the  section  on  the  consecutive  use 
of  the  infinitive.  See  gemedemian  in  the  same  section. 

In  Orosius  188.10,  11  (sum  his  folc  sende  gind  bset  lond  to  bcernanne  j  to 
hangenne  =  189.7 :  vastatione  circumjacentium  locorum  Flaminium  in  bellum 

1  To  rymanne  should  read  to  wyrmanne:  see  Cockayne,  l.  c.,  II,  188.22;  and  Lace.  57.9.  In  the  former  of 
these  two  passages,  the  infinitive  is  probably  absolute;  but,  in  the  latter,  the  infinitive  seems  to  me  to  modify 
the  noun,  gealdor.  See  Lace.  93.22. 


172 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


excitavit)  and  in  Bede  66. 5a-  b  (<5set  heo  godum  (5eawum  lifgen  under  ciriclecum 
regole  7  sealmas  to  singenne  7  wseccan  to  bigongene,  7  from  .  .  .  unalyfed- 
nessum  heora  heortan  .  .  .  cbene  healden  =  49.10a* b:  bonis  moribus  uiuant 
et  canendis  psalmis  inuigilent,  et  ab  .  .  .  inlicitis  et  cor  et  linguam  et  corpus 
Deo  auctore  conseruent),  the  infinitives  are  possibly  modal,  but  are  probably 
final,  and  have  been  left  in  Chapter  X. 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

In  the  main,  the  differentiation  between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the 
inflected  infinitive  in  the  preceding  adverbial  uses  is  clear.  The  infinitive  of 
specification  with  verbs,  the  consecutive  infinitive,  and  the  absolute  infinitive 
are  regularly  inflected,  as  would  be  expected  from  the  meaning,  the  infinitive 
habitually  denoting  a  relationship  normally  expressed,  in  nouns,  by  a  case 
other  than  the  nominative  or  the  accusative.  In  the  only  two  instances  in 
which  we  have  an  uninflected  infinitive  in  the  adverbial  uses  just  named,  in 
Oros.  46.16, 17b  (already  quoted),  we  have,  as  I  believe,  an  accusative  and  infini¬ 
tive  very  loosely  connected  with  the  remainder  of  the  sentence,  and  it  is  natural 
that  the  infinitive  is  not  inflected.  In  the  causal  use  of  the  infinitive  we  have 
both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected,  but  in  the  former  the  infinitive 
may  possibly,  as  there  indicated,  be  considered  objective  (accusative).  We 
naturally  expect  cause  to  be  expressed  by  the  inflected  infinitive,  as  we  know 
that,  with  nouns,  cause  is  often  expressed  by  the  genitive  case  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

For  the  other  adverbial  uses  of  the  infinitive  in  the  kindred  Germanic 
languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  xii. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS.1 * 


A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

When  a  Noun  is  modified  by  an  infinitive,  the  infinitive  normally  is  inflected, 
but  in  a  few  cases  is  uninflected.  About  242  instances  of  the  former  occur  to 
four  of  the  latter. 

The  infinitive  regularly  follows  the  noun  that  it  modifies,  sometimes  immedi¬ 
ately,  as  in  Wcerf.  198.17  (onfangenre  leafe  to  lifigenne  =  241  C4:  vivendi  licentia 
accepta);  sometimes  with  a  few  words  intervening,  as  in  Woerf.  211.20a’b 
(gif  bu  hwylce  leafe  habbe  me  to  sleanne  y  to  wundianne  =  257  C2:  Si  licentiam 
accepisti  ut  ferias,  ego  non  prohibeo). 

To  me  the  infinitive  with  nouns  seems  prevailingly,  if  not  exclusively, 
active  in  sense  as  in  form.  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  71,  declares,  “  Es  steht  nur 
der  Infinitiv  des  Aktivs,  der  jedoch  passiven  Sinn  haben  kann,”  but  he  does 
not  specifically  cite  any  infinitives  as  passive  in  sense.  If  we  have  an  infini¬ 
tive  that  is  passive  in  sense  when  used  with  a  noun,  we  probably  have  it  in 
such  sentences  as  these:  And.  23:  nses  bser  hlafes  wist  werum  on  bam  wonge, 
ne  wseteres  drync  to  bruconne;  Mlf.  Hept.:  Ex.  16.12:  ic  sende  bisum  folce 
flcesc  to  etanne  =  Vespere  comedetis  carnes;  Mk.  3.20:  baet  hi  naefdon  hlaf  to 
etanne  =  ita  ut  non  possent  neque  panem  manducare.  But,  as  the  Latin  sug¬ 
gests,  there  is  no  necessity  for  considering  the  infinitive  passive,  and,  in  all 
probability,  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind  the  infinitive  was  active  in  his  transla¬ 
tion  as  in  his  Latin  original;  perhaps  it  was  active  to  him  even  when  trans¬ 
lating  a  Latin  passive,  as  in  L.  24.41:  Hsebbe  ge  her  senig  Sing  to  etanne  f 
=Habetis  hie  aliquid  quod  manduceturf  though,  of  course,  it  is  possible  that 
in  the  latter  case  it  seemed  to  him  passive.  Dr.  K.  Kohler  and  Dr.  Farrar  say 
nothing  as  to  the  voice  of  the  infinitive  with  nouns;  nor  do  Dr.  Wtilfing  and 
Dr.  Kenyon. — In  the  adjectivized  infinitive,  discussed  below  (pp.  180  ff.), 
on  the  other  hand,  the  inflected  infinitive  is  probably  passive  in  sense. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED. 

Of  the  four  examples  of  the  active  uninflected  infinitive  modifying  a  noun, 
three  occur  in  the  prose  and  one  in  the  poetry:  — 

anweald,  power: 

L.  12.5:  adrsedab  bone  be  anweald  hsefb,  sebban  he  ofslyhb,  on  helle  asendan 
=  timete  eum  qui,  postquam  occiderit,  habet  potestatem  mittere  in  gehennam. 

myne,  purpose ,  intention: 

And.  1538:  Weox  wseteres  brym;  weras  ewanedon,  ealde  seseberend;  waes 
him  ut  mynefleon  fealone  stream,  woldon  feore  beorgan,  to  dunsersefum  drohtab 
secan,  eorban  ondwist.  [On  this  passage  Dr.  Riggert,  l.  c.,  p.  67,  comments  as 
follows:  “  Der  reine  Infinitiv  nach  einem  Substantive  erscheint  nur  An.  1537 
[=  my  1538],  und  zwar  bezeichnet  das  Hauptwort  eine  Absicht,  einen  Plan.7’] 


1  In  some  instances  the  infinitive  modifies,  not  a  noun,  but  a  pronoun. 

173 


174 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


neod,  need,  necessity: 

/Elf.  Horn.  II.  372m2:  Ic  bohte  senne  tun,  and  me  is  neod  to  farenne  and 
Sone  geseon  (sic!)  [Cf.  L.  14.18:  Ic  bohte  senne  tun,  ic  hsebbe  neode  bset  ic 
fare  and  hine  geseo  =  Viliam  emi,  et  necesse  habeo  exire,  et  videre  illam.] 

Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  102.35b4:  me  is  neod  to  farenne  and  tSone  sceawian 
(sic!). 

II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED. 

The  inflected  infinitive  modifies  a  large  number  of  nouns.  As  is  shown  by 
the  Latin  originals,  this  infinitive  often  stands  in  the  relation  of  a  genitive 
modifier  of  the  noun,  and  translates  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  geni¬ 
tive  (occasionally  a  noun  in  the  genitive).  This  genitival  infinitive,  like  the 
Latin  genitive,  has  various  uses,  and  denotes  the  characteristic,  the  object, 
the  tendency,  the  purpose,  etc.  But  the  infinitive  at  times  stands  in  a  datival 
relation,  and  translates  a  Latin  gerundive  in  the  dative  or  accusative,  or  ad 
plus  a  gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  or  an  infinitive  that  modifies  a 
noun;  and  this  datival  infinitive  habitually  denotes  the  tendency  or  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  the  thing  indicated  by  the  noun.  At  other  times  the  infinitive  stands 
in  an  ablative  relation,  and  translates  a  supine  in  -u.  This  is  not  a  complete 
list  of  the  Latin  correspondents  of  our  infinitive,  for  that  is  not  called  for  here;1 
but  these  correspondents  are  given  merely  to  help  define  the  use  of  the  infini¬ 
tive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  idiom  is  not  common  in  the  poems,  less  than  a  dozen  examples  having 
been  found  in  a  total,  in  prose  and  poetry,  of  about  242  examples.  It  is  rela¬ 
tively  frequent  in  Early  West  Saxon,  Alfred  having  about  81  examples,  not  a 
few  suggested  by  the  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive.  It  is  rare  in  the  Chronicle 
and  in  the  Laws,  neither  furnishing  more  than  a  half  dozen  examples.  It  is 
not  infrequent  in  iElfric  and  in  the  Gospels,  but  is  rare  in  Wulfstan. 

At  times  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  infinitive  modifies  a  noun  and 
is  adjectival,  or  a  verb  and  is  adverbial;  and  this  difficulty  accounts  for  the 
chief  differences  between  my  statistics  and  those  of  others.  For  instance, 
Dr.  Wiilfing,2 1.  c .,  II,  pp.  219  ff.,  puts  here  Bede  98.18  (502.9  2),  242.7  (558.27), 
330.18a*  b  (592. 25a*  b),  480.29,  30  (647.26a>  b),  while  to  me  the  infinitive  seems 
rather  to  modify  the  verb. 

The  nouns  modified  by  an  infinitive  may  be  roughly  subdivided,  as  by  Dr. 
Wiilfing,3  into  two  big  classes:  (a)  those  Denoting  Ideas  and  (b)  those  De¬ 
noting  Things. 

1.  Nouns  Denoting  Ideas. 

Nouns  denoting  ideas  may  be  subdivided  as  follows:  — 

1.  Nouns  Denoting  Permission  and  Prohibition:  — 

bewerenis,  'prohibition.  leafnes,  leave,  permission. 

leaf,  leave,  permission. 

2.  Nouns  Denoting  Power,  Might,  Capacity,  and  the  like:  — 

andgi(e)t,  intelligence,  ability.  gelaeredness,  learning,  skill. 

anweald,  power,  authority.  getydnes,  learning,  skill. 

bieldo,  boldness.  geweald,  power,  authority. 


1  The  complete  list  of  Latin  correspondents  is  given  in  Chapter  XIV,  section  xiii. 

2  The  numbers  in  parenthesis  refer  to  the  edition  of  Bede  used  by  Dr.  Wiilfing,  namely,  Smith’s. 

3  Wiilfing,2  l.  c.,  II,  pp.  219  ff.  My  minor  subdivisions,  too,  in  the  main  follow  Dr.  Wulfing’s. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


175 


giefu,  gift ,  power. 

miht[meaht],  might,  power. 

gleawnes,  wisdom ,  intelligence. 

ondefn  [an-],  capacity. 

maegen,  strength ,  ability. 
maeS,  power. 

strengS(o),  strength. 

3.  Nouns  Denoting  Time  and  Place:  — 

faec,  interval. 

sped  [and  leafnes],  opportunity  (?). 

fierst  [-y-],  period  of  time. 

stow,  place. 

ielden  [y-],  delay,  respite. 

tid,  time. 

mael,  time. 

rum,  space,  opportunity. 

tima,  time. 

4.  Nouns  Denoting  Necessity:  — 

neod,  need ,  necessity. 
niedSearf  [nyd-],  need,  necessity. 

Searf  [Serf],  need,  necessity. 

5.  Nouns  Denoting  Will,  Purpose, 

Inclination,  and  the  like :  — 

bliss,  bliss,  joy. 

lufu,  love. 

geornfulnes,  eagerness,  desire. 

lustbaernes,  desire. 

gescea(d)wisnes,  intelligence. 

mod,  mind,  mood. 
riht,  right,  reason. 

geSoht,  thought,  intention. 

geSyld,  patience. 

sorg,  sorrow,  grief. 

giemen,  care,  concern. 

wen,  hope,  expectation. 

hyht  [-i-],  hope. 
intinga,  cause,  sake. 

6.  Nouns  Denoting  Help:  — 

fultum,  help,  assistance. 

willa,  will,  desire. 

7.  Nouns  Denoting  Office  and  Work:  — 

ealdorlicnes,  authority,  office. 

Segnung  [Senung],  service. 

weorc,  work. 

8.  Nouns  Denoting  Usage,  Custom 

• 

• 

aeSelo,  habit  (?). 

Seaw,  custom,  habit. 

9.  Nouns  Denoting  Example  and  Teaching:  — 

bisn  [-y-],  example. 

lar,  teaching. 

2.  Nouns  Denoting  Things. 

As  I  cannot  think  of  any  helpful  grouping  of  these  nouns,  I  merely  give 
them  in  alphabetic  sequence :  — 

aecer,  field. 

genoh  [-g],  sufficiency. 

aeht,  property. 

gierd  [-y-],  rod. 

anweald,  power. 

god,  god,  God. 

a?S,  oath. 

god,  good. 

auht,  aught. 

gryre,  horror. 

cild,  child. 

heafod  [haefod],  head  (metaphorically  chief). 

eyre,  choice. 

hlaf,  loaf,  bread. 

drenc,  drink. 

hoi,  hole,  cave. 

drinc,  drink. 

hwaet,  what,  something. 

eage,  eye. 

lac,  offering. 

eare,  ear. 

laecedom,  remedy. 

fela,  much. 

laenung,  remedy. 

feoh,  money. 

lamb  [-0-],  lamb . 

flaesc,  flesh. 

land  [-0-],  land. 

forebeacen,  portent. 

mare,  more. 

gast,  spirit. 

mete,  meat,  food. 

gealdor,  charm. 

mildheortnes,  clemency. 

176 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


naht,  naught. 
nanwiht  [-wuhtl,  naught. 
onlegen,  medicinal  application. 
pening,  penny. 
petraoleum,  petroleum. 
rod,  rood,  cross. 
son,  sound,  music. 
spell,  story,  narrative. 

Typical  examples  are :  — 

1.  Nouns  Denoting  Ideas. 

1.  Nouns  Denoting  Permission  and  Prohibition:  — 
beweren(n)is,  'prohibition: 

Bede  86.13a’  b:  bonon  hafab  b® t  mod  hwylcehugu  scylde,  nales  hwsebre  ob 
bewerennisse  to  onfonne  baem  halgan  geryne,  obbe  ba  symbelnesse  to  mcersienne 
msessesonges  =  60.12a’b:  non  tamen  usque  ad  prohibitionem  pecipiendi  sancti 
mysterii  uel  missarum  solemnia  celebrandi. 
leaf,  permission : 

Boeth.  120.28:  habbab  leafe  yfel  to  donne  =  102.76:  malorum  potestas. 

Greg.  397.26:  aefterbaembe  he  hwelcehwugu  gerisenlice  leafe  dyde  baem 
gesinhiwon  hira  willan  to  fremmanne,  he  cwaeb  =  316.8:  Quibusdum  in  magna 
honestate  conjugii  aliquid  de  voluptate  largiretur,  adjunxit. 

Chron.  260*,  1129  E:  se  kyng  hem  geaf  ealle  leue  ham  to  farene. 

Laws  483,  Wilhelm  I,  c.  lb:  habbe  he  fulle  leafe  swa  to  donne. 

Wcerf.  10.2:  Hu  iEquitius  onfeng  leafe  to  bodianne  =  0. 

Bened.  21.17:  leaf  geseald  sie  to  sprecenne  —  42.17 :  loquendi  concedatur 
licentia. 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXI.  384,  385:  sealde  him  leafe  to  siSigenne  forb  and  baet  lie 
to  berenne. 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Gen.  42.34:  baet  ge  .  .  .  leafe  habbon  (sic!)  to  biegeanne  (5 set 
baet  ge  wyllab  =  emendi  habeatis  licentiam. 
leafnes  [lef-],  permission: 

Bede  112.6:  heo  .  .  .  lefnesse  sealdon  deofolgyld  to  bigongenne  bam  folcum 
=  91.9:  idola  colendi  .  .  .  dare  licentiam.  —  lb.  400.8a>b:  lefnes  ...  to  cer - 
nenne  7  to  flitenne  =  289.29:  certandi  .  .  .  copia. 


spraec,  speech. 
staef,  stick. 
tol,  tool. 

bearfa,  poor  man. 
bing,  thing. 

wegnest,  provisions  for  a  journey. 
wela,  wealth. 
wundor,  wonder. 


2.  Nouns  Denoting  Power,  Might,  Capacity,  etc.:  — 

andgi(e)t,  intelligence,  ability: 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  344m:  men  ...  be  habbab  lytel  andgit  to  understandenne  ba 
deopnysse  Godes  lare. 

anweald,  power,  authority: 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXXIV.  322a* b :  me  is  geseald  anweald  to  ofsleanne  and  to 
edcucigenne. 

Mk.  3.15a*b:  he  him  anweald  sealde  untrumnessa  to  hcelanne,  and  deofol- 
seocnessa  ut  to  adrifanne  =  dedit  illis  potestatem  curandi  infirmitates  et  ejiciendi 
dsemonia. 

gelseredness 

and  ,  learning,  skill: 

getydness 

Bede  362.28a,b:  wses  .  .  .  Cubbyrhte  swa  mycel  getydnes  7  gelcerednes  to 
sprecenne  =  269.32:  Cudbercto  tanta  erat  dicendi  peritia. 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


177 


geweald,  power,  authority : 

Ermahnung  36:  Ceapa  be  mid  aehtum  eces  leohtes,  by  lees  bu  forweorbe, 
baenne  bu  hyra  geweald  nafast  to  syllanne. 

Gen.  281 :  ic  haebbe  geweald  micel  to  gyrwanne  godlecran  stol,  hearran  on 
heofne. 

Pr.  Gu.  V.  227 :  baet  ge  min  ahton  geweald  on  bas  witu  to  sendanne  =  si 
vestrae  potentiae  sit  istis  me  tradere  poenis. 
giefu,  gift,  power: 

Bede  20.22:  bam  .  .  .  forgifen  waes  seo  gyfu  to  singanne  =  258.25:  cui 
donum  canendi  .  .  .  sit  .  .  .  concessum. 
gleawnes,  wisdom,  intelligence: 

Bede  206.10a>  b:  He  haefde  ba  gleawnesse  Godes  bebodu  to  healdanne  7  to 
Iceranne  =  161.20a,b:  industriam  faciendi  simul  et  docendi  mandata  caelestia. 
maegen,  strength,  ability: 

Wcerf.  244.1:  he  sealde  me  by  daege  mcegn  to  fcestane  =  297  C1:  eumque 
peterem  quatenus  mihi  ut  die  illo  virtus  ad  jejunandum  daretur. 
miht  [meaht],  might,  power: 

Bede  146.22:  haefde  meahte  oberne  biscop  his  stowe  to  halgianne  =  120.20: 
habeat  potestatem  alterum  ordinandi  in  loco  eius. 

Mlf.  Horn.  I.  560*  *•  2:  Si  be  forgyfen  miht  to  gebindenne  and  to  alysenne. 

J.  19.10a’  b  Nast  bu  baet  ic  haebbe  mihte  be  to  honne,  and  ic  haebbe  mihte  be 
to  forlcetenne  f  =  nescis  quia  potestatem  habeo  crucifigere  te,  et  potestatem  habeo 
dimittere  te? 

3.  Nouns  Denoting  Time  and  Place:  — 
mael,  time: 

Beow.  316 :  Meet  is  me  toferan  (sic!) .  [Cf .  K.  Kohler,  l.  c.,  p.  48,  and  Kenyon, 
l.  c.,  p.  31.] 

rum,  time,  opportunity: 

Jud.  314:  rum  waes  to  nimanne  londbuendum  on  bam  labestan,  hyra  eald- 
feondum  .  .  .  heolfrig  herereaf. 
stow,  place: 

Bede  230.17:  stowe  geceas  mynster  to  getimbrigenne  =  175.13:  elegit  sibi 
locum  monasterii  construendi.  —  lb.  238.24:  baet  he  .  .  .  forgefe  stowe  mynster 
on  to  timbrenne  =  180.1:  ut  donaret  .  .  .  locum  monasterio  construendo.  —  lb. 
436.7,  8:  baet  he  stowe  haefde  in  baem  streame  to  standenne  obbe  hiene  to  biscenc- 
enne  =  310.23a’  b:  locum  standi  siue  inmergendi  in  fluuio. 

Wcerf.  231.14:  sohton  maran  stowe  on  to  sittanne  =  281  C:  majora  sessio?iis 
loca  quaerentibus  dicit. 
tid,  time: 

Bede  262.21a>  °:  baette  tid  waere  stanas  to  sendenne  7  tid  to  somnienne  =  207.19, 
20:  tempus  mittendi  lapides,  et  tempus  colligendi. 

JElf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  478a-  b:  nu  is  seo  tid  to  gefyllenne  and  to  gefremmane. 
tima,  time: 

JElf.  Horn.  I.  602*:  nu  is  tima  us  of  slaepe  to  arisenne.  —  lb.  II.  360b  2>  3« 4: 

He  geceas  him  timan  to  acennenne  on  mennisenysse,  to  Srowigenne,  to  arisenne 
of  deabe,  to  astigenne  up  to  heofenan. 

Mlf.  Gr.  135.3:  hit  ys  tima  to  erigenne  =  tempus  est  arandi.  —  lb.  151.11: 
tima  hyt  ys  to  tcecenne  =  tempus  est  docendi. 


178 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


4.  Nouns  Denoting  Necessity:  — 
neod,  need,  necessity: 

Laws  256,  VI  iEthelred,  c.  42 :  ealswa  us  neod  is  gelome  to  donne. 

Bened.  127. 7b:  bset  nan  neod  ne  sy  munecum  utan  to  far enne  =  194.14:  ut 
non  sit  necessitas  Monachis  vagandi  foras. 

JElf.  Horn.  II.  372ml:  Ic  bohte  senne  tun,  and  me  is  neod  to  farenne  and 
bone  geseon  (sic!). 

Mlf.  L.  S.  XXIII  B.  70:  Nis  me  nan  neod  feeder  be  to  secgenne  hwanon  ic 
come. 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  102.35b3:  me  is  neod  to  farenne  and  bone  sceawian 

(sic!). 

Mat.  14.16a:  Nabbab  hi  neode  to  farenne  -  Non  habent  necesse  ire. 
niedbearf  [nyd-],  need,  necessity: 

Pr.  Ps.  15.1 :  for  bam  bu  me  eall  ba  god  sealdest  be  ic  hsebbe,  and  be  heora 
nan  nydSearf  nis  eft  on  me  to  nimenne  =  15.2:  quoniam  bonorum  meorum  non 
eges. 

bearf,  need,  necessity: 

Gen.  279:  Nis  me  wihtse  Searf  hearran  to  habbanne. 

Greg.  67.4b:  angiennab  bonne  .  .  .  mare  secgean  &  smeagean  suibor  bonne 
him  Searf  sie  to  begonganne  =  40.26:  seepe  se  in  quibusdam  inquisitionibus  plus, 
quam  necesse  est,  exercentes,  ex  nimia  subtilitate  falluntur. 

Laws  256,  VI  iEthelred,  c.  42,  §  2:  beet  mannum  is  meest  Searf  oftost  to 
gemunenne. 

Wcerf.  79.6:  he  gebohte  beet  him  nan  c Searf  nses  to  habbenne  =  205  A:  emit 
quod  necessarium  non  habebat. 

Bl.  Horn.  63.5:  us  is  mycel  Searf  to  witenne. 

Wulf.  308.22:  beet  mannum  is  msest  Searf  oftost  to  gemunanne. 

5.  Nouns  Denoting  Will,  Purpose,  Inclination,  etc. :  — 
geomfulnes,  eagerness,  desire: 

Bede  206.11,  12:  he  hsefde  ba  geornfulnesse  haligu  gewritu  to  rcedanne  y 
wseccean  to  beganganne  =  161.21a>  b:  solertiam  lectionis  et  uigiliarum. 
gi(e)men,  care,  concern: 

Bede  482.1:  ba  deeghwamlican  gimene  to  singanne  =  357.13:  cotidianam 
cantandi  in  ecclesia  curam. 
intinga,  cause ,  occasion: 

Bede  120.7 :  intinga  to  onfonne  Cristes  geleafan  =  97.21 :  occasio  .  .  . 
percipiendae  fidei. 
lufu,  love: 

Bede  82.25:  Mid  by  bonne  seo  lufu  ne  bib  tudres  to  tilienne  =  58.29:  Cum 
uero  non  amor  ortandi  subolis  .  .  .  dominatur. 
lustbsemes,  desire: 

Boeth.  74.7:  ne  furbum  nane  lustbcernesse  nabbab  hi  to  secanne  =  66.16:  0. 
willa,  will,  desire: 

Boeth.  107.13:  habbab  emnmicelne  willan  to  to  cumenne  =  0. 

AH  If.  Horn.  I.  394* :  baba  hi  forleton  bone  willan  to  agenne. 

6.  Nouns  Denoting  Help:  — 
fultum,  help,  assistance: 

Solil.  39.15,  16:  Ic  hi  lufige  for  freondscype  and  for  gefersedenne  and  ba 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


179 


beah  ofer  sealle  obre  be  me  maestne  fultum  dob  to  ongyttanne  and  to  witanne 
gesceadwisnesse  and  wisdom  =  0. 

7.  Nouns  Denoting  Office  and  Work:  — 
ealdorlicnes,  authority: 

Bede  206.13:  he  haefde  .  .  .  ealdorlicnesse  (5a  ofermedan  to  Sreageanne 
—  161.22:  auctoritatem  .  .  .  redarguendi  superbos. 
begnung  [benung],  service,  office: 

Bede  402. 30a’  b:  he  naefre  ...  (5a  Senunge  to  cristienne  obbe  to  fullwienne 
.  .  .  leornian  meahte  =  291.18a’  b:  cathecizandi  uel  baptizandi  ministerium. 
weorc,  work: 

Bede  418.27:  baet  willsume  weorc  .  .  .  godspel  to  Iceranne  =  301.23:  euan- 
gelizandi  gentibus  opus. 

8.  Nouns  Denoting  Usage,  Custom:  — 
aebelo,  habit  (?): 

Boeth.  91.20:  of  baere  stowe  be  his  eard  and  ce&elo  bib  on  to  wexanne  =  79.56:0. 
be  aw,  custom,  habit: 

Beow.  1941:  Ne  bib  swylc  cwenlic  &eaw  idese  to  efnanne  beah  be  hio  aenlicu 
sy  (?). 

Bede  258.31:  se  .  .  .  regollicne  Seaw  to  lifgenne  Ongolcynnes  ciricum  saegde 
7  laerde  =  205.18:  catholicum  uiuendi  morem  .  .  .  didicit. 

9.  Nouns  Denoting  Example  and  Teaching:  — 
bisn  [bysn],  example: 

Greg.  307.9:  us  salde  bisne  ur[ne]  willan  to  brecanne  =  234.27:  ut  exemplum 
nobis  frangendce  nostrse  voluntatis  prsebeat. 
lar,  teaching: 

Bede  160.8:  betwih  obre  lare  mannum  to  lyfigeanne  =  135.21:  inter  alia 
uiuendi  documenta. 

2.  Nouns  Denoting  Things. 

I  give  only  a  few  examples :  — 
drenc,  drink: 

Lcece.  42.1:  Drenc  wib  feondseocum  men  of  ciricbellan  to  drincanne. 
drinc,  drink: 

And.  23 :  naes  baer  hlafes  wist  werum  on  bam  wonge  ne  waeteres  drync  to 
bruconne . 
eage,  eye: 

AElf.  Hept.:  Deut.  29.4a:  drihten  eow  ne  sealde  undergitende  heortan,  ne 
eagan  to  geseonne  ne  earan  to  gehirenne  =  non  dedit  vobis  dominus  cor  intelligens 
et  oculos  videntes  et  aures  quae  possunt  audire. 
eare,  ear: 

Mlf.  Hept.:  Deut.  29.4b,  quoted  under  eage. 

Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  102.32*:  Se  be  haebbe  earan  to  gehyrenne,  gehyre  bas 
word.  [Cf.  the  following  examples  from  the  Gospels.] 

Gosp.:  Mat.  11.15:  Se  be  earan  haebbe  to  gehyrynne  (sic!),  gehyre  =  Qui 
habet  aures  audiendi,  audiat.  So:  Mat.  13.9,  43;  Mk.  4.9,  23;  L.  14.35. 
fela,  much: 

Greg.  237.13:  Fela  ic  haebbe  eow  to  secganne  =  178.28:  Multa  habeo  vobis 
dicer e  (or  objective?). 


180 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


gast,  spirit: 

Greg.  263.21:  Ne  underfengon  ge  no  bone  Gast  set  fulluhte  to  Seowigeanne 
for  ege  =  198.22:  Non  accepistis  spiritum  servitutis  iterum  in  timore. 
gierd  [gyrd],  rod: 

Greg.  127.1:  Gif  t5ser  Sonne  sie  gierd  mid  to  Sreageanne,  sie  Sser  eac  stsef  mid 
to  wrebianne  =  88.14:  Si  ergo  est  districtio  virgse,  quse  feriat,  sit  et  consolatio 
baculi,  quse  sustentet. 

Wcerf.  20.27:  he  nsefde  gyrde  hine  mid  to  sleanne  =  161  C:  Et  quia  virgam 
qua  eum  ferire  posset. 
gryre,  horror: 

Bede  364.5:  Sa  <5e  .  .  .  oSrum  on  gryre  wseron  to  neosienne  =  270.6:  qui 
.  .  .  aliis  horrori  erant  ad  uisendum. 
mete,  meat: 

J.  4.32:  Ic  hsebbe  bone  mete  to  etanne  <5e  ge  nyton  =  Ego  cibum  habeo 
manducare  quern  vos  nescitis. 
son,  sound: 

Bede  258.24:  Swylce  eac  sonas  to  singenne  =  205.11:  sonos  cantandi. 
stsef,  stick,  staff: 

Greg.  127.2:  quoted  under  gierd. 

Sing,  thing: 

Mlf.  Horn.  1. 222*:  Seos  dsed  getacnaS  sum  Sing  to  donne  on  Godes  gelaSunge. 
Mlf.  Gr.  119.10a*b:  verbum  ys  word  .  .  .  getacniende  oSSe  sum  Sing  to 
donne  oSSe  sum  Sing  to  Srowigenne  oSSe  naSor  =  Verbum  est  pars  orationis 
.  .  .  aut  agere  aliquid  aut  pati  aut  neutrum  significans. 

Gosp.:  L.  7.40:  Symon,  ic  habbe  Se  to  secgenne  sum  Sing  =  Simon,  habeo 
tibi  aliquid  dicere  (or  objective?).  —  L.  24.41:  Hsebbe  ge  her  senig  Sing  to 
etennef  =  Habetis  hie  aliquid  quod  manducetur.  —  J.  4.11:  Leof,  ne  Su  nsefst 
nan  Sing  mid  to  hladanne  =  Domine,  neque  in  quo  haurias  habes. 
wela,  wealth: 

And.  1160:  welan  ne  benohton  beornas  to  brucanne.  [Dr.  Reussner,  l.  c., 
p.  27,  and  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  19,  consider  the  infinitive  to  be  a  final  modifier 
of  the  verb,  not  of  the  noun.] 
wundor,  wonder: 

Bede  164.27:  Sset  is  wundor  to  cweSanne  =  138.9:  quod  mirum  dictu  est. 

Aside  from  the  foregoing  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  nouns,  which 
may  be  called  the  regular  use,  we  have,  as  remarked  by  Dr.  Wiilfing,2 1.  c.,  II, 
p.  225,  a  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  which  it  is  almost  a  pure  adjective. 
Or  perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  consider  that  we  have,  as  it  were,  an  elliptical 
gerunclial  periphrastic;  in  these  examples,  as  usually  in  the  predicative  infini¬ 
tive  with  beon  ( wesan ),  the  infinitive  is  passive  in  sense,  and  translates  a  Latin 
gerundive.  I  note  all  of  what  seem  to  me  the  clearer  cases :  — 

Bened.  134.4:  Syx  synt  muneca  cynerena,  Sara  synt  Sreo  Sa  selestan,  Sa 
oSere  Sreo  Sa  forcuSestan  and  eallum  gemete  to  forbugenne  -  0. 

Bede  100.2:  Sisses  geleafa  /  wyrenis  seo  lefed  Gode  onfenge  7  allum  to 
fylgenne=  82.2:  huius  fides  et  operatio  Deo  deuota  atque  omnibus  sequenda 
credatur. 

AElf.  L.  S.  XXXIV.  67:  hwcet  biS  sefre  soSlicre  oS<5e  to  gelyfenne  senigum 
lifigendum  menu? 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


181 


Pr.  Ps.  47.1:  My  cel  ys  se  Dryhten  ure  God,  and  swybe  to  herianne  on  baere 
byrig  ures  Drihtnes  =  Magnus  Dominus  et  laudabile  nimis  in  civitate  Dei 
nostri. 

Wwrf.  240.5:  Petrus  cwseb:  1  is  baet  forwundorlic  wise  and  in  urum  tidum 
to  wafienne  ’  =  293  A2:  Res  mira,  et  nostris  stupenda  temporibus.  —  lb.  252.25: 
wundorlic  wise  baet  waes  7  in  baere  bysne  baes  drihtenlican  weorces  swibe  to 
wafienne  =  309  A1 :  Mira  res,  atque  in  exemplum  Dominici  operis  vehementer 
omnibus  stupenda. 

Bede  448.8:  waes  he  ge  on  wordum  hluttor  7  scinende  ge  eac  on  gelaerednesse 
gewrito  (sic!)  ge  freora  ge  cyriclicra  to  wundnenne  =  321.10:  nam  et  sermone 
nitidus,  et  scripturarum,  ut  dixi,  tam  liberalium  quam  ecclesiasticarum  erat 
eruditione  mirandus. 

In  the  foregoing  examples  the  adjectivized  infinitive  is  in  the  predicate 
nominative; 1  in  the  following  example  it  is  used  attributively: 

Bede  472.3:  ba  com  .  .  .  se  leofa  feeder  7  sacerd  7  mid  ealle  are  to  nemnenne 
Ecgbyrht  se  halga  =  346.23:  cum  uenisset  .  .  .  Deo  amabilis,  et  cum  omni 
honorificentia  nominandus  pater  ac  sacerdos,  Ecgberct. 

In  the  following  passage  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  infinitive  is 
adjectivized  or  substantivized:  Bede  24.1:  Deet  sum  on  Norbanhymbra  maegbe 
of  deabe  arisende  sume  swibe  ondryslicu  7  eac  to  gewilnienne,  ba  be  he  geseah, 
secgende  waes  =  303.25:  Ut  quidam  in  prouincia  Nordanhymbrorum  a  mortuis 
resurgens  multa  et  tremenda  et  desidemnda,  quae  uiderat,  narrauerit.  Dr. 
Wiilfing,2 1.  c.,  II,  p.  225,  considers  the  infinitive  adjectivized. 


Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives. 

As  already  stated,  out  of  a  total  of  about  246  infinitives  with  nouns,  only 
four  are  uninflected.  The  solitary  example  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  in  the 
poems  (And.  1538)  may  be  due,  as  suggested  by  Dr.  Riggert,  to  the  peculiar 
sense  of  the  noun  modified,  myne;  or,  as  privately  suggested  by  Professor  J.  W. 
Bright,  it  may  be  due  to  the  exigencies  of  the  meter.  In  the  three  examples 
from  the  prose,  the  lack  of  inflection  is  probably  due  to  the  remoteness  of  the 
infinitive  from  the  noun  that  it  modifies,  for  twice  the  uninflected  infinitive  is 
the  second  in  a  series  of  two  infinitives  the  first  of  which  is  inflected,  while  in 
the  third  instance  (L.  12.5)  the  single  infinitive  is  appreciably  removed  from 
its  noun.  All  four  examples  have  been  quoted  in  full  at  the  beginning  of  this 
chapter. 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

I  have  not  found  an  example  of  the  compound  passive  infinitive  modifying 
a  noun. 

For  the  Infinitive  with  Nouns  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter 
XVI,  section  xiii. 


NOTES. 

1.  The  Infinitive  in  a  Series  vnth  Nouns.  —  In  the  following  passages  we  have  a  series 
of  two  infinitives  the  first  of  which  is  inflected,  but  the  second  is  not:  /Elf.  Horn.  II.  372m  1* 2 
and  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  102.35b  3* 4,  both  quoted  on  p.  174  above.  Dr.  Farrar,  l.  c.,  pp.  28 


1  For  the  infinitive  as  the  substantival  predicate  nominative,  see  Chapter  III,  pp.  73  ff. 


182 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS 


and  34,  declares  that  the  inflected  infinitive  is  used  parallel  with  the  simple  infinitive  as  the 
complement  of  a  noun  in  L.  1.72,  79,  but  the  infinitives  are,  in  my  judgment,  final,  and  modify 
the  verb.  In  the  following  passages  we  have  a  series  of  inflected  infinitives:  Bede  62.8a,b, 
9;  86.133, b;  206.10a’b;  206.11,  12;  400.  8a’b;  402.30a-b;  436.7,  8 ;  —  Solil.  39.15,  16;  — 
Wcerf.  211.203’  b;  —  Mart.  86.5a* b;  —  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  560*  2;  II.  360b »• 2* 3- 4;  —  JKlf.  L.  S. 
XXIII  B.  478a* b;  XXXI.  384,  385;  XXXIV.  322a* b;  XXXIV.  328,  329;  —  Mk.  3.15a’ b;  — 
Wulf.  52. 3a>  b ;  202. la>  b;  —  Lcece.  52.30,  31;  54.36b,  37;  —  Chad  71,  72. 

2.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  Used  as  a  Latin  Gerundive.  —  In  sentences  like  the  following, 
the  Anglo-Saxon  inflected  infinitive  closely  approximates  a  Latin  gerundive:  Bede  82.19:  seo 
gemengnes  (Saes  flaesces  seo  for  intingan  bearna  (sic!)  to  cennenne  =  58.22:  carnis  commixtio 
creandorum  liberorum  sit  gratia.  Clearly  the  genitive  bearna  is  due  to  the  too  close  following 
of  the  Latin  idiom,  for  I  do  not  find  in  Bosworth-Toller’s  Anglo-Saxon  Dictionary  any  example 
of  cennan’s  governing  a  genitive.  This  same  influence  of  the  Latin  gerundive  is  seen  in  this 
passage:  Wcerf.  114.1:  tSset  <5aer  naes  eallunga  nan  wen  <5aes  geloman  ofer  tSaet  to  secanne 
=  B.  144  C2:  ut  spes  requirendi  ferramenti  nulla  jam  esset. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE 

IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

L  THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE.1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  an  Active  Finite  Verb. 

The  active  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  as  the  subject  of 
active  verbs  was  probably  an  idiom  native  to  Anglo-Saxon.  For  we  find :  — 

1.  That  about  34  examples  occur  of  the  subjective  infinitive  in  the  poems, 
of  which  8  are  uninflected  and  26  are  inflected.  Of  this  total,  several  examples 
are  found  in  Beowulf ,  all  with  beon  plus  an  adjective  except  in  one  instance. 

2.  That  while,  in  the  prose  translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon  subjective  infini¬ 
tive  corresponds  nearly  a  fourth  of  the  time  to  a  Latin  infinitive  that  is  the 
subject  of  a  finite  verb,  about  half  the  time  it  corresponds  to  various  other 
idioms;  and  in  numerous  cases  the  subjective  infinitive  is  found  without  any 
Latin  correspondent.  It  should  be  added,  however,  that,  in  the  case  of  no 
Latin  correspondents,  the  Anglo-Saxon  subjective  infinitive  occasionally  is 
identical  with  an  infinitive  that  elsewhere  has  a  Latin  infinitive  as  its  original; 
and  that,  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  Latin  correspondents  other  than  a  sub¬ 
jective  infinitive  (as,  for  example,  with  the  other  uses  of  the  infinitive  indicated 
below  and  with  the  uses  of  the  gerund  and  the  gerundive),  some,  though  not, 
perhaps,  a  determining,  influence  is  exercised  by  the  Latin  original.  It  is 
noteworthy,  too,  that  the  Latin  expressions  containing  an  adjective  are  usually 
rendered  by  an  inflected  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.  In  a  word,  the  Latin  in¬ 
fluence  is  probably  stronger  than  a  first  glance  at  my  statistics  would  lead  one 
to  suppose. 

The  Latin  chief  correspondents  are:  an  infinitive  that  is  the  subject  of  a  finite  verb  (U.2: 
24, 1. :  7)  or  of  a  finite  verb  +  an  adjective  (U. :  1, 1. :  13).  About  half  the  time  it  corresponds  to 
various  other  idioms,  as  follows:  an  objective  infinitive,  U. :  4,  I. :  2;  an  infinitive  as  predicate 
nominative,  U.:  0, 1.:  2;  a  predicative  infinitive  with  an  auxiliary  verb,  U.:  0, 1.:  1;  an  accu¬ 
sative  and  infinitive  as  subject  to  a  finite  verb,  U. :  9,  I.:  5;  an  accusative  and  infinitive  as 
subject  to  a  finite  verb  +  an  adjective,  U.:  0,  I.:  5;  an  accusative  and  infinitive  as  object, 
U.:  8,  I.:  3;  a  gerundial  periphrastic,  U. :  0,  I.:  4;  a  gerund  in  the  genitive,  U.:  1,  I.:  0;  a 
gerund  in  the  ablative,  U.:  1,  I.:  0;  a  gerund  in  the  accusative,  U.:  0,  I.:  1;  an  adjective 
+  an  infinitive,  U,:  0,  I.:  1;  an  adjective  +  ad  +  a  gerund  in  the  accusative,  XJ.:  0,  I.:  1;  an 
adjective  +  est  -f  a  supine  in  -u,  XJ. :  0,  I. :  3;  an  adjective  -f  a  noun  in  the  ablative,  XJ. :  0,  I. : 
2;  an  adjective  -f  a  supine  in  -u,  XJ. :  0, 1. :  1 ;  an  adjective  -f  est  without  an  infinitive,  XJ. :  0, 
I.:  4;  an  indicative -f  the  adverb  facile,  XJ.:  0,  I.:  1;  opus  est  -f  an  wi-clause,  XJ. :  0,  I.:  1;  a 
relative  clause  with  est  +  an  adjective,  XJ. :  0,  I.:  1;  a  passive  indicative  with  an  ablative 
phrase,  XJ. :  0,  I.:  1;  an  indicative  active,  XJ. :  2,  I.:  1;  an  adhortative  subjunctive,  XJ.:  0, 
X. :  2;  a  noun  in  -io,  XJ.  7,  I. :  0;  a  noun  in  the  genitive,  XJ. :  1,  I. :  1;  a  noun  in  the  accusative, 
XJ.:  1,  I.:  0;  a  noun  in  the  ablative,  XJ.:  2;  I.:  1;  a  substantivized  past  participle  -fan  in¬ 
dicative,  XJ.:  0, 1.:  1;  a  prepositional  phrase  +  a  verb,  XJ.:  1,  I.:  1;  a  loose  paraphrase,  XJ.: 
0,  I.:  5;  no  Latin,  XJ.:  17,  I.:  43. 


1  Cf.  Chapter  I,  pp.  7  ff. 


183 


2  U.  =  uninflected;  I.  =  inflected. 


184  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

3.  That  the  construction  occurs,  though  not  frequently,  in  the  more  original 
prose:  the  Chronicle,  the  Laws,  and  Wulfstan. 

2.  With  a  Passive  Finite  Verb . 

On  the  other  hand,  the  active  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected, 
as  the  subject  of  a  passive  verb  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influ¬ 
ence;  or,  at  any  rate,  the  influence  of  the  Latin  is  stronger  here  than  with  the 
active  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  an  active  verb,  for  we  find:  — 

1.  That  only  one  example,  that  inflected,  occurs  in  the  poetry,  in  Guthlac, 
and  that  as  the  subject  of  aliefan.  Guthlac,  it  is  well  known,  is  based  on  a  Latin 
original;  moreover,  as  we  shall  see  below,  aliefan  with  a  subject  infinitive,  in 
the  prose  translations,  is  usually  due  to  Latin  influence. 

2.  That,  in  the  prose  translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon  subjective  infinitive 
usually  occurs  in  translation  of  a  Latin  infinitive  that  is  the  subject  of  a  finite 
verb  (active,  U. :  6,  I.:  9;  passive,  U.:  1,  I.:  2),  though  occasionally  in  transla¬ 
tion  of  other  idioms  (an  accusative  and  infinitive  as  the  object  of  an  active  verb, 
U. :  0,  I.:  2;  a  gerund  in  the  genitive,  U. :  0,  I.:  1;  ut  +  a  passive  subjunctive 
as  the  object  of  an  active  verb,  U. :  0,  I. :  1),  and  very  rarely  without  any  Latin 
correspondent  (U. :  0,  I.:  2).  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  active  infinitive 
occurs  most  frequently  as  the  subject  of  the  passive  of  aliefan,  and  that,  in  the 
prose  translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon  aliefan  with  a  subject  infinitive  corresponds 
to  the  Latin  licere  with  a  subject  infinitive. 

3.  That  in  only  one  of  the  more  original  prose  monuments,  Wulfstan,  is 
the  idiom  found,  then  only  a  few  times  and  only  as  the  subject  of  the  one  verb, 
aliefan,  which  idiom,  as  we  have  above  seen,  is  an  imitation  of  the  Latin  in  the 
Early  West  Saxon  translations. 

It  should  be  added  that,  as  subject  to  both  active  and  passive  verbs,  the 
active  infinitive  is  more  frequently  inflected  than  not,  both  in  prose  and  in 
poetry,  —  a  fact  discussed  in  Chapter  I;  and  that  both  infinitives  are  found 
as  subjects  from  the  outset,  the  differentiation  resting  upon  the  principles 
discussed  in  the  conclusion  of  Chapter  I. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

In  all  probability,  the  Anglo-Saxon  passive  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  active 
verbs  (of  which  only  a  few  examples  occur,  all  quoted  above,  Chapter  I,  pp.  26- 
27)  is  due  to  Latin  influence.  No  example  has  been  found  in  the  poems.  In 
the  prose  translations  the  idiom  is  found  very  rarely,  and  always  in  transla¬ 
tions  of  a  Latin  passive  infinitive,  though  the  infinitive  in  Latin  is  occasionally 
used  objectively,  as  in  Wserferth,  and  occasionally  predicatively  with  a  subject 
accusative,  as  in  Bede  and  in  Luke  17.25.  The  idiom  is  not  found  in  the  more 
original  prose,  and  is  very  rare  even  in  JElfric. 

The  situation  is  much  the  same  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  with 
reference  both  to  the  active  and  to  the  passive  infinitive:  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  i. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE.  185 


H.  THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  an  Active  Finite  Verb. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED  ONLY. 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding.1 

The  objective  infinitive  after  hatan  is  undoubtedly  of  native  origin  in 
Anglo-Saxon.  (1)  It  occurs  over  a  hundred  times  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry, 
and  nearly  twenty  times  in  Beowulf.  (2)  In  the  Early  West  Saxon  transla¬ 
tions,  though  it  occasionally  answers  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  (active  or 
passive),  it  usually  answers  to  some  other  idiom,  most  commonly  to  a  Latin 
co-ordinated  finite  verb.  (3)  It  is  common  in  the  Chronicle.  (4)  It  is  very 
common  with  iElfric,  who  has  nearly  500  examples.  (5)  The  idiom  is,  we 
know,  characteristic  of  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole.  —  As  to  abiddan 
we  cannot  decide,  as  only  one  example  occurs,  in  iElfric. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (usually  active  (63),  but  occa¬ 
sionally  passive  (13))  or  a  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive  (usually  passive  (58),  but  occa¬ 
sionally  active  (5)).  Other  correspondents  are:  the  infinitive  as  retained  object  (active,  1; 
passive,  5);  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (active,  15;  passive,  1);  an  absolute  participle  (active, 
2;  passive,  7);  an  appositive  participle  (active,  2;  passive,  8);  ad  +  a  gerund,  4;  a  gerun¬ 
dive  in  the  accusative,  1 ;  an  indicative  with  an  accusative  +  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusa¬ 
tive,  1 ;  an  accusative  and  a  gerundial  infinitive  passive,  2;  an  indicative  with  ad  +  a  gerund, 
1;  an  indicative  with  ut  +  a  subjunctive  clause  as  object,  2;  an  adhortative  subjunctive,  1; 
a  loose  paraphrase,  4;  no  Latin,  35. 

2.  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting.2 

The  objective  infinitive  after  Icetan  is  probably  of  native  origin.  (1)  It 
occurs  in  the  poems,  though  rarely.  (2)  In  the  Early  West  Saxon  translations, 
it  corresponds  once  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  (active),  but  usually  to  a 
co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  3;  passive,  1)  or  to  an  accusative  and  infinitive 
(active,  1;  passive,  2),  but  occasionally  to  other  idioms  (a  passive  final  infini¬ 
tive,  1;  a  passive  subordinated  finite  verb,  1;  a  supine  in  -um,  1;  no  Latin,  3). 
(3)  It  is  very  common  in  the  Chronicle,  occurring  over  fifty  times,  though 
usually  in  the  later  years.  (4)  The  idiom  is  common  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages.  —  As  only  two  examples  occur  after  don  and  one  after  forgiefan 
(the  text  of  the  former  is  in  doubt),  we  cannot  decide  as  to  them,  though  the 
Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  after  forgiefan  corresponds  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive 
after  donare. 

3.  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception.3 

The  objective  infinitive  with  each  of  the  verbs  of  sense  perception  ( gehieran , 
geseon,  hieran,  ofseon,  and  seon)  is  doubtless  of  native  origin  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
Seon  is  found  only  in  the  poetry;  ofseon  only  once,  in  ^Elfric.  As  to  the  objec¬ 
tive  infinitive  with  the  remaining  three  verbs:  (1)  it  is  found  in  the  poems; 
(2)  in  the  Early  West  Saxon  translations  it  corresponds  to  various  Latin 
idioms;  and  (3)  it  is  found  in  the  Chronicle  except  with  geseon. 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31. 
3  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31. 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31. 


186  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  gehieran:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  predicative 
passive  infinitive  with  an  auxiliary  verb,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  5;  passive,  1); 
subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  3;  appositive  participle  (active,  5;  passive,  1);  no  Latin,  6; 
—  for  geseon:  objective  active  infinitive,  5;  predicative  accusative  of  the  participle  (active, 
1;  passive,  1);  accusative  and  passive  infinitive,  2;  no  Latin,  1;  —  for  hieran:  objective 
passive  infinitive,  2;  subordinated  finite  verb  (active,  1;  passive,  1);  predicative  accusative 
of  the  past  participle,  1;  accusative  and  infinitive  (active),  1;  no  Latin,  2. 

4.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception.1 

The  objective  infinitive  occurs  so  seldom  with  verbs  of  mental  perception 
that  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  a  positive  conclusion  concerning  its  origin  in  Anglo- 
Saxon.  But  what  evidence  we  have  seems  to  indicate  that  the  idiom  is,  in 
the  main,  native.  With  two  of  the  verbs  concerned  ( gefrignan  and  gehogian ), 
the  objective  infinitive  is  found  only  in  the  poetry,  two  out  of  three  times  in 
Beowulf.  With  geteon,  on  the  other  hand,  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  cor¬ 
responds  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  active,  and  may  have  been  suggested 
by  the  Latin.  With  hogian,  the  infinitive  is  found  four  times  in  the  poetry 
and  twice  in  the  prose  (in  the  Soliloquies  and  in  A51fric),  in  the  former  translat¬ 
ing  a  Latin  accusative  and  gerundial  infinitive.  With  tweogan  [tweon],  the 
infinitive  translates  a  Latin  accusative  and  future  active  infinitive. 

6.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing.2 

With  each  of  the  three  verbs  of  beginning,  delaying,  and  ceasing  ( blinnan , 
forieldan,  and  ginnan)  the  objective  infinitive  translates,  in  Bede,  in  which 
alone  it  occurs,  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  active.  Probably,  therefore,  the 
objective  infinitive  with  these  verbs  is  due  to  the  Latin. 

6.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will.3 

Of  the  verbs  of  inclination  and  of  will,  two  ( behealdan  and  onmedan)  are 
found  with  the  objective  infinitive  only  in  the  poetry;  two  ( cunnian  and  gegiern - 
ian)  are  found  only  in  iElfric;  while  with  five  ( forefon ,  ge-ea3modi(g)an, 
ge&yrsti(g)an,  lystan ,  and  ivunian)  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  invariably  trans¬ 
lates  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  active.  Possibly  the  infinitive  in  the  last 
group  is  due  to  the  Latin. 

To  sum  up  the  matter  thus  far:  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  object  is 
doubtless  a  native  idiom  with  the  first  four  classes  of  verbs  enumerated  above 
(  (1)  of  Commanding,  (2)  of  Causing  and  Permitting,  (3)  of  Sense  Perception, 
(4)  of  Mental  Perception  (except  with  geteon)  );  it  is  possibly  due  to  Latin 
influence  in  the  fifth  class  (verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing);  and 
it  is  partly  of  native  origin  and  partly  of  foreign  origin  in  the  sixth  class  (verbs 
of  Inclination  and  of  Will). 

II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED  ONLY. 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding.4 

With  only  one  verb  of  commanding  ( gedihtan )  do  we  find  the  inflected 
objective  infinitive,  once,  in  Wulfstan.  The  infinitive  seems  to  be  a  dative 
object,  and  the  idiom  here  seems  of  native  origin. 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31. 
3  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31 


2  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  31. 
4  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  37. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


187 


2.  Verbs  of  Permitting.1 

With  this  group,  only  two  verbs  ( liefan  and  lofian  in  the  sense  of  ‘  allow  ’) 
are  found  with  the  objective  infinitive.  Liefan  is  not  found  in  the  poetry;  in 
the  translations  it  corresponds  once  {Mat.  19.8)  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive 
active,  once  {Mlf.  Hept.:  Num.  21.22)  to  a  subjective  infinitive,  and  once 
{Greg.  451.29)  it  has  no  Latin  correspondent;  the  other  example  is  found  in 
Wulfstan.  Lofian  is  found  once,  in  the  Chronicle.  The  infinitive  with  these 
verbs  is  probably  of  native  origin. 

3.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception.2 

Of  this  group,  only  three  verbs  {adencan,  mynnan,  and  witan  [nytan])  are 
found  with  the  inflected  objective  infinitive  in  the  poems.  The  following 
fifteen  are  found  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations:  hehatan,  gehyhtan,  geliefan, 
geswutelian,  geteohhian,  ge&encan,  leer  an,  sirwan,  smeagan  [smean],  tcecan, 
teohhian  [tioh-\,  Seahti(g)an,  under  standan,  weddian,  and  witan ;  and  have  vari¬ 
ous  Latin  correspondents,  as  indicated  below.  The  following  occur  in  texts 
other  than  the  poems  or  the  translations:  ceteowan,  anbidian,  bodian,  cytSan , 
geceosan,  tacan,  and  tellan.  In  all  probability,  therefore,  the  inflected  infinitive 
as  object  with  the  verbs  of  mental  perception  as  a  whole  is  a  native  idiom. 

The  Latin  correspondents  for  the  words  above  specified  are:  —  for  hehatan:  objective 
active  infinitive,  1;  accusative  and  future  active  infinitive  as  object,  1;  ut  +  the  subjunctive 
in  an  object  clause,  1;  —  for  gehyhtan:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  geliefan:  accusa¬ 
tive  and  gerundial  infinitive  as  object,  1;  —  for  geswutelian:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  — 
for  geteohhian:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  accusative  and  active  infinitive  as  object,  1; 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  substantivized  past 
participle,  1;  no  Latin,  3;  —  for  geSencan:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  loeran:  gerund¬ 
ive  in  the  genitive,  1 ;  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1 ;  no  Latin,  1 ;  —  for  sirwan:  final 
active  infinitive,  1 ;  —  for  smeagan  [smean] :  accusative  and  future  active  infinitive,  1 ;  no 
Latin,  1;  —  for  tcecan:  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  passive,  1; — for  teohhian:  objective  active 
infinitive,  1;  complementary  infinitive  to  an  auxiliary  verb,  1;  ut  +  a  subjunctive,  2;  gerun¬ 
dive  in  the  predicate  nominative,  1;  no  Latin,  3;  —  for  &eahti(g)an:  accusative  and  future 
active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  understandan:  no  Latin,  1;  —  for  weddian:  objective  active  infini¬ 
tive,  1;  —  for  witan:  no  Latin,  1. 

4.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing.3 

The  inflected  infinitive  as  object  with  this  group  of  verbs  is  not  found  in 
the  poems.  Except  with  three  verbs  found  in  this  idiom  only  in  iElfric  {elcian, 
forwiernan,  and  gefon),  it  is  represented  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations;  in 
which,  as  my  statistics  below  show,  it  answers  most  frequently  to  a  Latin 
objective  infinitive  active  or  to  various  locutions  made  up  of  the  Latin  gerund 
or  gerundive,  and  occasionally  to  other  idioms.  As  the  simplex,  wiernan,  and 
other  compounds  of  fon  occur  in  the  translations,  it  is  probable  that,  in  the 
main,  the  infinitive  in  this  group  of  verbs  was  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin 
originals. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  anforlcetan:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for 
gcelan:  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  —  for  ieldan  [eldan,  yldan ]:  objective  active  in¬ 
finitive,  3;  appositive  participle,  deponent,  1;  —  for  onfon:  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  3; 
gerund  in  the  genitive,  1;  —  for  underfon:  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  2;  ad  +  a  gerund,  1; 
ut  +  a  subjunctive  of  purpose,  1;  no  Latin,  2;  —  for  wiernan:  objective  active  infinitive,  1. 

1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  37.  2  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  37. 

3  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  37. 


188  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


5.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will.1 

Of  the  verbs  belonging  to  this  group,  none  is  found  with  an  inflected  objec¬ 
tive  infinitive  in  the  poems.  In  the  translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive 
corresponds  oftenest  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  active,  but  occasionally  to 
other  idioms.  A  number  of  the  verbs  do  not  occur  in  the  translations  ( andra - 
dan ,  forsacan ,  murnan,  oferhogian ,  reccan,  swerian,  teon ,  wandian),  but  with 
the  exception  of  the  first  two  (in  JSlfric)  they  are  found  in  the  Chronicle  or  in 
the  Laws,  and  with  them  all  the  infinitive  is  probably  native.  The  verbs  fol¬ 
lowed  by  an  objective  infinitive  in  the  translations  are  so  sparingly  represented 
as  to  preclude  confident  conclusions,  but  to  me  the  infinitive  with  these,  as 
with  the  verbs  above  mentioned,  seems  in  the  main  of  native  origin. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  adroedan :  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  beo- 
tigan:  ad  +  a  gerund  in  the  accusative,  1;  —  for  fleon:  objective  active  infinitive,  1; — -for 
forseon:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  gedyrstlcecan:  objective  active  infinitive,  5; 
adhortative  subjunctive,  2;  —  for  getilian:  accusative  and  gerundial  infinitive,  1;  —  for 
giernan :  objective  active  infinitive,  2;  absolute  passive  participle,  1;  — -for  higian:  objective 
active  infinitive  (or  final?),  1;  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  2;  —  for  onscunian:  loose 
paraphrase,  1 ;  —  for  warenian:  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1 ;  — -for  wi&sacan:  accusative 
and  active  infinitive  as  object,  1. 


6.  “Habban,”  ‘have.* 

An  inflected  infinitive  is  not  found  with  habban  in  the  poems;  in  the  transla¬ 
tions,  the  infinitive  corresponds  to  several  Latin  idioms  {ad  +  an  accusative, 
a  gerundial  periphrastic,  a  co-ordinated  indicative  active;  and  a  periphrastic 
future  indicative  active).  It  is  possible,  perhaps  probable,  that  the  Latin 
exercised  a  slight  influence  in  these  instances. 

In  a  word,  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object  seems  of  native  origin  in  the 
first  three  groups  of  verbs  above  given  ((1)  of  Commanding,  (2)  of  Permit¬ 
ting,  (3)  of  Mental  Perception),  also  in  group  5  (verbs  of  Inclination  and  of 
Will)  in  the  main;  but  the  idiom  is  more  or  less  due  to  Latin  influence  in  group  4 
(verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing)  and  in  group  6  (habban). 

III.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED  AND  INFLECTED. 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding.2 

Of  this  group  of  verbs,  bebeodan,  beodan,  and  biddan  are  found  with  an  ob¬ 
jective  infinitive  in  the  poems.  In  the  translations  the  Anglo-Saxon  objective 
infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  corresponds  to  several  different  Latin 
idioms,  and  in  all  probability  the  idiom  is  native  to  Anglo-Saxon  with  this 
whole  group  of  verbs. 

The  correspondents  in  Latin  are:  —  for  bebeodan:  U. :  accusative  and  passive  infinitive 
as  object,  3;  —  I.:  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  —  for 
beodan:  U. :  0;  —  I.:  subjective  active  infinitive,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  — 
for  bewerigan:  U.:  subjective  passive  infinitive,  1;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  — 
for  biddan:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  accusative  and  passive  infinitive  as  object,  2; 
appositive  participle  active,  1;  no  Latin,  1;  —  I.:  0;  —  for  forbeodan:  U.:  objective  active 
infinitive,  1;  —  I.:  noun  in  the  accusative,  1;  no  Latin,  1;  —  for  gehatan:  U.:  absolute 
participle  passive,  1;  accusative  and  passive  infinitive  as  object,  1;  —  I.:  accusative  and  a 
future  active  infinitive,  1. 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  37. 


2  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  44. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


189 


2.  Verbs  of  Permitting.1 

Of  the  three  verbs  in  this  group  ( aliefan ,  geSafian,  and  sellan),  sellan  is 
found  with  an  objective  infinitive  (U.:  1,  I.:  1)  only  in  the  poems.  In  the 
translations,  aliefan  is  found  with  an  infinitive,  uninflected  and  inflected,  that 
corresponds  now  to  an  objective  infinitive,  now  to  a  predicative  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject,  now  to  a  finite  verb  in  the  Latin  original;  and  gedafian  is 
found  once  with  an  inflected  infinitive  as  object  translating  a  Latin  objective 
infinitive  active.  Aliefan  and  geSafian  are  each  found,  also,  in  works  not  known 
to  be  translations.  The  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  this 
whole  group  of  verbs  is  probably  of  native  origin. 

3.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception.2 

Of  this  group  of  verbs,  Jindan,  gemyntan,  myntan,  ftencan,  and  wenan  are 
found  with  the  objective  infinitive  in  the  poems,  findan  and  Sencan  with  the 
infinitive  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  the  other  verbs  named  with  the  un¬ 
inflected  only.  In  the  translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive,  both  uninflected 
and  inflected,  has  various  Latin  correspondents.  In  all  probability,  therefore, 
the  objective  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  is  of  native  origin  with 
this  group  of  verbs,  though  no  doubt  the  Latin  original  occasionally  accounts 
(as  in  geleornian)  for  the  infinitive’s  being  inflected. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  geleornian:  U.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  I.: 
gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1; — for  gemyntan:  U. :  0;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1; 

—  for  gestihhian:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  I.:  no  Latin,  1; — ■  for  leornian:  U. :  0; 

—  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  2;  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1; — for  myntan:  U. :  objec¬ 
tive  active  infinitive,  1;  no  Latin,  2;  —  I.:  0;  —  for  &encan:  LT. :  objective  active  infinitive, 
11;  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  2;  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  2;  accusative 
and  active  infinitive  as  object,  1;  accusative  and  passive  infinitive  as  object,  1;  noun  in 
the  accusative,  1;  loose  paraphrase,  1;  no  Latin,  9;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  7;  co¬ 
ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  2;  subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the 
accusative,  1 ;  noun  in  the  ablative  modified  by  a  genitive,  1 ;  indicative  passive  with  a  prepo¬ 
sitional  phrase,  1 ;  no  Latin,  5. 

4.  Verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing.3 

Of  this  group  of  verbs,  only  the  following  have  the  objective  infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  and  that  uninflected:  forlcetan,  and  beginnan  and  onginnan, 
the  two  most  frequently  recurring  of  the  whole  class.  In  the  Chronicle ,  this 
idiom  with  these  two  last  verbs  occurs,  though  not  frequently:  in  the  transla¬ 
tions,  the  Anglo-Saxon  objective  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected, 
has  various  Latin  originals,  though  the  most  frequent  is  an  objective  infinitive. 
That  the  objective  infinitive,  when  uninflected,  was  a  native  idiom  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  with  these  two  verbs  seems  highly  probable,  therefore,  though  the  fre¬ 
quency  of  the  construction  in  the  translations  must  be  in  no  small  part  due  to 
the  frequency  of  coepit  (and  kindred  verbs  of  beginning)  followed  by  an  ob¬ 
jective  infinitive  in  the  Latin  original.  As  to  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object 
after  these  two  verbs,  I  have  spoken  above,  in  Chapter  II,  pp.  67  ff.;  where  I 
have  tried  to  show  that  the  use  of  the  inflected  form  was  not  due  to  foreign  in- 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  44. 
3  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  44. 


2  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  44. 


190  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

fluence.  The  objective  infinitive  after  the  other  verb  of  beginning  {aginnan), 
when  uninflected,  is  doubtless  original,  and  on  substantially  the  same  grounds 
given  for  beginnan  and  onginnan.  The  inflected  infinitive  as  object  with  aginnan 
is  found  only  in  the  later  Chronicle  (1006  Eb)  or  in  the  early  years  in  the  late 
and  imperfect  MS.  F. 

The  objective  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  after  fon  is  doubt¬ 
less  of  native  origin.  The  uninflected  infinitive  occurs  only  twice,  in  Wulfstan; 
the  inflected  is  found  in  Wserferth,  in  iElfric,  and  in  Wulfstan,  though  the 
example  in  Wserferth,  corresponding  to  a  Latin  gerundive  in  the  accusative, 
may  be  considered  final  in  sense. 

As  to  the  verbs  of  Ceasing  ( ablinnan  and  geswican),  as  the  objective  infini¬ 
tive  occurs  only  in  Late  West  Saxon  (iElfric  and  the  Gospels),  we  cannot  decide 
as  to  its  origin.  Forlcetan,  as  stated  above,  is  found  once  in  the  poems  unin¬ 
flected  (in  And.),  and  once  in  the  prose  inflected  (in  Greg.),  translating  here  an 
objective  active  infinitive;  and  the  idiom  with  this  verb  may  be  partly  due  to 
Latin  influence. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  aginnan:  U.:  objective  active  infinitive,  13;  co¬ 
ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  2;  appositive  participle,  active,  2;  —  I.:  0;  —  for  beginnan:  U. : 
objective  active  infinitive,  1;  no  Latin,  2;  —  I.:  objective  infinitive  (active,  5;  passive,  1); 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  4;  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1 ;  appositive  participle, 
active,  1;  no  Latin,  7;  —  for  fon:  U. :  0;  —  I.:  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  1;  co-ordinative 
finite  verb,  active,  1;  no  Latin,  1; — for  forlcetan:  U. :  0;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  — 
for  geswican:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  1 ;  —  I. :  0;  —  for  onginnan:  U. :  objective  infinitive 
(active,  333;  passive,  5);  subjective  active  infinitive,  1;  active  infinitive  as  retained  object, 
2;  accusative  and  active  infinitive  as  object,  1;  complementary  infinitive  (active,  2;  passive, 
1);  causal  active  infinitive  +  a  predicate  nominative,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  31; 
passive,  2);  subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  20;  gerund  in  the  ablative,  2;  a  +  a  gerund  in 
the  ablative,  1;  absolute  participle  (active,  4;  passive,  6);  appositive  participle  (active,  25; 
passive,  6);  noun  in  the  ablative,  5;  loose  paraphrase,  6;  no  Latin,  87;  —  I.:  objective  active 
infinitive,  4;  subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  appositive  participle,  active,  1;  inchoative 
indicative,  3;  loose  paraphrase,  1. 

5.  Verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will.1 

Of  this  group,  the  following  are  found  in  this  idiom  in  the  poetry:  forhogian 
(I.:  1),  gieman  (I.:  1),  secan  (U. :  2),  tilian  (U. :  2),  wil{l)nian  (U. :  1,  I.:  1). 
Two  of  these  {tilian  and  wil(l)nian)  are  the  most  frequently  used  of  the  whole 
group,  the  next  most  frequent  being  gewil{l)nian.  Although  only  the  first  of 
the  following  verbs  is  found  in  either  the  Chronicle  or  the  Laws,  the  objective 
infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  with  these  three  verbs  {gewil(l)nian, 
tilian ,  wil{l)nian)  is  probably  of  native  origin:  as  we  have  seen,  two  of  the 
three  are  found  in  the  poems;  and  in  the  translations,  the  objective  infinitive, 
though  often  translating  a  Latin  objective  infinitive,  often  has  other  corre¬ 
spondents  in  the  original.  For  substantially  the  same  reasons,  the  objective 
infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  is  probably  of  native  origin  after 
forhogian,  gieman,  and  secan. 

With  forhycgan,  the  objective  infinitive  occurs  twice  uninflected  in  Bede  in 
translation  of  a  Latin  objective  infinitive,  and  once  inflected  in  the  Blickling 
Homilies,  but,  as  with  the  kindred  forhogian,  the  infinitive  with  forhycgan  may 
be  native. 


1  Given  in  Chapter  II,  p.  44. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


191 


Twice  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  found  as  object  to  ge-earnian,  in  Bede, 
each  time  answering  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive,  and  thrice  in  iElfric;  and 
once  inflected  in  iElfric.  The  examples  are  too  few  for  a  confident  decision; 
but  the  sentences  in  Bede  sound  stiff  and  unnatural  to  me. 

Similarly  with  the  objective  infinitive  after  gemedemian,  occurring  twice 
uninflected  in  the  Laws,  and  once  inflected  in  iElfric,  in  each  translating  a 
Latin  objective  infinitive,  decision  is  impossible,  but  my  feeling  is  against  the 
native  origin. 

The  objective  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  after  geSristlcecan, 
occurring  as  it  does  in  the  Laws,  is  probably  of  native  origin,  although  in 
Wserferth  it  translates  a  Latin  objective  infinitive. 

The  objective  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected,  after  gewunian,  is 
probably  due  to  Latin  influence:  the  infinitive  is  not  found  in  the  poems;  in 
the  prose  occurs  chiefly  in  the  translations,  and  usually  renders  a  Latin  objec¬ 
tive  infinitive  with  consuescere  or  with  solere. 

The  objective  infinitive  after  ondrcedan,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  is 
probably  of  native  origin,  for,  while  we  find  in  the  translations  the  Anglo-Saxon 
infinitive  corresponding  usually  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive,  it  at  times  (as 
in  Greg.  49.18)  corresponds  to  a  Latin  finite  verb  without  an  infinitive. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  forhogian:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  2; — 
I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1 ;  —  for forhycgan:  U.:  objective  active  infinitive,  2;  —  I.:  0; 

—  for  ge-earnian:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  2;  —  I.:  0;  —  for  gemedemian:  objective 
active  infinitive,  2;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  —  for  ge<5ristlcecan:  U.:  objective 
active  infinitive,  1;  —  I.:  0;  —  for  gewilnian:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  4;  —  I.:  ob¬ 
jective  active  infinitive,  2;  —  for  gewunian:  U. :  objective  active  infinitive,  25;  —  I.:  objec¬ 
tive  active  infinitive,  3;  loose  paraphrase,  1;  no  Latin,  1;  — for  gieman:  U. :  objective  active 
infinitive,  3;  no  Latin,  1; — I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  2;— -for  ondrcedan:  U.:  objective 
active  infinitive,  2;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  2;  accusative  and  active  infinitive  as 
object,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  —  for  secan:  U.:  objective  active  infinitive,  2; 

—  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  10;  appositive  participle,  active,  1;  —  for  tilian:  U.:  ob¬ 
jective  active  infinitive,  1 ;  gerund  in  the  ablative,  1 ;  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1 ;  — 
I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  11;  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  3;  passive,  2);  subordi¬ 
nated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  loose  paraphrase,  2;  appositive  participle,  active,  1;  no  Latin,  3; 

• — for  wil(l)nian:  U.:  objective  active  infinitive,  22;  accusative  and  active  infinitive  as 
object,  1;  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  6;  passive,  1);  subordinated  finite  verb,  active, 
1;  no  Latin,  9;  —  I.:  objective  active  infinitive,  19;  complementary  infinitive,  active,  1; 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  2;  subordinated  finite  verb  (active,  2;  passive,  1);  gerundial 
periphrastic,  passive,  2;  gerundive  in  the  genitive,  2;  de  +  a  gerundive  in  the  ablative,  1; 
noun  in  the  accusative  with  a  gerund  in  the  genitive,  1 ;  noun  in  the  accusative,  1 ;  noun  in 
the  accusative  modified  by  an  infinitive,  1;  absolute  participle,  passive,  1;  loose  paraphrase, 
2;  no  Latin,  30. 

In  brief,  the  objective  infinitive,  uninflected  and  inflected,  is  probably  of 
native  origin  with  group  1  (verbs  of  Commanding) ;  group  2  (verbs  of  Permit¬ 
ting);  group  3  (verbs  of  Mental  Perception),  though,  no  doubt,  the  Latin 
original  occasionally  accounts  for  the  infinitive’s  being  inflected  (as  with 
geleornian) ;  with  fon  of  group  4  (verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing) ; 
and  with  all  the  verbs  of  group  5  (verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will)  except 
possibly  ge-earnian,  gemedemian ,  and  gewunian.  The  infinitive,  both  unin¬ 
flected  and  inflected,  as  the  object  of  aginnan,  beginnan,  and  onginnan,  in 
group  4  (verbs  of  Beginning,  Delaying,  and  Ceasing),  is  doubtless  of  native 
origin,  though  the  frequency  of  the  idiom  is  partly  due  to  the  Latin  original. 
With  the  verbs  of  Ceasing  ( ablinnan  and  geswican )  in  group  4,  the  origin  of  the 


192  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

objective  infinitive,  uninflected  and  inflected,  is  indeterminable,  so  few  are  the 
examples;  with  forlcetan,  the  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  is 
partly  due  to  Latin  influence. 

2.  With  a  Passive  Finite  Verb.1 

The  active  infinitive  as  “  the  retained  object”  of  passive  verbs  is  most  prob¬ 
ably  of  Latin  2  origin.  The  idiom  is  found  only  once,  if  at  all,  in  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  ( Exod .  44),  and  then  in  a  poem  based  on  a  Latin  original.  In  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  translations  it  is  rare,  and  usually  corresponds  to  the  same  construction 
in  the  Latin  originals  (8),  though  occasionally  to  other  Latin  idioms  (an  indica¬ 
tive  active,  1 ;  a  gerundial  periphrastic  passive,  1 ;  ad+  a  gerund  in  the  accusative 
after  a  passive  verb,  1).  It  is  almost  unknown  in  the  more  original  Anglo-Saxon 
prose  (the  Chronicle  and  the  Laws )  and,  strange  to  say,  in  iElfric.  The  fore¬ 
going  statement  is  substantially  true  whether  the  objective  infinitive  is  unin¬ 
flected  or  inflected,  concerning  which  see  Chapter  II,  p.  69  above. 

As  stated  in  Note  2  to  Chapter  II,  owing  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  translator’s 
mistaking  a  deponent  verb  for  a  passive  verb,  he  occasionally  gives  an  active 
infinitive  (uninflected  and  inflected)  after  an  Anglo-Saxon  finite  verb  that  is 
passive  in  form  but  active  in  sense. 

Despite  the  statement  of  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  100,  that  “  In  0.  E.  [=  A.  S.] 
the  simple  infinitive  seems  to  have  been  the  original  construction,  but  the  prepo¬ 
sitional  came  in  early,”  it  seems  probable  that,  from  the  outset,  both  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  could  be  used  as  the  object  of  active 
verbs,  the  differentiation  between  the  two  forms  resting  on  the  principles  laid 
down  in  Chapter  II,  pp.  60-69. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE.3 

1.  With  an  Active  Finite  Verb. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  the  object  of  active  verbs  is  of  Latin  origin.  The 
idiom  is  not  found  in  the  poetry.  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  it  is  rare, 
and  almost  invariably  corresponds  to  the  same  construction  in  the  Latin, 
though  occasionally  it  corresponds  to  a  Latin  objective  infinitive  active  ( Wcerf . 
206.14,  24),  occasionally  to  a  Latin  passive  subjunctive  {Bede  402.24),  and  once 
it  has  no  Latin  correspondent  {Mat.  20.28b).  It  is  unknown  in  the  more 
original  Anglo-Saxon  prose  (the  Chronicle,  the  Laws,  and  Wulfstan)  and,  strange 
to  say,  in  ^Elfric. 

2.  With  a  Passive  Finite  Verb. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  “  the  retained  object  ”  after  passive  verbs,  found 
four  times  in  Bede,  each  time  translates  the  same  idiom  in  the  Latin  original, 
as  it  does  also  in  the  one  example  in  Wserferth. 

In  the  other  Germanic  Languages  we  find  matters  surprisingly  similar  as 
regards  the  objective  infinitive,  both  active  and  passive:  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  ii. 


1  See  Chapter  II,  p.  59. 

2  Cf.  Erckmann,  l.  c.,  p.  11:  “  Thia  personal  construction  [=  infinitive  as  retained  object  of  a  passive  verb] 
is  very  rarely  to  be  found  in  the  former  stages  of  the  language,  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Semi-Saxon.  We  may  there¬ 
fore  ascribe  the  modern  usage  principally  to  the  influence  of  the  classic  languages.” 

3  See  Chapter  II,  pp.  71  ff. 


OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


193 


m.  OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE.1 

A.  AS  A  PREDICATE  NOMINATIVE. 

As  to  the  origin  of  the  infinitive  as  a  predicate  nominative,  it  is  difficult  to 
speak  with  any  confidence.  Only  two  examples  occur  in  the  poetry  ( Beow . 
473:  Sorh  is  me  to  secganne,  and  ib .  1724:  Wundor  is  to  secganne),  both  of 
which  are  doubtful,  and  only  one  in  Early  West  Saxon  (Bede  202.29:  Dset  eac 
swilce  his  Seaw  wses  on  o?>rum  cyninges  tune  to  donne  =  160.1:  quod  ipsum  et 
in  aliis  uillis  regiis  facer e  solebat),  which  is  also  doubtful.  One  example  each 
occurs  in  the  Gosp.  ( J .  19.40)  and  in  the  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  (10.521); 
three,  in  Wulf.  (214.22,  279.5a*  b);  and  the  remainder,  constituting  the  major¬ 
ity,  in  iElfric.  It  is  possible  that  the  infinitive  as  a  predicate  nominative  is  an 
extension  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject  of  a  verb  +  a  noun  or  pronoun, 
or  as  the  modifier  of  a  noun,  but  the  fact  that  the  predicate  infinitive  does  not 
occur,  save  sporadically,  until  Late  West  Saxon  times,  and  that,  in  the  example 
from  the  Gospels,  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  corresponds  to  a  Latin  infinitive  as 
predicate  nominative,  makes  it  probable  that  Latin  influence  contributed  some¬ 
what  to  the  result.  What  is  here  written  applies  primarily  to  the  inflected 
infinitive,  which,  as  we  have  seen  above,  Chapter  III,  p.  74,  is  the  normal 
form  in  this  idiom.  For  the  explanation  of  the  few  uninflected  infinitives  in 
this  construction,  see  above,  Chapter  III,  p.  75. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  infinitive  as  predicate  nominative  is 
rare:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  iii. 

B.  AS  AN  APPOSITIVE. 

The  appositive  infinitive,  normally  uninflected,  is  rare  in  Early  West  Saxon 
and  in  Late  West  Saxon,  and  only  three  examples,  all  uninflected,  occur  in 
the  poetry  (Beow.  76,  Maldon  208a*  b).  In  the  translations  it  corresponds  to  an 
appositive  infinitive  (Gosp.:  Mk.  2.9a*  b;  L.  5.23a>  b;  Mat.  9.5a>  b);  to  a  subjective 
infinitive  (Bede  78.22a*  b>  c>  d* e;  Greg.  355.22a>  b;  Oros.  50.16;  Solil.  16.16,  17; 
Mk.  12.33  (?)  );  to  a  subjunctive  (Greg.  273.3  (?)  );  to  an  objective  infinitive 
(Boeth.  53.20a>  b;  Pr .  Gu.  IV.  58,  XVI.  14a>b);  to  an  attributive  adjective 
(Bede  458.24);  to  a  prepositional  phrase  (Bede  56.24);  and  occasionally  has 
no  Latin  correspondent  (Boeth.  84.32;  Pr.  Ps.  39.  Intr.;  Solil.  2.16,  17;  Oros. 
44.9,  10a* b;  120. 31a’ b;  138. 32a- b;  178.10,11).  The  construction  is  found 
occasionally,  too,  in  the  Chronicle  and  in  the  Laws.  The  idiom  may  be  native, 
but  it  is  probable  that  in  a  number  of  instances  the  construction  is  due  to 
Latin  influence :  probably  but  not  necessarily,  in  those  in  which  the  appositive 
infinitive  occurs  both  in  the  Latin  original  and  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translation, 
but  also  in  a  number  of  other  instances  in  which  there  is  no  such  correspond¬ 
ence  in  the  specific  sentences,  but  in  which  the  Latin  pattern  (of  other  sentences) 
is  followed.  The  occasional  inflection  of  the  appositive  infinitive  is  due  to  its 
proximity  to  some  word  requiring  a  case  other  than  the  accusative,  as  explained 
in  Chapter  III. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages  this  use,  also,  is  rare:  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  iii. 


1  See  Chapter  III,  p.  73. 


194  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


IV.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS.1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  predicative  use  of  the  active  uninflected  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs 
is  of  native  origin  in  Anglo-Saxon,  for  it  is  found  innumerable  times  in  poetry 
and  in  prose  of  all  periods  and  authors  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  epoch.  It  has 
seemed  unnecessary  to  gather  statistics  on  this  construction.  The  predicative 
use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  active  with  auxiliaries  occurs  only  sporadically 
except  with  agan,  concerning  which  see  Chapter  IV,  pp.  80-81,  82-83. 

The  construction  with  the  uninflected  infinitive  active  is  likewise  native 
in  the  other  Germanic  languages;  with  the  inflected  infinitive,  only  sporadic: 
concerning  both  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  iv. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Contrary  to  my  expectation,  the  passive  infinitive  as  complement  to  the 
auxiliary  verb  is  due  to  Latin  influence.  This  use  is  almost  unknown  in 
the  poetry,  only  25  examples  being  found  (1  with  the  infinitive  made  up  of  the 
past  participle  and  beon;  7  with  the  infinitive  made  up  of  the  past  participle 
and  wesan;  and  17  with  the  infinitive  made  up  of  the  past  participle  and 
weordan),  and  all  of  these  in  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin  originals  (Gen., 
Dan.,  Chr.,  Gu.,  Ju.,  EL,  And.,  Ph.,  and  Met.).  In  the  prose  translations,  the 
passive  infinitive  regularly  corresponds  to  a  complementary  passive  infinitive 
in  the  Latin,  though  occasionally  it  has  other  correspondents. 

The  other  correspondents  in  Latin  are:  the  passive  subjunctive,  45;  the  passive  indica¬ 
tive,  32;  the  accusative  and  passive  infinitive  (as  subject,  1;  as  object,  19);  the  passive  in¬ 
finitive  as  retained  object,  1;  the  objective  passive  infinitive,  5;  the  appositive  participle, 
passive,  8;  the  attributive  participle,  passive,  1;  the  complementary  infinitive,  active,  5; 
the  objective  active  infinitive,  1;  the  accusative  and  active  infinitive  as  object,  4;  the  active 
indicative,  4;  the  active  subjunctive,  15;  a  noun,  3;  a  gerundive,  1;  a  gerund,  2;  a  loose 
paraphrase,  1;  no  Latin,  14. 

V.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION 

AND  OF  REST.2 

Of  the  nature  and  the  origin  of  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of 
motion  and  of  rest  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  have  seen  no  thoroughly  satisfactory 
explanation.  But  several  helpful  suggestions  have  been  offered,  and  in  the 
following  pages  I  attempt  a  synthesis  of  these  suggestions. 

The  more  modern  view  seems  to  be  that  the  infinitive  in  this  construction 
at  times  denotes  the  manner  of  motion  indicated  by  the  chief  verb,  and  at 
times  expresses  an  action  co-ordinate  with  that  of  the  chief  verb,  which  uses 
may  be  designated  as  modal  and  co-ordinate  respectively. 

C.  F.  Koch’s3  statement,  in  his  Englische  Grammatik  (1865),  II,  p.  61,  is 
brief  and  explicit.  Speaking  of  the  simple  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion,  he 
says:  “  Hier  erscheint  der  Infinitiv  in  doppelter  Bedeutung.  Er  nennt  aa) 
die  Weise  der  Bewegung  oder  eine  sie  begleitende  Handlung:  Fleon  gewat  (er 


1  See  Chapter  IV,  p.  79.  2  See  Chapter  V,  p.  89. 

3  Koch’s  first  ed.  of  Vol.  II  appeared  in  1865;  my  quotation  is  from  the  second  ed.  (1878). 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST.  195 

gieng  fliehen  =  floh),  C.  136.23;  .  .  .  bb)  den  Zweck  der  Bewegung:  Gewat 
se  wilda  fugel  earce  secan,”  etc.  Clearly  our  idiom  is  referred  to  in  Koch’s  first 
subdivision,  which  takes  account  of  both  the  modal  and  the  co-ordinate  uses. 

Since  in  his  discussion  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion,  especially  in 
his  paragraph  on  this  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Matzner  1  clumps  together 
examples  in  which  the  infinitive  is  purely  final  (as  in  Beow.  396:  Nu  ge  moton 
gang  an  .  .  .  HroSgar  geseon)  with  examples  of  the  dubious  sort  now  under 
discussion  (as  in  Beow.  234:  Gewat  him  <5 a  to  waro&e  wicge  ridan  Cegn  Hro&- 
gares),  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  be  sure  of  his  view  as  to  the  ultimate  nature 
of  the  infinitive  in  question.  I  quote,  however,  his  introductory  comment 
(p.  16) :  “  Bei  intransitiven  Verben  der  Bewegung  war  in  alterer  Zeit  der  reine 
Infinitiv  gelaufig ;  gegenwartig  trifft  man  ihn  noch  bei  go,  fruher  auch  bei  come. 
In  diesem  Falle  bezeichnet  der  Infinitiv  theils  eine  zweite  Thatigkeit,  welche  mit 
der  Bewegung  verbunden  ist,  theils  eine  solche,  welche  ihren  Zweck  ausmacht.” 
Then  follow  examples  of  the  sort  indicated  from  Modern  English  and  from 
Middle  English.  The  paragraph  on  this  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  thus 
introduced  (p.  17):  “  Wie  im  Franzosischen  bei  alter,  venir,  courir  und  bei 
denselben  Begriffen  in  altgermanischen  Mundarten,  steht  auch  im  Ags.  bei 
gangan,  gewitan,  cuman,  faran,  feran  haufig  der  reine  Infinitiv.’’  Then  follow 
examples  from  Anglo-Saxon,  specimens  of  which  I  have  already  quoted.  Then 
comes  this  concluding  paragraph  concerning  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion 
in  English  of  the  three  epochs:  “  Dass  in  den  angefiihrten  Beispielen  theils 
eine  mit  der  Bewegung  zeitlich  zusammenfallende  Bethatigung,  theils  eine  der 
Bewegung  folgende  und  durch  sie  erzielte  Handlung  dargestellt  wird,  ergiebt 
sich  leicht;  wie  aber  beide  Verhaltnisse  oft  thatsachlich  nahe  an  einander 
grenzen  und  selbst  in  einander  iibergehen,  so  ist  beiden  syntaktisch  dieselbe  Form 
zu  Theil  geworden,  worm  die  Bewegung  gleichmassig  als  die  Voraussetzung 
einer  anderen  Handlung  erscheint.  Wo  der  begriff  des  Zweckes  hervorgehoben 
wird,  tritt  auch  in  friihester  Zeit  schon  to  zum  Infinitiv,  woriiber  beim  prapo- 
sitionalen  Infinitiv  gehandelt  wird.”  (Cf.  ibidem,  p.  38.)  He  seems,  also,  to 
attribute  to  our  infinitive  both  the  modal  and  the  co-ordinate  uses. 

Professor  March,  in  his  A  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Language 
(1869),  §  448  (4),  under  “  Direct  Object,”  speaks  of  this  use  of  the  infinitive 
as  follows:  “  General  motion  defined  by  specific  motion:  fleon  gewat,  1  he 
went  to  fly  ’  =  1  he  flew  away’  (C.  136,  23) ;  com  fleogan,  ‘  came  flying  ’  (89, 10) ; 
com  gongan  (B.  710);  com  drifan,  1  came  driving  ’  =  ‘  fell  (on  a  rock)  ’  (Bed., 
5,  6);  so  with  faran,  feran ,  glidan,  ridan,  scri&an,  sioian,  tredan,  etc.  See 
further  under  Participles,  §  458,  2.”  This  section  on  the  participle  deserves 
quoting,  as  throwing  some  light  on  the  statement  just  quoted  concerning  the 
infinitive.  In  §  458,  under  the  heading  “  Objective,”  we  read  in  (2) :  “  Defini¬ 
tive  after  verbs  of  motion:  com  ridende,  i  came  riding  ’  (Horn.,  2,  134);  com 
gangende  (Matt.,  XIV,  25,  and  often);  cwom  gefered  (Sal.,  178;  perhaps  never 
exactly  the  Germ,  ham  gegangen) ;  wind  wedende  fcereft  (EL,  1274) ;  fturhwunedon 
acsiende,  ‘  they  continued  asking  ’  (John,  VIII,  7).”  2  It  may  be,  however, 
that  Professor  March,  by  his  translation  of  fleon  gewat  as  u  he  went  to  fly  ” 


1  Englische  Grammatik  (1865),  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  16-17;  my  quotation  is  from  the  third  ed.  (1880). 

2  Of  these  examples  only  the  first  two  seem  to  me  strictly  analogous  in  use  with  the  infinitive  under  dis¬ 
cussion.  Gefered  is  excluded  as  being  a  past  participle;  wedende  is  more  a  participial  adverb  than  an  adverbial 
participle,  as  I  have  tried  to  show  in  my  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  275;  while  acsiende  is  in 
sense  utterly  different  from  the  infinitives  like  gangan,  fleogan,  etc. 


196  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

intends  to  imply  that  ultimately  fleon  denotes  purpose,  though  the  probability 
of  such  an  implication  is  somewhat  weakened  by  his  adding  immediately  “  =  he 
flew  away,”  as  also  by  his  translation  of  the  other  infinitives  above.  In  a  word, 
he  seems  to  consider  the  infinitive  modal  in  use. 

Quite  similar  to  the  statement  of  C.  F.  Koch  is  that  of  Theodor  Muller,  in 
his  Angelsachsische  Grammatik  (1883),  p.  247:  “  Der  reine  Inf.  steht  .  .  .  c) 
nach  Verben  der  Bewegung,  um  den  Zweck  der  Bewegung  auszudriicken; 
zuweilen  auch  um  die  Art  und  Weise  der  Bewegung  naher  zu  bezeichnen,  im 
letzteren  Falle  das  Part.  Praes.  vertretend :  Gewat  t>a  neosian  .  .  .  hean  huses, 
Beow.  115;  he  com  gangan,  Beow.  710  (cf.  Koch,  II,  55).” 

The  view  of  Dr.  Steig  is  given  in  his  discussion  of  human,  in  his  article 
“  Ueber  den  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  im  Altniederdeutschen  ”  (1884):  “  Bei 
human  scheint  die  Infinitiv-Construetion  besonders  beliebt  gewesen  zu  sein. 
Indess  ist  eine  doppelte  Gebrauchsweise  wohl  zu  unterscheiden :  Erstens  wird 
namlich  dem  Verbum  human  pleonastisch  der  Infinitiv  eines  Verbs  der  Bewegung 
beigefiigt;  ahnlich  bei  Homer,  z.  B.  e/fy  1/xev,  efty  QUiv  u.  dgl.  m.”  1  He  then 
cites  examples,  of  which  I  quote  only  one,  Heliand  503 :  tho  quam  en  uuif  gangan. 
The  second  use  of  the  infinitive  after  hum, an  is,  as  Steig  indicates,  purely  final. 

Quite  similar  is  the  view  of  Dr.  Pratje,  in  his  “  Syntax  des  Heliand  ”  (1885), 
§  142,  which  is  headed  “  Einfacher  Infinitiv,  abhanging  von  Verben  der  Bewe¬ 
gung:  ”  “  Man  kann  zwischen  dem  phraseologischen,  oder,  wie  Steig  es  aus- 
driickt,  pleonastischen  und  dem  finalen  Gebrauch  des  Infinitiv  unterscheiden.” 
He  then  gives  illustrations  of  these  two  uses  of  the  infinitive  with  ;various 
verbs  of  motion.  But  neither  he  nor  Steig  expresses  a  definite  opinion  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  phraseological  (or  pleonastic)  infinitive. 

Of  the  same  import  is  the  statement  of  Dr.  Karl  Kohler,  who,  in  his  disser¬ 
tation,  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  und  Particips  im  “  Beowulf  ” 
(1886),  p.  29,  declares  that  the  infinitive  expresses  “  entweder  die  Weise  der 
Bewegung  oder  eine  sie  begleitende  Handlung.” 

Dr.  B.  Schrader,  in  his  Studien  zur  Mlfricshen  Syntax  (1887),  p.  70,  at¬ 
tributes  to  the  infinitive  the  modal  use:  “Um  bei  Verben  der  Bewegung  die  Art 
derselben  zu  bezeichnen,  wird  im  alteren  ae.  [=  A.  S.]  stets  der  einfache  Inf. 
gebraucht  {he  com  gangan).” 

Dr.  Sweet’s  statement,  in  his  Anglo-Saxon  Reader  (1894),  p.  lxxxiv,  is  brief, 
and  non-committal  as  to  the  origin  of  the  idiom:  “  The  infinitive  is  often  used 
in  poetry  after  a  verb  of  motion  where  we  should  use  the  present  participle: 
5a  com  inn  gan  ealdor  3egna,  ‘  the  prince  of  thanes  came  walking  in  *  (20.394).” 

Professor  C.  A.  Smith  seems  to  think  that  the  infinitive  is  primarily  modal 
in  sense.  In  his  Anglo-Saxon  Grammar  (1898),  p.  438,  in  commenting  on 
Beowulf,  1.  651  ( scaduhelma  gesceapu  scriftan  cwoman),  he  expresses  himself  as 
follows:  “  The  student  will  note  that  the  infinitive  ( scridan )  is  here  employed 
as  a  present  participle  after  a  verb  of  motion  {cwoman).  This  construction 
with  cuman  is  frequent  in  prose  and  poetry.  The  infinitive  expresses  the  kind 
of  motion:  ic  com  drifan  =  6 1  came  driving.’  ” 

Dr.  Wiilfing’s  statement,  in  his  Syntax  (1900),  II,  p.  194,  is  as  follows: 
“  Der  Infinitiv  bezeichnet  die  Art  und  Weise  der  Bewegung  oder  eine  gleich- 
zeitige  Handlung,  als  Vertreter  eines  Partizips.  Diese  in  der  Poesie  so  iiberaus 
haufige  Redewendung  habe  ich  bei  vElfred  nur  zweimal  bei  cuman  gef unden.” 


1  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  337. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST.  197 

He  then  quotes  Bede  619.23  and  Boethius  6.9,  and  refers  to  Matzner,  to  Schrader, 
and  to  an  article  by  himself  in  Englische  Studien,  Vol.  XIX,  1894,  pp.  118-119. 
In  this  last  article,  in  reviewing  A.  Muller’s  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des 
Verbums  in  dem  Angelsachsischen  Gedichte  von  der  Judith  (a  Leipzig  disserta¬ 
tion  of  1892),  Dr.  Wiilfing  discusses  the  origin  of  the  infinitive  with  gehen  in 
such  expressions  as  essen  gehen,  sitzen  gehen,  stehen  gehen,  schlafen  gehen,  liegen 
gehen,  particularly  in  modern  Niederdeutsch  ( liggen  gan  =  ‘  sich  legen;  ’  lopen 
gan  —  1  weglaufen;  *  stan  gan  =  ‘sich  stellen ’),  and  concludes:  “  Sicher  ist 
die  Beziehung  des  Zweckes  in  diesen  Infinitiven  bei  gan  das  urspriingliche, 
spater  aber  verwischte  sich  die  Bezeichnung  des  Zweckes  mit  der  der  Gleich- 
zeitigkeit,  und  das  Ganze  wurde  zu  einer  pleonastischen  Umschreibung;  ob  dies 
aber  schon  in  ags.  Zeit  der  Fall  war,  lasst  sich  bezweifeln.” 

In  his  The  Expression  of  Purpose  in  Old  English  Prose  (1903),  p.  13,  Pro¬ 
fessor  Shearin  thus  comments  on  the  idiom:  “  There  is  met  four  times,  in  the 
prose  of  the  early  period,  the  infinitive  of  a  verb  of  motion  after  another  verb 
of  like  kind,  used  pleonastically  to  express  manner  of  motion.” 

Professor  Strunk,  in  his  Juliana  (1904),  thus  comments  on  cwom  blican, 
11.  563-564:  “  A  common  idiom  in  O.  E.  poetry:  a  verb  of  motion  followed  by 
a  complementary  infinitive,”  a  definition  which  seems  to  hark  back  to  the 
statement  of  Grimm  given  below. 

The  most  recent  expressions  of  opinion  as  to  the  nature  of  the  idiom  that  I 
have  seen  are  by  Dr.  Kenyon,  in  his  The  Syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  Chaucer 
(1909),  and  by  Dr.  Riggert,  in  his  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  in 
der  Altenglischen  Poesie  (1909).  Says  the  former,  l.  c.,  p.  6:  “As  in  O.  E., 
so  sometimes  in  Chaucer,  the  simple  infinitive  with  verbs  of  motion  represents 
a  simultaneous  action,  denoting  the  manner  or  specifying  the  nature  of  the 
governing  verb.  Cf.  Beow.  711:  fta  com  of  more  under  misthleobum  Grendel 
gongan  (K[ohler],  p.  31).”  Dr.  Riggert,  Z.  c.,  pp.  38  ff.,  lists  the  examples  of 
our  idiom  under  this  heading:  “  Der  Infinitiv  bezeichnet  die  Art  und  Weise 
der  Bewegung oder  eine  gleichzeitige  Handlung.”  He  adds:  “  Der  Infinitiv,  der 
die  Art  und  Weise  der  Bewegung  ausdruckt,  enthalt  ein  Verbum,  das  mit 
dem  Verbum  Finitum  sinn-verw*andt  ist;  in  Ausdriicken  wie  gewat  him  c Sa 
Andreas  gangan  steht  der  Infinitiv  rein  pleonastiseh.” 

But,  while  helpful,  none  of  these  more  modern  statements  are  so  helpful  as 
this  brief  statement  by  Grimm:  “  Ferner  stehn  die  Verba  gehen,  fahren,  kommen 
auxiliarisch  mit  dem  blossen  Inf.”  1  Grimm  then  cites  numerous  examples  of 
the  uninflected  infinitive  after  these  and  similar  verbs  of  motion  in  the  various 
Germanic  languages,  among  the  rest  (p.  108)  in  Anglo-Saxon.  In  the  last, 
as  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  illustrated  by  Grimm,  sometimes  the  in¬ 
finitive  is  clearly  final  (as  in  Beow.  1601  (Grimm’s  reading) :  gewat  him  secan) 
and  sometimes  predicative  (as  in  Gen.  1471:  gewat  fleog an) . 

Personally  I  believe  that  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion 
was  originally  final  in  sense  in  Anglo-Saxon,  a  use  of  the  uninflected  infinitive 
very  common  in  the  poems  and  not  unknown  in  the  prose.  Later  the  principal 
verb  of  motion  paled  down  to  a  mere  auxiliary  (w'hence  Grimm  speaks  of  the 
use  of  the  finite  verb  of  motion  as  auxiliary,  as  already  stated),  and  the  infini¬ 
tive  after  this  verb  of  motion  came  to  complete  the  sense  of  this  verb  of  incom¬ 
plete  sense  when  used  as  an  auxiliary:  thus,  to  take  again  the  example  cited  by 


1  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  107. 


198  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

Professor  March,  fleon  gewat  first  meant  “  he  went  (in  order)  to  fly,”  or  “  he 
tended  to  fly,”  and  finally  merely  “  he  flew.”  How  close  the  border  line  is 
between  the  final  infinitive  and  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  and  how  easily  the  former  may  pass  into  the  latter,  may  be  made 
clear  by  a  few  illustrations,  I  believe.  Take  this  sentence  from  the  Lceceboc, 
edited  by  Dr.  Leonhardi,  68.29:  Sume  alwan  leaf  sella8,  Sonne  mon  wile  slapan 
gan;  or  this  from  Beowulf,  239 :  8 us  brontne  ceol  ofer  lagustrcete  Icedan  cwomonf 
or  these  from  Genesis:  —  1774:  Da  com  leof  gode  on  8 a  eSelturf  idesa  Icedan; 
1746:  Gewit  8u  nu  feran  y  8ine  fare  Icedan,  ceapas  to  cnosle;  1767:  Him  8a 
Abraham  gewat  cehte  Icedan  on  Egipta  eSelmearce.  The  infinitive  in  each  of 
these  sentences  may  be  considered  either  as  final  or  as  predicative,  though  it 
now  seems  to  me  to  lean  slightly  more  to  the  former  use  in  the  passages  in 
question.  But,  in  most  of  the  examples  cited  as  predicative  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
the  final  sense  has  well  nigh  completely  faded  away  from  the  infinitive;  the 
infinitive  seems  to  carry  the  chief  idea  in  the  verb  phrase;  and  the  principal 
verb  seems  to  have  become  a  mere  auxiliary;  for  which  reason  it  has  seemed  to 
me  best  to  call  this  the  predicative  use  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  after  a  verb 
of  motion  which  has  paled  into  an  auxiliary,  as  has  long  been  the  habit  in  char¬ 
acterizing  the  infinitive  after  ( w)uton .  This  seems  more  nearly  in  accord  with 
the  facts  than  to  consider  that  the  infinitive  has  paled,  and  that  the  finite  verb 
carries  the  sense  of  the  verbal  phrase,  as  do  those  who  call  the  infinitive  pleonas¬ 
tic;  or  than  to  consider  that  neither  finite  verb  nor  infinitive  has  paled,  as  ap¬ 
parently  do  those  who  call  the  infinitive  either  modal  or  co-ordinate. 

This  development  of  the  verb  of  motion  into  an  auxiliary  and  of  the  final 
infinitive  into  a  predicative  infinitive,  here  postulated  as  a  fact  for  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  is  supported  by  what  we  learn  of  similar  constructions  in  the  kindred 
languages,  especially  in  the  Germanic  languages.  Thus,  the  infinitives  OUw 
and  tjxev,  cited  from  Homer  by  Dr.  Steig  and  by  Dr.  Shearin,  are  considered 
final  by  Goodwin,  in  his  Syntax  of  the  Moods  and  Tenses  of  the  Greek  Verb, 
§  772.  Grimm’s  numerous  examples  prove  that  such  may  have  been  the 
evolution  in  High  German  with  verbs  of  rest;  and  Dr.  Wiilfing  holds  that  such 
has  been  the  case  in  Low  German  as  a  whole  after  verbs  of  motion,  a  fact 
already  illustrated  in  this  section  for  Old  Saxon.  Again,  this  explanation  is 
in  line  with  Grimm’s  explanation  of  the  High  Germanic  kam  gelaufen.1  For 
further  details  as  to  the  idiom  in  the  Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter  XVI, 
section  v. 

More  than  this:  as  we  have  tried  to  show,  this  theory  comes  nearest  to 
explaining  the  numerous  infinitives  after  verbs  of  motion  in  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  and  prose,  whether  final  or  predicative.  It  corresponds  to  the  well 
nigh  universally  accepted  belief  that  the  infinitive  after  ( w)uton  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  was  originally  final  in  sense,  but  early  in  Anglo-Saxon  times  became 
predicative,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  chapter  on  this  idiom.  It  tallies  with  the 
development  of  the  infinitive  with  to  in  Modern  English  after  verbs  of  motion, 
as  in  I  went  to  sleep  =  1 1  slept,’  etc. 

Finally,  that  the  Latin  had  no  influence  in  the  development  of  this  use,  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that,  in  the  very  few  examples  of  the  predicative  infini¬ 
tive  after  verbs  of  motion  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations,  no  such  infinitive 
occurs  in  the  Latin  original. 


1  See  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  9. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  u  (w)UTON.” 


199 


This  theory  as  to  the  origin  of  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of 
motion  seems  applicable  likewise  to  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of 
rest,  —  a  construction  very  rare  in  Anglo-Saxon  (only  four  examples  occur),  but 
not  uncommon  in  the  High  Germanic  languages:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  v. 

VI.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “  (W)UTON.”1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

As  stated  incidentally  in  the  preceding  section,  the  predicative  infinitive 
after  ( w)uton  was  probably  originally  final  in  sense,  as  in  the  case  of  the  predica¬ 
tive  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  in  general.  The  purpose  idea  paled  away, 
and  the  infinitive  came  to  be  complementary  instead  of  final  in  sense.  This 
view  is  generally  accepted,  and  has  been  several  times  expressed  by  others,  as 
by  Professor  C.  A.  Smith  2  and  by  Professor  Shearin.3  Not  quite  so  definite 
is  the  statement  of  Professor  Einenkel:  “  gon  mit  reinem  Infinitiv  ist  entweder 
auxiliar  und  periphrastisch  und  zwar  in  den  Fallen,  in  denen  es  dem  AE.  wutan , 
utan  entspricht,  also  in  der  1.  Person  Pluralis  steht:  go  we  then  soupe,  quod  he, 
III,  16;  .  .  .  oder  es  ist  Begriffsverbum  und  der  abhangige  Infinitiv  hat,  wie 
oben  bei  gon  to,  nur  eine  etwas  schwachere,  finale  Bedeutung:  Go  brynge  hir 
forth  and  put  hir  in  hir  warde,  III,  81.”  4 

The  idea  of  motion  pales  away  in  ( w)uton ,  and  it  becomes  equal  to  the 
modern  let  as  an  exhortation. 

The  infrequency  of  the  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  where  less 
than  fifty  examples  are  found,  and  in  Alfred,  where  about  twenty-five  examples 
are  found,  was  noted  above,  Chapter  VI,  p.  93.  No  example  occurs  in  the 
Chronicle,  but  the  construction  is  frequent  in  iElfric,  and  very  frequent  in 
Wulfstan. 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations,  (w)uton  plus  an  infinitive  usually 5  renders 
a  Latin  adhortative  subjunctive  corresponding  in  sense  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
infinitive.  In  a  few  instances,  however,  the  Latin  has  an  adhortative  verb  of 
motion  in  addition,  as  in  JElf.  Hept.:  Gen.  37.20b:  Uton  hine  ofslean  and  don 
hine  on  bone  .  .  .  pytt  and  secgan  =  Venite,  oceidamus  eum  et  mittamus  in 
cisternam  veterem!  dicamusqne.  All  examples  observed  of  this  use  of  veni 
and  of  venite  are  given  in  a  note  to  Chapter  VI,  p.  95;  as  are,  also,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  imitations  of  the  same.  While,  as  indicated  in  the  preceding  paragraphs, 
I  believe  the  ( w)uton  construction  to  be  of  native  English  origin,  it  is  impossible 
to  resist  the  belief  that  its  great  vogue  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  in  no  small  measure 
due  to  Latin  influence.  This  belief  rests  not  only  on  the  statement  just  given 
as  to  the  Latin  correspondents  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  prose  translations,  but  on 
the  further  fact  that  only  four  examples  of  the  infinitive  with  wuton  have  been 
found  in  Beowulf,  and  that  most  of  the  remaining  examples  in  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  occur  in  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin  originals  (Gen.,  3;  Chr.,  4; 
And.,  1;  Ps.,  14;  Minor  Poems,  16). 

Concerning  the  predicative  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see 
Chapter  XVI,  section  vi. 

1  See  Chapter  VI,  p.  93.  2  In  his  explanation  of  uton  in  his  An  Old  English  Grammar ,  p.  184. 

3  Shearin,1 1.  c.,  p.  12.  i  Einenkel,1 1.  c.,  p.  238. 

6  About  76  times  out  of  a  total  of  94  examples.  The  other  correspondents  are:  an  appositive  participle,  1; 

an  imperative,  1;  no  Latin,  15. 


200  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

As  to  the  origin  of  the  passive  infinitive  as  complement  to  ( w)uton ,  I  cannot 
speak  with  certainty,  as  only  three  examples  occur,  all  in  iElfric. 

VII.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “  BEON  ”  (“  WESAN  ”).1 

A.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY. 

As  to  the  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  ( wesan )  denoting  necessity  and  pas¬ 
sive  in  sense,  it  seems  to  me  highly  probable  that,  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  con¬ 
struction  was  first  suggested  by  the  Latin,  because :  — 

1.  Only  ten  examples  in  all  have  been  found  in  the  poems  ( S .  &  S.  54:  to 
begonganne;  Seizure  and  Death  of  Alfred  13:  to  gelyfenne;  Rid .  42.8:  to  ge'Qenc- 
anne;  Rid.  29.12  and  32.23:  to  hycganne;  Met.  21.42:  to  meianne;  Gu.  502  and 
510:  to  secganne;  And.  1481:  to  secganne;  and  Ps.  77.10:  to  wenanne );  of 
which  examples  the  majority  come  from  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin 
originals  (Met.,  And.,Gu.,  and  Ps.).  Three  examples  come  from  a  poem  (the 
Riddles)  believed  2  to  be  by  an  author,  Cynewulf,  some  of  whose  works  are 
known  to  be  based  on  Latin  originals.  As  to  the  other  two  poems  concerned, 
Salomo  and  Saturnus  and  the  Seizure  and  Death  of  Alfred,  although  the  direct 
source  of  the  former  has  not  been  discovered,  the  poem  is  believed  to  be  based 
on  Latin  originals; 3  and  the  second  poem  occurs  in  the  later  part  of  the  Chron¬ 
icle.  Again,  in  three  of  the  ten  examples  the  same  infinitive,  to  secganne , 
occurs,  while  two  others  show  to  hycganne;  and  all  of  the  words  so  used  in  the 
poems  occur  also  in  the  prose,  most  of  them  in  direct  translation  of  the  Latin 
periphrastic  conjugation.  In  the  face  of  these  facts,  no  one,  I  think,  will 
claim  that  this  construction  is  organic  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry. 

2.  Although,  as  we  have  seen  already,  the  construction  is  very  common  in 
Early  West  Saxon,  still,  in  Alfred  and  in  Wserferth,  out  of  a  total  of  about 
552  examples,  478  correspond  to  the  Latin  periphrastic  conjugation  (either 
complete,  445;  or  elliptical,  33)  made  up  of  sum  and  the  gerundive;  while  29 
others  correspond  to  Latin  locutions  of  similar  form  or  meaning  (ad  -f-  a  gerund 
(1),  ad+  a  gerundive  (3),  an  adjective  in  -oilis  (2),  debeo-\-  an  infinitive  (5),  a 
gerundive  in  the  genitive  (1),  dignum  +  an  ablative  (2),  possum  +  a  passive 
infinitive  (1),  sum  +  an  infinitive  (2);  licet  +  an  infinitive  (1);  —  and  less 
closely  akin:  an  accusative  and  a  passive  infinitive  (1),  a  passive  indicative  (8), 
or  a  passive  subjunctive  (2)  ).  I  believe,  therefore,  that  the  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  of  necessity  or  obligation  in  Anglo-Saxon  was  first  suggested  by,  and  was 
used  normally  in  translation  of,  the  Latin  passive  periphrastic  conjugation, 
though  it  was  occasionally  suggested  by  the  other  Latin  locutions  of  kindred 
signification  above  named. 

3.  Nor  is  the  induction  of  2  invalidated,  I  think,  by  the  fact  that  we  have 
about  forty-five  infinitives  in  Early  West  Saxon  not  yet  accounted  for  by  the 
Latin  originals.  Of  these  forty-five,  seven  (Bede  88.23:  cweSan;  128.13:  don; 


1  See  Chapter  VII,  p.  97. 

2  The  claims  of  Cynewulf  to  the  authorship  of  the  Riddles  has  been  much  strengthened  by  Dr.  F.  Tupper. 
Jr.’s  recent  article,  “  The  Cynewulfian  Runes  of  the  First  Riddle,”  in  Modern  Language  Notes  for  December,  1910. 

3  See  Vincenti,  l.  c.,  pp.  122  ff. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON”  (“WESAN”).  201 

234.13:  geliefan;  334.30:  secgan ;  Boeth.  16.19:  Sencan;  Greg.  249.7:  habban; 
377.22:  ongietan )  correspond  to  an  active  subjunctive,  which  may  suggest 
obligation  or  necessity.1  While  four  {Bede  230.21:  ongietan;  Boeth.  64.18: 
tcelan;  Boeth.  64.19:  herian;  Greg.  455.28:  gieman )  correspond  to  a  present 
indicative,  each  infinitive  except  tcelan  is  one  that  has  elsewhere  occurred  in 
translation  of  a  Latin  periphrastic  conjugation;  besides,  such  differences 
naturally  arise  owing  to  the  difference  in  point  of  view  of  translator  and  of 
author.  Two  {Boeth.  113.14:  lufian;  127.25  (?):  Iceran )  are  loose  periphrases 
of  the  Latin  text.  Of  the  32  infinitives  occurring  without  any  Latin  corre¬ 
spondent  {arian:  Boeth.  72.25,  27a;  —  biddan :  Solil.  30.8;  —  cy&an:  Greg. 
287.3,  311.14;  —  don:  Bede  72.26;  —  geSencan:  Boeth.  52.2,  76.1;  Greg.  29.6; 
—  girnan:  Boeth.  90.13;  —  herian:  Boeth.  69.3;  —  Iceran:  Greg.  341.15;  —  lu¬ 
fian:  Boeth.  108.21;  —  manian:  Greg.  265.14;  —  metan:  Boeth.  72.12;  —  on- 
drcedan:  Greg.  383.26;  —  ongietan:  W(erf.  66.26,  245.21,  295.22,  322. 25b;  — 
onscunian:  Boeth.  41.9;  —  secgan:  Boeth.  41.3;  —  sprecan:  Wcerf.  263.6;  — 
tellan:  Boeth.  111.2;  —  wenan:  Boeth.  37.30,  148.27;  —  weor&ian:  Boeth. 
72.27°,  75.14;  Oros.  126.32;  —  wundrian:  Boeth.  72.27b;  Oros.  34.31,  134.24), 
all,  except  biddan,  girnan,  and  onscunian,  occur  in  Alfred  and  in  Waerferth,  in 
other  places,  in  translations  of  the  regular  Latin  correspondent,  the  peri¬ 
phrastic  passive. 

4.  The  construction  is  relatively  rare  in  the  more  original  Anglo-Saxon 
prose  {Chron.,  4;  Laws,  20;  Wulf.,  34). 

5.  Save  in  this  use  with  beon  {wesan),  the  inflected  infinitive  is  habitually 
active  in  sense. 

6.  The  Latin  gerundial  periphrastic  is  often  rendered  otherwise  than  by 
the  infinitive  with  beon  {wesan). 

7.  Originally,  no  doubt,  the  inflected  infinitive  with  the  verb  beon  {wesan) 
denoted  purpose,  and  the  purpose  idea  passed  into  that  of  necessity,  as  has 
several  times  been  conjectured.  The  most  detailed  statement  of  this  view  is 
that  by  Dr.  Tanger,  in  his  interesting  article,  “  Englisch  to  be  to  im  Vergleich 
mit  I  shall:  ”  “  Was  bedeutet  nun  to  be  mit  folgendem  Infinitiv  eigentlich? 
An  eine  Erganzung  von  obliged  {to  be  obliged  to  do  a  thing),  wie  sie  friiher  offers 
(so  noch  in  Rauchs  Rep.  Gr.,  §  148)  angenommen  wurde,  ist  nicht  zu  denken, 
denn  to  be  obliged  heisst  mussen  und  nicht  sollen,  und  ferner  schliessen  ja  auch 
die  ae.  Beispiele,  die  schon  vorhanden  waren,  ehe  oblige  ins  Englische  aufge- 
nommen  wurde,  eine  solche  Erklarung  aus.  Wir  haben  es  hier  vielmehr  wohl 
mit  der  grundbegrifflichen  Bedeutung  von  to  be  =  1  da  sein,  existieren ’  zu  thun. 
Die  darauf  folgende  Proposition  to  deutet  fur  die  Verbindung  auf  einen  Grund- 
begriff  des  Zweckes  hin  (vgl.  Koch-Zup.  II,  §  78bb),  wie  wenn  wir  sagen:  wir 
sind  da  oder  existieren  zum  Arbeiten  und  zum  Kampfen.  Aus  diesem  Zweck- 
begriff  ergeben  sich  unschwer  die  anderen  Schattierungen  des  Geeignetseins 
(es  ist  zum  Lachen,  zum  Weinen,  est  ist  zu  bedauern,  zu  bewundern)  und  des 
Bestimmtseins  (das  ist  zum  Aufbewahren,  zum  Wegwerfen).  Von  hier  gelan- 
gen  wir  leicht  zu  den  weiteren  Bedeutungen  der  Obliegenheit,  Verpflichtung, 
Notigung,  d.  h.  zur  Notwendigkeit,  zum  Sollen:  I  am  to  stay  at  home.  Unsere 
Konstruktion  bedeutet  also  urspriinglich :  jemand  oder  etwas  ist  vorhanden 
(geeignet,  bestimmt)  zur  Ausfiihrung  einer  Thatigkeit  (resp.  zum  Befinden  in 
einem  Zustande).”  2  This  view  of  Dr.  Tanger’s  is  substantially  the  one  held 


1  See  Hale  and  Buck,  l.  c.,  pp.  270-271;  and  Hale,  l.  c.,  pp.  424-425. 


2  Tanger,  l.  c.,  pp.  312-313. 


202  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


by  Dr.  Shearing  l.  c.,  p.  26,  and  by  Dr.  Kenyon,  l.  c.,  p.  133.  No  opinion  as 
to  the  origin  of  the  idiom  is  expressed  by  Dr.  Farrar,  Dr.  K.  Kohler,  Dr.  Jost, 
or  Dr.  Riggert. 

In  the  kindred  Germanic  languages  the  origin  was  probably  the  same  as  in 
Anglo-Saxon:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  vii. 

The  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  ( wesan )  denoting  necessity  or  obligation 
and  active  in  sense  is,  likewise,  in  all  probability  due  to  the  Latin  periphrastic 
passive  conjugation,  and  for  substantially  the  same  reasons  as  those  given  in 
the  discussion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  inflected  infinitive  passive  in  sense.  No 
example  of  this  infinitive  used  in  an  active  sense  occurs  in  the  poems;  with  one 
exception  ( Boeth .  44.20:  Forbsem  hit  nis  no  to  metanne  baet  geendodlice  wiS  beet 
ungeendodlice  =  46.57 :  infiniti  uero  atque  finiti  nulla  umquam  poterit  esse 
collatio)  the  infinitive  in  Alfred  1  corresponds  each  time  to  the  Latin  passive 
periphrastic  (complete  or  elliptical),  while  the  single  example  in  Wserferth 
(340.29:  warniari)  corresponds  to  ad  +  a  gerundive.  If  it  should  seem  odd  that 
the  Latin  passive  periphrastic  should  suggest  the  active  as  well  as  the  passive 
use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  explanation  seems  to  be  this: 
in  one  instance  (Bede  224.19,  quoted  in  Chapter  VII,  p.  103)  the  active  use 
eomes  from  a  too  close  following  of  the  Latin  accusative  and  periphrastic  in¬ 
finitive  ( Deurn  potius  intellegendum) ;  in  some  instances  (as  in  Greg.  125.13, 
187.15;  Pr.  Gu.  III.  63),  the  fact  that  the  Latin  gerundive  precedes  the  verb 
sum  in  the  periphrastic  conjugation  has  led  the  Anglo-Saxon  translator  to 
put  the  inflected  infinitive  first  in  his  translation,  to  consider  it  active  in  sense, 
and  consequently  to  put  what  is  the  subject  nominative  in  Latin  into  the 
objective  case  (accusative,  genitive,  or  dative)  in  Anglo-Saxon;  in  a  word,  in 
these  latter  cases  the  precedence  of  the  infinitive  (or  occasionally  of  the  finite 
verb,  as  in  Lcece.  68.30)  seems  to  lead  to  the  objectifying  of  the  noun.  This 
same  principle  of  precedence  may  in  part  account  for  the  active  use  in  the  ex¬ 
amples  from  yElfric,  from  the  prose  Guthlac ,  and  from  the  Lceceboc.  But 
occasionally  (as  in  Mart.  72.25  and  Lcece.  76.33  —  with  which  latter,  however, 
compare  Lcece.  63.37,  in  which  the  infinitive  has  precedence  — )  the  infinitive 
is  active  in  sense  though  it  follows  its  object.  —  That  ad  +  a  gerundive  should 
be  translated  actively  (as  in  Wcerf.  340.29)  is  what  we  should  expect;  but  this 
is  the  only  instance  in  which  it  is  so  translated:  normally  it  is  rendered  by  an 
inflected  infinitive  passive  in  sense.  —  The  fact  that  the  same  form,  -ndus,  in 
Latin  could  be  used  actively  or  passively  in  all  probability  contributed  to  the 
double  use  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon;  as  may,  also,  the  fact  that  in  other 
uses  than  with  beon  (wesan)  the  inflected  infinitive  is  habitually  active  in  sense  in 
Anglo-Saxon. 

B.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  FUTURITY. 

The  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  (wesan)  denoting  futurity  corresponds 
regularly  to  the  Latin  periphrastic  conjugation  made  up  of  sum+  the  future 
active  participle  in  all  the  examples  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  from 
the  Latin  given  in  Chapter  VII,  pp.  104  ff.  above.  The  construction  occurs 
but  once  in  Alfred  (Bede  224.26),  and  translates  the  Latin  active  periphrastic; 
is  unknown  in  the  poems,  in  the  Chronicle ,  in  the  Laws,  and  in  Wulfstan;  is 
relatively  frequent  in  the  Gospels,  where  every  occurrence  corresponds  to  the 

1  The  same  is  true  of  Pr.  Gu.  Ill,  63,  but  not  of  Pr.  Gu.  V,  58;  for  both  of  which,  see  Chapter  VII,  pp.  104 
and  102  above. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  203 

Latin  active  periphrastic;  and  is  very  rare  in  iElfric.  I  think,  therefore,  that 
we  are  justified  in  concluding  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  inflected  infinitive  de¬ 
noting  futurity  is  due  to  Latin  influence.  I  wish  to  add,  however,  that,  as 
said  earlier,  there  is  at  times  room  for  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether  an 
infinitive  with  beon  ( wesan )  is  present  or  future  in  sense;  but  that,  in  Chapter 
VII,  pp.  104  f.  above,  I  have  given  all  the  instances  in  which  the  infinitive 
seemed  to  me  clearly  to  denote  futurity. 

The  inflected  infinitive  of  futurity  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  like¬ 
wise,  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence:  see  Chapter  XYI,  section  vii. 

C.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  PURPOSE. 

The  inflected  infinitive  with  beon  (wesan)  denoting  purpose,  in  all  of  the 
few  examples  occurring  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  from  the  Latin  (given 
in  Chapter  VII,  pp.  105  f.),  corresponds  to  ad+  a  gerundive  (or  occasionally 
ad  +  a  gerund)  except  in  Greg.  131.21,  in  which  it  corresponds  to  a  Latin  com¬ 
plementary  infinitive.  One  example  only  is  found  in  the  poems  (Gen.  703), 
which  is  doubtful  because  of  a  defective  text.  It  seems  probable,  therefore, 
that  these  inflected  infinitives  of  purpose  are  here  due  to  the  Latin. 

Concerning  the  infinitive  of  purpose  with  be  in  the  other  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  vii. 

VIII.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE 

SUBJECT.1 

AS  OBJECT. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

I.  UNINFLECTED. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  give  a  survey  of  the  various  theories  concerning 
the  ultimate  origin  of  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  in  the 
Indo-Germanic  languages;  for  an  excellent  survey  has  recently  been  given  by 
Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin  in  his  dissertation,  The  Accusative  with  Infinitive  and  Some 
Kindred  Constructions  in  English  (1908),  pp.  1-12.  I  merely  wish  to  state  that, 
with  Dr.  Zeitlin,  I  have  long  thought  that  the  theory  first  suggested  by  Curtius 
and  later  amplified  by  Professors  Brugmann  and  Delbriick  comes  nearest  to  solv¬ 
ing  the  problem.  Professor  Brugmann,1  l.  c.,  §  807,  thus  states  the  theory:  — 

“  Ein  bestimmtes  Subjekt  der  Inf.-Handlung  brauchte  nicht  vorhanden  zu  sein,  ihr 
Subjekt  konnte  aber  das  Subjekt  des  regierenden  Verbums  sein  oder  ein  zu  diesem  gehoriger 
Dat.  oder  Akk. 

“  Der  letzte  Fall,  z.  B.  ai.  tvam  indr  a  srdvitava  apds  kah,  1  du,  I.,  hast  die  Wasser  fliessen 
machen/  gr.  9upr)%al  e  ntXeve  .  .  .  'Axcuovs,  1  heiss  ihn  wappnen  die  A./  gab  die  Grundlage 
fur  die  Konstruktion  des  Acc.  c.  Inf.  ab,  wie  sie  das  Griech.,  Ital.,  und  teilweise  das  Germ, 
aufweisen.  Der  ursprunglich  zu  dem  transit.  Verbum  gehorige  Akk.  wurde  als  Subjekt 
zum  Inf.  gezogen,  eine  Verschiebung  der  syntaktischen  Gliederung,  die  zumteil  sicher  durch 
die  Analogie  zu  abhangigen  Satzen  mit  selbstandigem  Subjekt  hervorgerufen  worden  ist  (vgl. 
etwa  ich  sah  ihn  fliehen  =  ich  sah,  [dass]  er  floh).  Alsdann  eigneten  sich  auch  Verba,  die  einen 
Objektsakk.  nicht  zu  sich  nahmen,  diese  Konstruktion  an,  z.  B.  hom.  oil  ere  Zouce  Kanbv  &s 
Seihiaaeadcu,  1  nicht  ziemt  es  sich,  dass  du  verzagst,’  lat.  gaudeo  te  valere,  got.  jah  warp 
afslaupnan  allans,  ‘  nal  iyevero  dap. ft  os  iirl  irduras.’  Vgl.  §  815  fiber  die  absoluten  Partizipial- 
konstruktionen .  ’  ’ 


i  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  107  ff. 


204  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


If,  for  the  moment,  we  assume  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  developed  the  predi¬ 
cative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  for  itself  instead  of  merely  inheriting 
it  or  borrowing  it,  it  is  easy  to  see  a  development  parallel  to  that  indicated  by 
Professor  Brugmann  in  the  older  Indo-Germanic  languages  going  on  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  itself,  or,  rather,  to  see  what  appear  to  be  traces  of  such  a  development. 
For  instance,  despite  the  frequency  of  the  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  in 
Anglo-Saxon  after  verbs  of  commanding  ( hatan ,  etc.)  and  of  causing  and  permit¬ 
ting  ( Icetan ,  etc.),  the  infinitive  without  a  subject  accusative  was  far  more  fre¬ 
quent  after  hatan  than  the  infinitive  with  a  subject  accusative,  and  was  quite 
frequent  with  Icetan.  Moreover,  when  the  infinitives  following  these  two 
groups  of  verbs  have  an  accusative  with  them  in  the  Germanic  languages,  the 
relation  between  accusative  and  infinitive,  to  many  Germanic  grammarians 
(among  them  the  great  Grimm  *),  seems  so  loose  that  they  hold  that  the  accu¬ 
sative  is  to  be  considered,  not  as  the  subject  of  the  infinitive,  but  solely  as  the 
object  of  the  finite  verb,  — -  a  view  that,  though  in  my  opinion  not  tenable,  is 
enlightening  in  calling  attention  as  it  does  to  the  looser  2  union  between  infinitive 
and  accusative  after  these  two  groups  of  verbs  than  after  other  groups,  as  after 
verbs  of  mental  perception.  Moreover,  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  infinitive  without 
subject  accusative  is  more  common  after  hieran,  ‘  hear/  than  with  subject.  In 
a  word,  it  seems  to  me  that  a  careful  study  of  the  two  constructions  after  these 
three  groups  of  verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon  lends  considerable  strength  to  the  Brug¬ 
mann  theory  as  to  the  origin  of  the  infinitive  with  accusative  subject;  and  that 
we  may  consider  that  this  theory  likewise  applies  to  Anglo-Saxon  as  a  whole 
unless  it  can  be  shown  that  this  idiom  is  merely  an  importation,  say,  from  the 
Latin. 

Is  the  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  in  Anglo-Saxon  borrowed  from  the 
Latin,  either  in  part  or  in  whole?  In  attempting  to  answer  this  question,  first 
purely  from  a  consideration  of  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon,  it  will  be  best  to 
consider  group  by  group  the  verbs  followed  by  an  infinitive  with  accusative 
subject. 

1.  Verbs  of  Commanding.3 

To  begin  with  the  most  frequently  used  group,  verbs  of  commanding  ( be - 
heodan,  biddan,  forbeodan,  and  hatan),  it  seems  to  me  that,  with  the  exception 
of  forbeodan  (of  which  we  have  only  one  example 4  followed  by  the  infinitive 
with  accusative  subject,  that  in  direct  translation  of  the  Latin),  we  are  pre¬ 
cluded  from  assuming  that  the  predicative  infinitive  is  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  Latin  originals,  and  for  the  following  reasons :  — 

1.  With  each  of  the  three  remaining  verbs  the  infinitive  wfith  accusative 
subject  is  found  freely  in  the  poetical  as  well  as  in  the  prose  texts,  with  two  of 
the  verbs  ( bebeodan  and  biddan)  more  freely  in  the  poetry  than  in  the  prose, 
though  not  in  Beowulf. 

2.  That,  while  a  goodly  number  of  the  examples  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  prose 
translations  are  in  direct  translation  of  the  accusative  and  infinitive  in  the 
Latin  originals,  a  not  inconsiderable  number  are  not,  but  correspond  to  various 
other  constructions  in  the  Latin. 


1  L.  c.,  IV,  pp.  129  ff.  Among  those  that  have  adopted  this  view  of  Grimm’s  I  may  mention  T.  Muller  and 
Dr.  Riggert. 

2  Cf.  Zeitlin,1  l.  c.,  pp.  36-37.  3  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  107. 

4  Cited  in  Chapter  VIII,  p.  109. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT,  205 


The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  bebeodan:  a  noun  in  the  accusative,  2; —  for  bid- 
dan:  an  accusative  and  active  infinitive,  1 ;  —  for  hatan:  an  accusative  and  infinitive  (active, 
30;  passive,  5);  a  dative  and  infinitive,  3;  an  active  infinitive  as  retained  object,  3;  a 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  15;  a  subordinated  finite  verb,  active,  4;  an  appositive  par¬ 
ticiple  (active  present,  in  the  nominative,  3;  passive  in  the  accusative,  1);  an  absolute  parti¬ 
ciple,  passive,  1;  a  gerund  in  the  ablative,  1;  ad  +  a  gerund,  1;  a  noun  in  the  accusative,  1; 
two  nouns,  1;  an  adverb,  1;  no  Latin,  16. 


2.  Verbs  of  Causing  and  of  Permitting.1 

In  verbs  of  causing  and  of  permitting  ( alcetan ,  biegan  [began],  don,  forlcetan, 
gedon,  ge&afian,  ge&olian,  geunnan,  Icetan,  and  niedan),  all,  except  Icetan  and  its 
compound,  forlcetan,  occur  with  a  predicative  infinitive  so  seldom  as  to  make 
trustworthy  conclusions  concerning  any  of  the  words  except  Icetan  and  forlcetan 
difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

The  probability  seems  to  be,  however,  that  alcetan,  occurring  only  twice, 
in  the  poems,  is  in  no  wise  due  to  Latin  influence. 

Began  [biegan]  is  followed  by  the  accusative  and  infinitive  only  once  ( Ps . 
143.14),  and  there  the  infinitive  corresponds  to  a  Latin  appositive  participle. 
See  the  statements  concerning  don  and  niedan. 

The  only  instance  in  Early  West  Saxon  ( Bede  98.27b)  of  don  followed  by  the 
accusative  and  infinitive  is  in  translation  of  the  same  idiom  in  Latin,  as  is  also 
true  of  the  one  example  in  the  Laws;  the  only  example  in  poetry  is  from  the 
metrical  Psalms ;  while  the  remaining  examples  are  from  Late  West  Saxon 
(iElfric  and  Wulfstan).  Latin  influence  is,  therefore,  highly  probable  in  the 
case  of  don. 

Gedon  occurs  only  twice  (once  each  in  Bl.  Horn,  and  in  JZlf.  L.  S.),  and, 
like  don,  is  doubtless  ultimately  due  to  Latin  influence. 

Gedafian,  occurring  only  four  times  (Bl.  Horn.,  1  doubtful  example;  iElfric, 
3),  is  possibly  indirectly  due  to  Latin  influence. 

Ge&olian  is  clearly  due  to  Latin  influence  in  the  only  example  found  (in  the 
Laws),  the  Latin  occurring  by  the  side  of  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

Geunnan  occurs  only  once  (jElf.  JEthelw.),  and  is  followed  by  what  may 
indifferently  be  considered  an  accusative  with  predicative  infinitive  or  a  dative 
with  objective  infinitive.  In  either  case,  Latin  influence  is  probable,  the  Latin 
having  concedes  followed  by  a  dative  and  objective  infinitive. 

In  the  one  example  found  of  niedan  ( Mk .  6.45),  the  Anglo-Saxon  accusative 
and  infinitive  translate  the  same  idiom  of  the  Latin. 

As  to  both  Icetan  and  its  compound,  forlcetan,  Latin  influence  is  out  of  the 
question;  for,  as  our  examples  given  above  (pp.  110  ff.)  show,  the  accusative- 
and-infinitive  construction  with  each  occurs  frequently  in  the  poetry,  and  in 
the  prose  translations  often  occurs  when  the  accusative  with  infinitive  is  not 
found  in  the  Latin  original. 

The  correspondents  in  Latin  are:  —  for  forlcetan:  an  accusative  and  infinitive  (active,  2; 
passive,  1);  an  active  infinitive  as  retained  object,  1;  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  2; 
a  predicative  participle,  passive,  accusative,  1 ;  no  Latin,  1 ;  —  for  Icetan:  an  accusative  and 
active  infinitive,  38;  a  dative  and  active  infinitive,  1;  a  complementary  infinitive,  active,  to 
an  auxiliary  verb,  1;  an  active  infinitive  as  retained  object,  1;  a  subjective  infinitive,  active, 
1;  an  active  infinitive  as  predicate  nominative,  1;  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (active,  23; 


i  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  108. 


206  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


passive,  1);  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (active,  9;  passive,  1);  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative, 
1;  an  appositive  participle,  passive,  nominative,  1;  a  loose  paraphrase,  1;  doubtful,  1;  no 
Latin,  16. 

To  sum  up  this  group,  the  predicative  infinitive  with  Icetan  and  its  compounds, 
alcetan  and  forlcetan,  shows  no  trace  of  Latin  influence;  with  all  the  other  verbs 
of  the  group  it  shows  appreciable  traces  of  such  influence. 

3.  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception.1 

As  to  the  verbs  of  sense  perception  ( behealdan ,  gefelan,  gehawian,  gehieran, 
geseon,  hieran ,  ofseon,  sceawian ,  and  seon),  with  the  exception  of  hieran  and 
seon  and  their  compounds,  we  have  too  few  examples  of  them  followed  by  the 
accusative-with-infinitive  construction  to  draw  confident  conclusions. 

Behealdan  is  found  but  once,  in  iElfric,  followed  by  an  accusative  and 
infinitive. 

Gefelan  is  in  each  of  its  two  occurrences  (Bede,  1;  Wcerf.,  1)  due  to  Latin 
influence. 

Gehawian,  occurring  once,  in  Wcerf.,  is  due  to  the  Latin  original. 

Sceawian,  occurring  twice,  in  Wcerf.,  is  likewise  due  to  Latin  influence. 

On  the  contrary,  hieran  and  its  compound  ( gehieran )  and  seon  and  its  com¬ 
pound  2  ( geseon )  show  little  or  no  trace  of  Latin  influence,  occurring  with  the 
accusative  and  infinitive  frequently  in  poetry,  and  in  the  prose  translations 
often  not  having  the  accusative  and  infinitive  in  the  Latin  originals. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  —  for  gehieran:  an  accusative  and  infinitive  (active,  11; 
passive,  1);  a  predicative  present  participle,  accusative,  3;  a  loose  paraphrase,  1; — ’for 
geseon:  an  accusative  and  infinitive  (active,  51 ;  passive,  2) ;  an  active  infinitive  as  retained 
object,  6;  a  subjective  infinitive,  active,  1;  a  predicative  participle  (nominative:  active,  3; 
accusative:  active,  29;  passive,  4);  an  appositive  participle,  passive,  nominative,  1;  an 
absolute  participle  (active,  1;  passive,  1);  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  3;  a  subordi¬ 
nated  finite  verb,  active,  4;  a  predicate  noun  in  the  accusative,  1;  a  prepositional  phrase,  1; 
a  gerundive  in  the  nominative,  1;  no  Latin,  8;  —  for  hieran:  an  accusative  and  active  infini¬ 
tive,  1;  —  for  ofseon:  0;  —  for  seon:  0. 

In  all  probability,  therefore,  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  hieran  and 
seon  and  their  compounds  is  not  due  to  Latin  influence;  but  this  idiom  after 
all  other  verbs  of  sense  perception  in  Anglo-Saxon  (except  behealdan)  is  prob¬ 
ably  due  to  Latin  influence. 

4.  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception.* 3 

In  the  verbs  of  mental  perception  (ceteawan,  afindan,  eowan,  findan,  geacsian, 
gecy&an,  gefrignan,  gehatan,  gehyhtan,  geliefan,  gemetan,  gemittan,  gemunan, 
getriewan ,  gewitan,  leer  an,  onfindan,  ongietan,  tali  (g)  an,  tellan,  wenan,  and 
witan),  again,  a  number  of  words  occur  so  seldom  with  the  predicative  infinitive 
as  to  make  deductions  difficult  concerning  them. 

Mteawan,  found  only  once,  in  Bede,  has  an  accusative  and  an  infinitive  that 
are  clearly  due  to  the  Latin  original. 

Of  afindan  all  we  can  say  with  certainty  is  that  the  idiom  occurs  with  it 
once  only,  in  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  In  all  probability,  what  is  said  below  of  the 
simplex,  findan,  is  true  of  the  compound,  afindan. 

1  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  108.  2  Ofseon  occurs  only  once  in  this  construction  (in  JElf.  Horn.). 

3  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  108. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  207 


Eowan ,  occurring  once,  in  Woerf.,  is  due  to  the  Latin  original. 

The  predicative  infinitive  with  findan  is  not  due  to  Latin  influence,  for  in 
the  translations  it  corresponds  to  another  idiom  of  the  original  (a  predicative 
past  participle,  accusative,  once),  and  is  more  frequent  in  poetry  (7  examples, 
5  in  Beowulf)  than  in  prose  (3  examples). 

Geacsian  with  accusative  and  infinitive  is  found  twice  each  in  the  Blickling 
Homilies  and  in  Wulfstan.  Whether  or  not  the  idiom  is  due  to  Latin  influence, 
cannot  be  decided. 

In  the  single  example  of  gecySan,  in  Wcerf.,  the  accusative  and  infinitive 
translate  the  same  idiom  of  the  Latin  original. 

The  idiom  with  gefrignan  is  undoubtedly  native,  occurring  only  in  poetry, 
there  forty-one  times,  and  being  widely  distributed. 

With  gehatan  the  idiom  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence,  two  examples 
occurring  in  direct  translation  of  the  Latin,  and  a  third  example,  though  itself 
corresponding  to  a  Latin  ablative  absolute,  is  perhaps  suggested  by  a  neigh¬ 
boring  accusative  and  infinitive  of  the  Latin. 

As  to  gehyhtan ,  occurring  only  once,  in  /Elf.  L.  S.,  there  is  no  need  of  suppos¬ 
ing  direct  Latin  influence,  as  by  iElfric’s  time  the  idiom  had  become  common. 

With  geliefan ,  occurring  only  once,  in  Wcerf.,  the  accusative  and  infinitive 
correspond  to  the  same  idiom  in  the  Latin. 

With  gemetan  and  gemittan  the  idiom  is  doubtless  native:  both  are  found 
in  poetry,  the  latter  in  poetry  only;  and  the  former  has,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
translations,  various  Latin  correspondents  (an  accusative  and  infinitive  (active, 
3;  passive,  1);  a  predicative  present  participle,  accusative,  6;  a  predicative 
adjective,  accusative,  1;  an  appositive  participle,  passive,  accusative,  1). 

With  gemunan  the  idiom  is  doubtless  due  to  Latin 1  influence :  the  verb 
is  not  found  with  this  construction  in  the  poetry;  and  in  Bede  and  in  Wserferth 
the  accusative  and  infinitive  correspond  to  the  same  idiom  in  Latin. 

With  getriewan,  the  idiom  occurs  only  once,  in  Bede ,  and  in  direct  transla¬ 
tion  of  the  Latin. 

With  gewitan,  found  only  once,  in  Andreas,  the  construction  is  doubtless 
native,  as  with  the  simplex,  witan,  which  see  below. 

As  to  Iceran,  the  examples  (only  four  in  all,  in  prose,  given  in  Chapter  VIII, 
p.  116)  are  too  few  to  be  decisive,  but  Latin  influence  is  clear  in  two  of  the  ex¬ 
amples  ( Bede  2  and  Gospels),  in  each  of  which  we  have  the  accusative  and  infini¬ 
tive  in  the  original.  The  other  two  examples  occur  in  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II. 

With  onfindan,  found  only  once  (in  Beow.),  the  idiom  is  doubtless  of  native 
origin,  as  with  the  simplex,  findan,  which  see. 

With  ongietan,  found  once  in  poetry  {Beow.)  and  6  times  in  prose,  the  idiom 
is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence,  translating,  as  it  does,  a  Latin  accusative 
and  infinitive  in  each  of  the  examples  in  Bede  and  in  Wacrferth.3 

As  to  tali{g)an,  found  twice  with  this  construction,  in  Alexander,  I  dare 
not  venture  an  opinion. 

With  tellan,  the  sole  example  of  the  idiom,  in  Bede,  is  in  direct  translation 
of  the  Latin. 

With  wenan,  the  idiom  is  doubtless  due  to  Latin  influence,  the  single  ex- 


i  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  pp.  369,  475.  2  Cf.  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  375. 

3  Except  that  once  in  the  latter  (Wcerf.  285.1)  it  translates  a  noun  in  the  accusative  modified  by  a  sub¬ 
stantivized  present  participle  in  the  genitive. 


208  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

ample  each  in  Bede  and  in  Warferth  corresponding  to  the  Latin  accusative  and 
infinitive. 

With  witan ,  the  idiom  is  possibly  native,  as  with  the  compound,  gewitan : 
the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  witan  is  more  common  in  poetry  (7  examples) 
than  in  prose  (3  examples).  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that,  in  the  two 
examples  from  Bede,  the  accusative  with  infinitive  translates  the  same  idiom 
in  Latin;  and  that  several  of  the  poetic  examples  occur  in  poems  based  on 
Latin  originals  ( Ju .,  1;  Gu.,  1;  And.,  1). 

To  sum  up  the  matter:  the  predicative  infinitive  is  probably  native  after 
these  verbs:  afindan,  findan,  gefrignan,  gehyhtan,  gemetan,  gemittan,  gewitan, 
onfindan,  and  witan;  but  the  idiom  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence  after 
these  verbs:  ceteawan,  eowan,  gecycSan,  gehatan,  geliefan,  gemunan,  getriewan, 
Iceran,  tellan,  and  wenan.  The  data  are  insufficient  to  decide  about  the  idiom 
after  these  verbs:  geacsian  and  tali(g)an. 

5.  Verbs  of  Declaring.1 

With  verbs  of  declaring  ( cwetSan ,  foresecgan,  ondettan,  and  secgan)  the 
accusative  with  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  clearly  due  to  Latin  influence, 
translating,  as  it  does,  in  each  of  the  few  examples  the  same  construction  in 
the  Latin. 

6.  Other  Verbs:  “habban”  and  “todaelan.” 

The  origin  of  the  idiom  is  indeterminable  with  habban,  found  only  once,  in 
AZlf.  Horn.,  and  with  todcelan,  found  only  twice,  in  Or  os.  Concerning  the  latter, 
see  Chapter  VIII,  p.  118,  and  Chapter  XII,  p.  169. 

To  sum  up  the  matter  as  a  whole,  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative 
subject  is  probably  native  with:  (1)  certain  verbs  of  Commanding  ( bebeodan , 
biddan,  and  hatan);  (2)  certain  verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting  ( Icetan  and 
its  compounds,  aleetan  and  forlcetan);  (3)  certain  verbs  of  Sense  Perception 
(hieran  and  seon,  and  their  compounds);  (4)  certain  verbs  of  Mental  Percep¬ 
tion  ( afindan ,  findan,  gefrignan,  gehyhtan,  gemetan,  gemittan,  gewitan,  onfindan, 
and  witan). 

It  is  probably  due  more  or  less  to  foreign  (Latin)  influence  with:  (1)  this 
verb  of  Commanding,  forbeodan ;  (2)  certain  verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting 
(biegan  [began],  don,  gedon,  geSafian,  ge&olian,  geunnan,  and  niedan);  (3)  cer¬ 
tain  verbs  of  Sense  Perception  ( gefelan ,  gehawian,  sceawian) ;  (4)  certain  verbs 
of  Mental  Perception  (ceteawan,  eowan,  gecySan ,  gehatan,  geliefan,  gemunan, 
getriewan,  Iceran,  ongietan,  tellan,  and  wenan);  (5)  all  the  verbs  of  Declaring 
represented  (owed an,  foresecgan,  ondettan,  and  secgan). 

Its  origin  is  indeterminable  with:  (1)  this  verb  of  Sense  Perception,  be - 
healdan;  (2)  certain  verbs  of  Mental  Perception  ( geacsian  and  tali(g)an); 
(3)  with  certain  Other  Verbs  (habban  and  todcelan). 

In  the  large,  the  foregoing  result  tallies  with  the  conclusion  reached  by 
previous  students  of  the  construction.  No  investigation  of  the  idiom  covering 
the  whole  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature  has  hitherto  been  made  so  far  as  I  am 
aware;  and,  in  the  limited  investigations  that  have  been  published,  for  the 
most  part  little  direct  consideration  of  the  question  as  to  the  origin  of  the  con- 


1  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  108. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  209 


struction  has  been  given.  Still,  a  few  noteworthy  deliverances  have  been 
made. 

One  of  the  earliest  statements  is  that  by  Dr.  Ludwig  Erckmann,  in  his 
Infinitive  and  Gerund  as  a  Means  of  Abbreviating  Substantive  Sentences  in  the 
English  Language  (1875),  p.  21:  “The  Gothic  followed  upon  the  whole  the 
Greek  use  of  the  accusative  c.  inf.,  whilst  the  Anglo-Saxon  seems  to  prefer 
the  substantive  sentence.” 

Dr.  Carl  Krickau,  whose  work  deals  primarily  with  the  construction  in 
Elizabethan  times,  in  1877  declared  (p.  4)  “  dass  diejenigen  Anwendungen, 
welche  beiden  1  verwandten  Sprachgruppen  gemeinsam  sind,  als  die  altesten 
und  urspriinglichsten  zu  betrachten  sind.  Als  solche  ergeben  sich  sein  Ge- 
brauch  nach  den  Verben,  welche  1)  ein  Bewirken,  eine  Bitte  oder  einen  Befehl, 
2)  eine  sinnliche  Wahrnehmung  ausdriicken.  Das  Angelsachsische,  Altsach- 
sische  und  Althochdeutsche  zeigen  namlich,  soweit  ihre  Quellen  nicht  durch  das 
Lateinische  beeinflusst  sind,  unsere  Construction  nur  nach  jenen  beiden  Classen 
von  Verben.  Was  das  Angelsachsische  betrifft,  so  kommt  sie  nach  folgenden 
Verben  vor:  Icetan,  don,  biddan,  beodan,  bebeodan,  hatan;  seon,  geseon,  heran, 
hyran ,  gehyran,  findan,  gemetan,  gemittan,  fandian,  afandian  .” 

In  Theodor  Muller’s  Angelsachsische  Grammatih  (1883),  p.  248,  we  read: 
il  Es  wird  der  reine  Inf.  auch  in  der  Konstruktion  des  Acc.  mit  dem  Inf.  ange- 
wandt.  Dieselbe  findet  sich  aber  im  guten  Ags.  nur  selten,  eigentlich  nur  nach 
den  Verben,  gefrignan  und  gehyran ,  wahrnehmen,  erfahren  .  .  .  Wenn  nach 
den  Verben  hatan,  heissen,  letan,  lassen,  und  Verben  des  Wahrnehmens  ein  Acc. 
mit  dem  Inf.  folgt  (ic  hate  hine  cuman)  so  ist  das  nicht  die  eigentliche  Kon¬ 
struktion  des  Acc.  mit  dem  Inf.,  worin  ja  der  Acc.  und  der  Inf.  zu  einer  Begriffs- 
einheit  verschmolzen  sind,  sondern  es  hangt  der  Acc.  und  der  Inf.  und  zwar 
jeder  besonders  vom  Verbum  ab,  jener  als  personliches,  dieser  als  sachliches 
Objekt.  In  ags.  Uebersetzungen  lat.  Werke  findet  sich  der  eigentliche  Acc.  mit 
dem  Inf.  in  ausgedehnterem  Masse  in  folge  wilikurlicher  Uebertragung  lat. 
Konst ruktionen  auf  das  Ags.” 

Less  definite  is  Dr.  Karl  Kohler,  who,  in  his  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des 
Infinitivs  und  Particips  im  “  Beowulf  ”  (1886),  p.  52,  declares:  “  Fur  das  Ags. 
ist  bislang  auch  die  Untersuchung  liber  die  mehr  oder  weniger  geringe  Abhan- 
gigkeit  der  Acc.  c.  Inf.-Konstruktion  vom  Lateinischen  noch  nicht  gefiihrt 
worden.2  Denn  dass  ein  solcher  Einfluss  sich  geltend  gemacht  hat,  darf  man 
von  vornherein  annehmen;  hat  doch  wohl  kein  Volk  des  friihen  Mittelalters 
sich  so  eifrig  mit  der  Uebersetzung  lateinischer  Schriften  befasst  wie  die 
Angelsachsen.” 

In  his  Streifziige  durch  die  Mittelenglische  Syntax  (1887),  p.  252,  Professor 
Eugen  Einenkel  thus  delimits  the  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon:  “  Im  AE. 
halt  sich  der  Accusativ-mit-Infinitiv  im  wesentlichen  innerhalb  der  bei  uns  im 
NHD.  beobachteten  Grenzen.  Er  steht  vornehmlich  nach  den  Verben  des 
Veranlassens  und  Zulassens,  so  wie  nach  denen  der  geistigen  Wahrnehmung. 
Doch  finden  sich  schon  im  AE.  nicht  selten  Belege  freierer  Verwendung,” 
which  statement  is  repeated  in  substance  in  his  treatment  of  English  Syntax 
in  Paul’s  Grundriss  der  Germanischen  Philologie,  2nd  ed.,  1899,  p.  1076. 


1  That  is,  the  Classical  and  the  Germanic. 

2  “  Die  einzige  mir  bekannte  Specialschrift  liber  den  Acc.  c.  Inf.  im  Englischen  von  Karl  Krickau  (Gott. 
Dis.,  1877)  behandelt  besonders  die  Elisabethanische  Periode  und  giebt  nur  einen  Gesammtiiberblick  liber  die 
vorhergehende  Zeit.” 


210  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


Brief  is  the  statement  of  Dr.  Leon  Kellner,  in  his  Historical  Outlines  of 
English  Syntax  (1892),  p.  253:  “  The  accusative  +  inf.  as  object  of  verbs  like 
biddan  (ask),  hatan  (bid),  seon  (see),  gehyran  (hear),  findan  (find),  is  quite 
common  in  Old  English.” 

In  his  “  Indirect  Discourse  in  Anglo-Saxon  ”  (1895),  p.  485,  Professor  J.  H. 
Gorrell  reaches  this  conclusion:  “  The  infinitive  clause  is  mostly  used  after 
hatan,  with  less  frequency  after  other  verbs  of  command.  The  subject-accusa¬ 
tive  construction  is  in  general  use  only  after  verbs  of  perception  in  the  pictur¬ 
esque  language  of  poetry;  its  occurrence  after  verbs  of  saying  or  thinking  is 
very  rare,  and  is  mostly  confined  to  direct  copyings  of  the  corresponding  Latin 
construction;  this  method  of  rendering  the  Latin  prevails,  however,  to  no  great 
extent  even  in  the  closest  translations.”  On  pp.  476-477  we  read:  “  There 
are  in  Bede  331  Latin  infinitives  following  verbs  which  act  as  introductions  to 
indirect  discourse;  in  263  instances  the  Latin  infinitive  is  rendered  by  the  regu¬ 
lar  Anglo-Saxon  construction  with  the  subordinate  clause;  in  68  cases  only 
does  the  Anglo-Saxon  agree  in  construction  with  the  Latin:  28  of  these  are 
found  after  hatan  (its  usual  native  sequence),  8  follow  geseon,  6  occur  after 
gehatan,  4  after  gehyran;  witan,  twygean,  gelyfan ,  gelimpan,  and  secgan  are 
each  followed  twice  by  the  infinitive ;  while  bebeodan,  biddan,  bewerian,  cetiewan, 
gemunan,  geleornian ,  Imran,  oncnawan,  ongytan,  tellan,  cSyncan,  and  wenan  are 
followed  once  by  this  construction.  Since  the  infinitive  clause  is  quite  frequent 
after  hatan  and  verbs  of  perception,  we  may  conclude  from  the  above  statistics 
that  the  influence  of  the  Latin  infinitive  construction  upon  the  Anglo-Saxon  is 
very  slight  even  in  the  closest  translations.”  For  reasons  given  below,  in  the 
discussion  of  the  view  of  Dr.  Zeitlin,  it  seems  to  me  that  Dr.  Gorrell  somewhat 
underestimates  the  influence  of  the  Latin. 

Dr.  Wiilfing,  in  his  Syntax  in  den  Werken  Alfreds  des  Grossen  (1900),  II, 
p.  182,  merely  quotes  with  approbation  the  statement  of  T.  Muller,  given 
above. 

In  his  Studies  in  the  Language  of  Pecock  (1900),  p.  119,  Dr.  Fredrik  Schmidt 
incidentally  expresses  his  view  concerning  the  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon: 
“  Pecock’s  extensive  use  of  the  accusative  and  infinitive  after  this  third  group 
of  verbs  is  characteristic  of  his  style.  Krickau  (Acc.  mit  dem  Inf.,  p.  17)  calls 
him  the  writer  1  welcher  mit  der  Einfiihrung  des  Acc.  mit  dem  Inf.  nach  den 
Verben  des  Sagens  und  Denkens  in  Originalwerken  begonnen  hat.'  And  thus 
much  is  certain  that  before  Pecock  this  construction  is  very  sporadically  to  be 
found.  Einenkel  (Anglia  XIII,  94  sqq.)  gives  a  few  examples  from  Chaucer 
(after  conferme,  deeme,  holde,  wite)  and  two  from  O.  E.  (after  weene).”  1  In 
substantial  agreement  with  Dr.  Schmidt  are  the  views  expressed  by  the  follow¬ 
ing  investigators  of  the  idiom  in  Middle  English  and  in  Modern  English,  the 
title  of  whose  works  are  given  in  my  bibliography:  Rohs,  1889;  Zickner,  1900; 
De  Reul,  1901;  Ortmann,  1902;  and  Gartner,  1904. 

General  but  pronounced  is  the  statement  of  Professor  Otto  Jespersen,  in 
his  Growth  and  Structure  of  the  English  Language  (1905),  p.  127:  “  The  exten¬ 
sive  use  of  the  accusative  with  the  infinitive  is  another  permanent  feature  of 
English  syntax  which  is  largely  due  to  Latin  influence.”  2 


1  See,  further,  Schmidt,  F.,  1.  c.,  p.  112. 

2  As  this  statement  is  omitted  in  the  second  edition  (1912)  of  this  work,  Professor  Jespersen  has  probably 
changed  his  opinion  with  reference  thereto. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  211 


One  of  the  most  recent  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  stimulating  discussions  of 
our  idiom  is  that  by  Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin,  in  his  above  mentioned  dissertation  (1908). 
On  p.  108  we  read:  u  From  the  very  earliest  times  English,  in  common  with 
other  Indo-Germanic  languages,  employed,  after  certain  verbs  of  express  or 
implied  causation  (Icetan,  forlcetan,  hatan,  biddan),  an  accusative  with  an  infini¬ 
tive.  .  .  .  Verbs  like  beodan,  don ,  macian ,  tcecan,  and  Iceran,  though  found 
very  rarely  with  an  accusative  and  infinitive  in  late  Old  English,  began  to  em¬ 
ploy  the  construction  more  and  more  frequently  in  early  Middle  English,  and 
by  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century  that  was  the  prevailing  locution  and 
practically  the  only  one  employed.”  Concerning  the  idiom  after  verbs  of 
sense  perception,  on  p.  109  we  are  told:  “  This  construction  is  regular  in  all 
periods  of  the  English  language  with  verbs  expressing  an  immediate  sense 
perception,  and  therefore  requires  no  extensive  comment.”  Of  the  idiom 
after  verbs  of  mental  perception,  we  read  on  p.  78:  “  The  dividing  line  between 
verbs  of  sense  and  mental  perception  is  not  one  which  can  be  precisely  marked. 
It  will  be  noted  that  in  a  number  of  the  citations  grouped  under  sense  percep¬ 
tion  the  verbs  have  a  derivative  force  which  tends  to  place  them  in  the  other 
class.  The  fact  that  the  same  verbs  assume  the  two  significations  naturally 
involves  the  extension  of  the  construction  in  vogue  after  the  primary  class  to 
the  derivative  class.  But,  further  than  this,  there  are  in  Old  English  a  number  of 
verbs  which  are  not  associated  with  any  idea  of  sensation  and  which  admit  after 
them  an  accusative  with  infinitive  of  a  more  developed  type  than  any  thus  far 
noticed.”  Finally,  concerning  the  idiom  after  verbs  of  declaring,  this  statement 
is  given,  p.  99:  “  The  accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs  of  declaration  is 
found  in  Old  English  only  in  translated  documents  in  imitation  of  the  Latin 
original.”  My  own  view  of  the  construction  with  this  last  class  of  verbs  could 
not  be  better  expressed  than  by  the  sentence  just  quoted;  and  I  was  delighted 
to  find  my  own  view  confirmed  by  the  investigation  of  Dr.  Zeitlin,  for,  although 
his  study  was  published  four  years  ago,  my  own  statistics  had  been  gathered 
and  tabulated  before  the  publication  of  his  work.  But  Dr.  Zeitlin’s  statement 
on  page  99  seems  to  me  to  be  considerably  modified  by  that  on  page  110:  “  After 
verbs  of  declaration  the  early  language,  in  its  original  literature,  shows  only 
the  faintest  beginnings  of  the  construction  in  the  form  of  an  accusative  followed 
by  a  predicate  noun,  adjective,  or  participle.  The  importance  of  the  use  of 
the  latter  forms  as  predicates  is  fundamental  in  the  development  of  the  accusa¬ 
tive  with  infinitive.  The  frequency  with  which  these  predicate  forms  occur 
in  Old  English  after  verbs  of  mental  perception,  and  their  employment  after 
verbs  of  declaration  previous  to  any  similar  use  of  the  infinitive,  may  be  treated 
as  a  confirmation  of  the  view  that  they  preceded  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
in  time,  and,  in  fact,  afforded  the  model 1 *  by  analogy  to  which  the  latter  con¬ 
struction  was  more  fully  developed.  The  relation  between  the  accusative 
and  the  predicate,  whatever  form  that  predicate  may  take,  —  whether  infini¬ 
tive,  substantive,  adjective,  or  participle,  —  is  the  same.  The  practical  identity 
of  the  two  locutions  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  it  is  possible  to  convert  every 
non-infinitive  predicate  into  an  infinitive  by  the  introduction  of  the  copula 
to  be.” 


1  More  guarded  is  the  statement  of  Professor  Gorrell,  l.  c.,  p.  475:  “  After  verbs  of  saying  there  is  a  near 

approach  to  this  construction  [infinitive-with-accusative]  by  the  use  of  the  accusative  of  the  substantive  and  the 
predicate  adjective,  as  Gu.,  90,  Sas  eorSan  ealle  ssegde  Icene  under  lyfte;  similarly  BH.,  165,  3;  Cr.,  136.”  See 

too,  Einenkel,3  l.  c.,  p.  1077. 


212  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


To  this  last  statement  there  seem  to  me  to  be  at  least  two  cogent  objections. 
First,  the  theory  of  the  priority  of  the  participle  predicate  (at  least  of  the  pres¬ 
ent  participle)  to  the  infinitive  predicate,  credited  by  Dr.  Zeitlin  on  page  66 
to  Grimberg  1  and  here  indorsed  by  himself,  is  contrary  to  the  facts  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  as  I  believe  and  try  to  show  in  Chapter  XVI.  As  to  the  predicative 
accusative  of  nouns,  of  adjectives,  and  of  past  participles  after  verbs  of  per¬ 
ception  and  of  declaring,  which  Dr.  Zeitlin  thinks  has,  also,  contributed  to  the 
development  of  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction,  I  do  not  know  of 
any  extensive  collection  2  of  data  as  to  these  uses.  But,  should  the  predicative 
use  of  nouns,  of  adjectives,  and  of  the  past  participle  be  found  frequent  in 
Anglo-Saxon  and  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  this  fact  would  not 
substantiate  the  theory  advocated  by  Drs.  Becker,  Primer,  Grimberg,  and 
Zeitlin,  I  think.  It  is  in  no  small  degree  the  fact  that  the  present  participle  is 
more  verbal  and  less  adjectival  in  nature  than  a  past  participle  (and,  of  course, 
than  a  predicate  adjective  or  noun  in  the  accusative)  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  and 
in  High  German  precluded  the  use  of  the  present  participle  in  the  predicative 
accusative  except  in  translation  of  Latin  participles  with  full  verbal  power, 
precisely  as  the  more  verbal  present  participle  could  not  be  used  appositively 
except  in  imitation  of  the  same  idiom  in  Latin.3 

Secondly,  the  statement  unduly  minimizes  the  influence  of  the  Latin  in  the 
development  of  the  accusative  with  an  infinitive  after  verbs  of  declaring  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  so  patly  stated  by  Dr.  Zeitlin  on  p.  99.  That  I  am  not  misin¬ 
terpreting  the  force  intended  to  be  conveyed  in  the  passage  just  quoted,  appears 
clear,  I  think,  from  the  paragraph  immediately  following  it:  ‘‘The  question 
of  Latin  influence  in  this  period  can  be  disposed  of  without  difficulty.  As  is 
manifest  from  the  Bede  citations,  the  translator  on  a  number  of  occasions  imi¬ 
tates  the  Latin  construction  in  rendering  an  accusative  with  infinitive  after 
verbs  of  mental  perception  and  declaration.  But  very  seldom  does  he  do 
violence  to  the  English  idiom  in  so  translating.  He  refrains  from  imitating 
the  construction  after  neuter  and  impersonal  verbs,  confining  his  translation 
within  the  same  limitations  that  bound  the  native  locution.  That  it  should 
be  found  more  frequently  in  translations  than  in  original  works  is  to  be  expected 
from  the  extensive  use  of  this  construction  in  Latin;  and  it  is  not  surprising 
to  find  sporadical  examples  bearing  the  distinct  stamp  of  foreign  importation. 
But  in  expanding  the  great  mass  of  Latin  accusatives  and  infinitives  into 
English  clauses  the  translator  has  shown  that  his  feeling  for  the  native  idiom 
has  not  been  corrupted  by  the  foreign  language.  Since  Latin  exerted  so  slight 
an  influence  on  Old  English  translations,  it  may  readily  be  inferred  that  it  had 
no  effect  at  all  on  original  literature  or  spoken  language.”  In  support  of  my 
claim  that  these  two  statements  unduly  minimize  the  Latin  influence  upon  the 
accusative-with-infinitive  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  call  attention  to 
these  additional  facts:  (1)  Though  rarely,  the  accusative  with  infinitive  is 
found  after  impersonal  verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon,  —  a  matter  treated  below  under 
the  accusative  with  infinitive  in  subject  clauses.  (2)  In  imitation  of  the  Latin 


1  Grimberg’s  article  appeared  in  1905,  but  this  theory  was  proposed  long  before  that  time,  as  early  as  1836, 
by  K.  F.  Becker  in  his  Ausfuhrliche  Deutsche  Grammatik,  Vol.  I,  pp.  193-194.  See,  further,  Chapter  XV  and 
Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 

2  The  fullest  known  to  me  is  that  by  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  732  ff .,  but  in  this  collection  very  few  examples  are 
given  from  Anglo-Saxon.  Dr.  Wiilfing’s  Syntax  has  not  as  yet  reached  the  predicative  use  of  the  accusative. 

3  See  the  writer’s  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  142,  307  ff. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  213 

original,  Alfred  and  other  Anglo-Saxon  writers  not  a  few  times  use  the  accusa¬ 
tive  with  passive  infinitive,  —  a  construction  thoroughly  un-English.  (3)  The 
history  of  this  construction  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  tends  to  show  that 
Dr.  Zeitlin  unduly  minimizes  the  influence  of  the  Latin  upon  the  Anglo-Saxon. 
It  is  only  fair  to  add,  however,  that  what  he  says  as  to  the  influence  of  the 
Latin  upon  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  more  or  less  bound  up  with  what  he  says  as 
to  the  influence  of  the  classical  languages  upon  the  Germanic  languages,  - —  a 
topic  discussed  by  me  in  Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 

Perhaps  I  should  add  that  Dr.  Kenyon  does  not  discuss  the  origin  of  this 
idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon  in  his  The  Syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  Chaucer  (1909) ;  and 
that  Dr.  Riggert,  in  his  Der  Syntaktische  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  in  der  Alt- 
englischen  Poesie  (1909),  p.  52,  adopts  the  view  of  T.  Muller,  which  was  given 
above. 

II.  INFLECTED. 

As  we  saw  in  Chapter  VIII,  the  inflected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject 
occurs  only  sporadically  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  less  doubtful  cases  only  in  the 
later  Chronicle  and  in  iElfric,  after  the  differentiation  between  the  two  infini¬ 
tives  had  been  appreciably  weakened.  A  few  of  the  remaining  examples  are 
due  to  the  presence  of  a  Latin  gerund,  gerundive,  or  future  participle  in  the 
original;  while  in  a  few  other  instances  the  infinitive  hovers  between  an  ad¬ 
verbial  (final  or  consecutive)  use  on  the  one  hand  and  a  predicative  on  the 
other.  In  a  word,  in  Early  West  Saxon,  most  of  the  examples  are  doubtful, 
and  are  due  partly  to  the  Latin  influences  specified  and  partly  to  the  natural 
tendency  of  the  inflected  infinitive  after  certain  verbs  of  tendency  ( tcecan ,  etc.) 
to  pass  over  from  a  final-consecutive  to  a  predicative  use. 

For  the  accusative  with  an  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see 
Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE.1 

That  the  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  when  the  object  of  a 
transitive  verb,  is  due  to  Latin  influence,  is  highly  probable,  as  was  long  ago 
declared  by  Dr.  Kellner.2  As  we  have  seen  above,  only  two  examples  of  the 
construction  have  been  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  one  each  in  Genesis  and 
in  Guthlac,  each  a  poem  based  on  Latin  originals.  In  the  prose  translations, 
in  each  of  the  groups  of  verbs,  the  construction  in  question  is  in  most  cases  in 
direct  translation  of  the  same  idiom  in  Latin,  though  occasionally  it  corresponds 
to  other  constructions  in  Latin  (an  objective  passive  infinitive,  1;  a  predicative 
active  infinitive,  3;  a  predicative  past  participle3  in  the  accusative,  8;  no 
Latin,  1;  all  of  which  have  been  illustrated  above,  pp.  120  ff.).  Moreover,  we 
find  the  Latin  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  often  rendered  by  an 
active  infinitive  (with  or  without  an  accusative  subject).  The  passive  con¬ 
struction  is  very  rare  in  the  more  original  Anglo-Saxon  prose  (no  example  is 
found  in  the  Chronicle  or  the  Laws,  and  only  one  example  occurs  in  Wulfstan) 
and  in  ^Elfric  (only  three  examples)  despite  his  known  proclivities  for  Latin 


i  Cf.  Chapter  VIII,  p.  120.  2  See  Kellner, 3 1.  c.,  p.  306. 

3  Most  of  these  may  be  considered  passive  infinitives  with  esse  understood. 


214  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

idioms.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  not  only  that  the  idiom  was  not  native  to 
Anglo-Saxon,  but  also  that  it  was  never  naturalized  therein. 

The  situation  is  substantially  the  same  in  the  other  Germanic  languages: 
see  Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 


AS  SUBJECT. 

Whether  containing  an  active  or  a  passive  infinitive  as  predicate  to  an  accusa¬ 
tive,  the  infinitive  phrase  as  subject  is  manifestly  of  Latin  origin,1  occurring 
only  2  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  and  each  time  corresponding  to  the 
same  idiom  in  the  Latin  originals  (except  in  one  instance,  Bede  70.32,  where  it 
corresponds  to  a  complementary  passive  infinitive  after  a  passive  verb),  as  will 
appear  from  an  examination  of  the  examples,  already  quoted  on  pp.  124  f. 
above. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages,  the  accusative  with  infinitive,  as  subject, 
is  rare  in  subject  clauses,  and  is  an  importation:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  viii. 


IX.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT.3 

In  Chapter  IX,  I  have  tried  to  give  grounds  for  the  belief  there  stated  that 
in  Anglo-Saxon  we  have  no  genuine  predicative  infinitive,  whether  uninflected 
or  inflected,  with  dative  subject;  that  the  infinitives  sometimes  cited  as  predi¬ 
cative  are  either  subjective  or  objective;  and  that  the  dative  noun  or  pronoun 
depends  on  the  finite  verb  instead  of  being  subject  to  the  infinitive.  The 
origin  of  these  so-called  predicative  infinitives  with  dative  subject  has  been 
discussed  in  sections  i  and  ii  of  the  present  chapter. 

In  Chapter  IX,  however,  were  given  several  sporadic  examples  of  an  ap¬ 
parent,  if  not  a  real,  predicative  use  of  an  uninflected  infinitive  with  a  subject 
dative  in  form  after  don  and  Icetan,  but  these  occur  almost  exclusively  in  the 
later  Chronicle ,  by  which  time  the  dative  and  accusative  forms  of  the  personal 
pronoun  of  the  third  person  may  have  become  interchangeable.  The  solitary 
example  cited  of  an  inflected  infinitive  used  predicatively  with  a  dative  subject 
(after  hieran)  occurs  in  a  doubtful  passage,  but  the  inflection  of  the  infinitive  is 
probably  due  to  the  presence  of  a  gerundive  in  the  Latin  original.  In  a  word, 
the  following  statement  of  Professor  Einenkel 4  as  to  the  interrelation  of  the 
infinitive-with-dative  to  the  predicative  infinitive-with-accusative  construction 
is  correct,  but,  as  implied  by  him,  the  assumption  of  predicative  force  by  the 
former  did  not  occur  until  Middle  English  times:  “  Die  gesamte  altenglische 
so  beliebte  Konstruktion,  Subjekts-Inf.  +  Dat.  com.  ist  in  diese  Acc.  mit  Inf.- 
Bewegung  hineingezogen  worden  [ae.  Micele  swi&or  gedafenaS  Sam  mcedenum 
to  Sencanne,  Ags.  Pr.].” 

For  the  so-called  predicative  infinitive  with  dative  subject  in  the  other 
Germanic  languages,  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  ix. 


1  De  Reul,  l.  c.,  p.  135,  says  of  this  idiom  in  Middle  English:  “  The  construction  is  a  Latinism  which  was 
introduced  either  directly  or  through  the  French.” 

2  Except  that  once  we  have  an  inflected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  as  subject  of  a  passive  verb  in 
the  late  Chronicle:  see  p.  124  above. 

3  See  Chapter  IX,  p.  127. 

4  Einenkel,3 1.  c.,  p.  1076.  See,  too,  De  Reul,  l.  c.,  pp.  136  ff. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


215 


X.  THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE.1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

2.  With  Active  Verbs. 

In  all  probability,  the  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  verbs  of  motion 
was  a  native  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon,  for  it  is  habitual  in  the  poems,  occurs  several 
times  in  Early  West  Saxon  prose,  and  is  not  infrequent  in  Late  West  Saxon 
prose,  especially  in  the  Gospels.  The  relative  frequency  of  the  idiom  in  the 
Gospels  is  due  in  part  to  the  frequent  presence  of  the  final  infinitive  in  the  Latin 
vulgate.  In  iElfric’s  Grammar ,  it  may  be  added,  the  uninflected  final  infinitive 
several  times  translates  the  Latin  supine  in  -um. 

The  infrequency  of  the  uninflected  final  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  makes 
it  difficult  to  draw  confident  conclusions;  but  the  idiom  is  probably  of  native 
origin,  occurring  as  it  does  chiefly  in  the  poems.  In  the  one  instance  in  the 
prose  translations  (JElf.  Hept .:  Judges  4.18b),  the  Latin  has  no  infinitive.  This 
probability  of  native  origin  is  further  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  we  have  the  un¬ 
inflected  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest. 

The  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  verbs  of  commanding  and  re¬ 
questing  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence,  as  no  example  occurs  in  the  poetry, 
and  in  the  three  examples  from  the  prose  ( Bede  392.32,  JZlf.  Hept.:  Judges 
4.19,  and  J.  4.9)  the  infinitive  translates  a  Latin  final  infinitive  ( petamus 
bibere ,  dedit  .  .  .  bibere,  bibere  .  .  .  poscis). 

Probably,  too,  the  uninflected  final  infinitive  after  verbs  of  giving  was  first 
suggested  by  the  Latin  da  bibere  and  similar  locutions.  The  idiom  is  very 
rare  in  the  poetry:  of  the  three  examples,  one  occurs  in  the  metrical  Psalms, 
and  two  in  the  Riddles.  When  found  in  the  translations,  it  is  about  two-thirds 
of  the  time  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  final  infinitive.  The  Latin  cor¬ 
respondents  are:  a  final  infinitive,  18;  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  2;  a 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  1;  a  subordinated,  finite  verb,  active,  1;  a 
prepositional  phrase,  1 ;  a  noun  (dative,  1 ;  accusative,  5) ;  no  Latin,  2. 

The  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  “  other  verbs  ”  occurs  twice 
in  the  poetry  ( Gifts  66:  gewyrce&  .  .  .  gefegan;  Gnomic  Sayings  129:  scop 
.  .  .  healdan),  each  doubtful,  and  once  in  prose  ( L .  1.72b:  alysde  ...  to 
wyrcenne  .  .  .  and  gemunan ),  in  which  last  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  pre¬ 
ceded  by  a  co-ordinate  inflected  infinitive,  and  is  appreciably  separated  from 
its  principal  verb.  But  the  inflected  infinitive  and  the  uninflected  infinitive  in 
this  verse  may  each  be  due  to  the  Latin  original:  see  p.  143  above. 

The  inflected  infinitive  of  purpose,  after  verbs  of  whatever  kind,  was  prob¬ 
ably  first  suggested  by  the  Latin;  for  we  find:  — 

1.  That,  of  the  fifteen  examples  occurring  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  all  but 
two  ( Beow .  1731  and  Wids.  134)  occur  in  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin 
originals,  and  in  the  two  exceptional  examples  the  infinitive  may  modify  the 
noun  rather  than  the  verb. 

2.  That  while,  in  the  Early  West  Saxon  translations,  the  inflected  infinitive 
of  purpose  occasionally 2  translates  a  Latin  final  infinitive,  it  usually  translates 

1  Cf.  Chapter  X,  p.  132. 

2  In  the  Late  West  Saxon  Gospels,  the  Latin  final  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  is  often  translated  by  an 
inflected  infinitive  instead  of  an  uninflected,  there  being  18  inflected  to  24  uninflected  infinitives  in  that  text 
corresponding  to  a  Latin  final  infinitive. 


216  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive,  each  with  and  without  a  preposition,  which  Latin 
idioms  doubtless  first  led  to  the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  to  denote  purpose 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  although  the  Latin  prepositional  phrase  made  up  of  a  prepo¬ 
sition  and  a  noun  instead  of  a  gerund  or  a  gerundive,  and  the  Latin  subordinated 
verb  introduced  by  ut  may  have  contributed  somewhat  thereto. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are  approximately  as  follows:  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusa¬ 
tive,  38;  ad  +  a  gerund  in  the  accusative,  31;  pro  +  a  gerundive  in  the  ablative,  2;  a  gerund 
in  the  accusative,  4;  a  gerundive  (nominative,  1;  dative,  2;  accusative,  13);  an  infinitive 
(final,  24  (18  in  Gosp .);  as  predicate  nominative,  1);  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (active,  5; 
passive,  2);  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  active,  3;  an  appositive  participle,  active,  6;  an  ab¬ 
solute  participle,  passive,  1 ;  a  prepositional  phrase,  3 ;  a  noun  (nominative,  1 ;  accusative,  3 ; 
ablative,  2);  a  loose  paraphrase,  2;  no  Latin,  13.  Of  the  thirteen  examples  without  a  Latin 
correspondent,  eleven  occur  in  Alfred,  but,  in  six  of  these  examples,  the  inflected  infinitive 
occurs  elsewhere  in  Alfred  corresponding  to  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive;  while,  in  five  ex¬ 
amples  ( Bede  16.9:  onfindan;  Boeth.  19.22,  23:  onlcenan;  and  Oros.  292. 28a:  betcecan,  64.26: 
geunnan ),  no  such  equivalent  is  found.  Finally,  it  should  be  stated  that  it  is  possible  that 
the  Anglo-Saxon  prepositional  phrase  of  purpose,  made  up  of  a  preposition  +  a  noun  or  a 
pronoun,  may  have  contributed  somewhat  to  the  development  of  the  inflected  infinitive 
of  purpose. 

3.  That,  according  to  iElfric’s  Grammar ,  the  Latin  gerund  and  the  Latin 
future  active  participle  are  properly  rendered  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  inflected 
infinitive;  for  on  p.  134  he  has  “  amandi  =  to  lufigenne;  ”  on  p.  135,  “  amandum 
=  to  lufigenne;  ”  and  on  p.  167,  “  ruiturus  =  to  hreosenne.” 

It  seems  likely  that,  because  of  its  superior  clarity,1  the  inflected  infinitive 
became,  in  prose,  the  normal  form  of  the  final  infinitive,  though  not  to  the  total 
exclusion  of  the  uninflected  infinitive. 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

The  preceding  applies  to  the  active  infinitive  of  purpose  with  active  verbs. 
As  to  the  active  infinitive  with  passive  verbs,  it  is  habitually  inflected;  has 
substantially  the  same  Latin  correspondents  as  with  the  active  infinitive  ex¬ 
cept  that  the  final  infinitive  is  not  found;  and  was  probably  suggested  by  the 
Latin  substantially  as  when  used  with  active  verbs. 

The  correspondents  in  Latin  are:  ad  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative,  10;  ad  +  a  gerund 
in  the  accusative,  6;  a  gerundive  (nominative,  4;  accusative,  1);  an  infinitive  (subjective, 
3;  as  a  retained  objective,  1;  predicative  with  an  auxiliary,  1);  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb, 
passive,  4;  a  predicative  participle,  accusative,  passive,  1;  a  prepositional  phrase,  2;  a  noun 
in  the  accusative,  1;  no  Latin,  3.  Of  these  last  three  examples,  all  except  one  (Greg.  347.6: 
gadrina )  are  elsewhere  found  in  Alfred  corresponding  to  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

As  already  stated,  I  have  not  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  a  clear  example  of  the 
passive  infinitive  denoting  purpose. 

I  have  found  few  suggestions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  final  infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon.  The  most  direct  and  the  most  helpful  single  statement  is  that,  of  Pro¬ 
fessor  Shearin,  who,  in  discussing  “  the  Prepositional  Infinitive  after  Sellan,” 
declares:  “The  prepositional  infinitive  seems  to  be  preferred  in  translating 
the  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive  constructions  of  purpose.  As  already  seen  (v. 
p.  13),  the  simple  form  is  usual  in  translating  the  Latin  infinitive  and  supine.”  2 


1  Cf.  Chapter  X,  p.  146  above. 


2  Shearin,1 1.  c.,  p.  27. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


217 


He  then  quotes  a  few  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  translating  a  Latin 
gerund  or  gerundive  after  sellan,  and  adds  this  note:  “The  presence  or 
absence  of  ad  may  have  been  to  some  extent  a  determinant  of  the  use  or 
omission  of  to.”  These  statements  by  Professor  Shearin,  however,  are,  as  is 
evident  from  our  statistics  just  given,  far  too  restricted,  being  made  solely  with 
reference  to  the  inflected  infinitive  after  sellan ,  whereas  the  former  statement 
is  true  of  all  verbs.  As  to  the  second  statement,  the  absence  of  ad,  in  gerund 
or  gerundive  constructions,  has  next  to  no  weight  in  bringing  about  the  omis¬ 
sion  of  to,  as  an  inspection  of  our  statistics  will  show.  Dr.  Shearin  does  not 
express  any  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  the  final  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  after 
the  other  groups  of  verbs  further  than  to  cite  (p.  17)  with  approbation  Grimm’s 
statement  as  to  the  origin  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  general:  “  Anfangs 
verstarkte  die  prap.  in  gewissen  fallen  den  infinitivischen  ausdruck:  iddja  du 
saian  sagt  etwas  mehr  als  das  blosse  iddja  saian.”  1  Dr.  T.  J.  Farrar,  in  his 
The  Gerund  in  Old  English,  p.  36,  explicitly  declines  to  discuss  the  origin  of  the 
construction  in  Anglo-Saxon;  nor  have  I  found  any  helpful  comment  in  any 
of  the  other  treatises  on  Anglo-Saxon  syntax  accessible  to  me. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  origin  of  the  final  infinitive  was  prob¬ 
ably  the  same  as  in  Anglo-Saxon:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  x. 

XI.  THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES.2 

The  inflected  infinitive  with  adjectives  seems  to  be  a  construction  of  native 
origin  in  Anglo-Saxon,  because :  — 

1.  It  is  found  not  infrequently  in  the  poetry,  occurring  in  Beowulf  (4  times) 
as  well  as  in  the  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin  originals. 

2.  In  the  translations  it  corresponds  to  various  Latin  idioms,  and  not  a  few 
times  occurs  without  any  Latin  correspondents. 

The  Latin  correspondents  are:  an  adjective  with  a  preposition  +  a  gerund  in  the  accusa¬ 
tive  (11)  or  +  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative  (15);  an  adjective  with  a  gerund  (genitive,  4; 
dative,  1);  an  adjective  with  a  preposition  -f-  a  gerund  in  the  ablative,  1;  a  verb  +  a  gerund 
in  the  dative,  2;  an  adverb  +  a  gerund  in  the  ablative,  1;  an  adjective  with  a  prepositional 
phrase  (6),  or  a  supine  in  -u  (2),  or  a  noun  in  the  ablative  (3),  or  an  infinitive  (8) ;  an  infinitive 
(subjective,  1;  objective,  4;  predicative  with  an  auxiliary,  3;  as  a  predicate  nominative,  1); 
an  accusative  and  passive  infinitive  as  subject,  3;  an  indicative  (active,  3;  passive,  3);  a 
subjunctive  (active,  1;  passive,  2);  an  imperative,  2;  a  noun  in  the  nominative,  1;  an  adjec¬ 
tive  (attributive,  1 ;  predicative,  8) ;  a  participle  (attributive,  passive,  1 ;  appositive,  active, 
4);  a  gerundial  periphrastic,  passive,  1;  a  loose  paraphrase,  3;  no  Latin,  21. 

3.  It  occurs,  though  not  frequently,  in  the  Chronicle,  in  the  Laws,  and  in 
Wulfstan. 

But,  while  the  construction  is  doubtless  of  native  origin,  and  is  analogous 
to  the  modification  of  an  adjective  by  any  other  prepositional-adverbial  phrase, 
the  use  of  the  idiom  has  doubtless  been  somewhat  increased  by  the  Latin 
original,  especially  by  the  frequency  of  the  construction  made  up  of  gerund 
and  gerundive  just  mentioned.  And  it  is  possible  that,  in  the  few  examples 
in  which  the  inflected  infinitive  is  clearly  genitival  in  function  (as  in  Boeth. 
50.10,  24a*  b;  51.9),  the  idiom  is  an  imitation  of  the  Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive. 

The  construction  of  the  adjective  with  an  uninflected  infinitive  occurs  only 


1  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  121, 


2  See  Chapter  XI,  p.  149. 


218  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

sporadically,  and  is  probably  due  to  the  distance  of  the  infinitive  from  the 
governing  adjective:  see  Chapter  XI,  p.  158  above. 

The  passive  infinitive  with  adjectives  is  probably,  like  the  passive  infinitive 
in  other  uses,  due  to  Latin  influence,  though  this  cannot  be  demonstrated  in 
the  solitary  example  found,  in  JElfric. 

For  the  infinitive  with  adjectives  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see 
Chapter  XVI,  section  xi. 

XII.  OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 

A.  THE  CAUSAL  INFINITIVE.1 

So  few  examples  of  the  causal  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected, 
occur  in  Anglo-Saxon  (only  about  a  dozen  in  all)  that  a  confident  conclusion 
as  to  its  origin  is  impossible.  Still  the  fact  that  only  three  examples  occur  in 
the  poetry  {Gen.  2279  and  2733,  after  cearian;  Chr.  1555,  after  bisorgiari), 
each  of  which  is  doubtful;  that,  of  the  three  examples  in  Early  West  Saxon, 
two  {Bede  478.32,  484.15,  after  gefeon)  are  in  translation  of  Latin  infinitives  of 
cause;  and  that  most  of  the  remaining  examples  occur  in  iElfric  or  in  Wulfstan, 
renders  it  probable  that  the  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon  was  due  in  part  to 
Latin  influence.  This  seems  the  more  probable  to  me  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
cause  in  Anglo-Saxon  was  from  the  beginning  usually  expressed  by  an  oblique 
case  of  3cet  (with  or  without  a  preposition)  plus  a  finite  verb  or  plus  a  dependent 
clause  in  apposition  to  the  oblique  (adverbial)  case  of  tScet.  It  is  possible,  how¬ 
ever,  that  the  causal  use  in  Anglo-Saxon  may  be  in  part  merely  an  extension 
of  the  objective  use  of  the  infinitive. 

The  causal  infinitive  is  rare  in  the  other  Germanic  languages:  see  Chapter 
XVI,  section  xii. 

B.  THE  INFINITIVE  OF  SPECIFICATION  WITH  VERBS.2 

In  this  use  the  infinitive  is  always  inflected.  No  example  has  been  found 
in  the  poetry.  In  the  two  examples  from  Wserferth  (88.18  and  180.26),  each 
after  a  passive  verb,  and  in  the  solitary  example  from  Bede  (82.22),  the  in¬ 
finitive  corresponds  in  the  Latin  to  a  phrase  made  up  of  a  preposition  plus 
gerundive  and  noun.  Only  three  other  examples  occur,  in  iElfric.  All  of  the 
examples  are  doubtful  except  Wcerf.  180.26.  It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that 
this  use  of  the  infinitive  was  first  suggested  by  the  Latin. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages,  likewise,  this  use  is  of  foreign  importation: 
see  Chapter  XVI,  section  xii. 

C.  THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE.3 

The  consecutive  use  of  the  infinitive,  always  inflected,  with  adjectives  is 
probably  a  native  extension  of  the  infinitive  of  specification  with  adjectives: 
this  consecutive  use  is  occasionally  found  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  poems;  though 
more  frequent  in  the  translations  from  the  Latin,  yet  in  only  two  of  these  ex¬ 
amples  {Wcerf.  63.19  and  JElf.  Kept.:  Ex.  16.16,  in  each  of  which  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  infinitive  corresponds  to  a  Latin  phrase  made  up  of  ad  +  a  gerund  or  a 
gerundive)  does  the  Latin  seem  to  have  had  any  appreciable  effect,  for  in  the 
other  examples  the  Latin  equivalent  is  varied. 

1  See  Chapter  XII,  p.  160.  2  See  Chapter  XII,  p.  161.  3  See  Chapter  XII,  p.  162. 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


219 


The  consecutive  infinitive  with  active  verbs  is  found  in  the  poetry  only 
once  ( Seafarer  38).  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  it  corresponds  most 
frequently  to  a  Latin  prepositional  phrase  made  up  of  ad  plus  a  gerund  or  gerun¬ 
dive,  though  occasionally  to  other  idioms  (an  imperative;  no  Latin;  a  noun 
in  the  accusative;  a  noun  in  the  dative;  in  +  a  noun  in  the  ablative;  a  noun  in 
the  nominative;  a  noun  in  the  accusative;  ttZ+a  subjunctive).  It  occurs  a 
few  times  in  the  Martyrology  and  in  the  Lceceboc,  and  relatively  frequently  in 
^Elfric.  It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that  the  Latin  influence,  if  appreciable, 
was  very  slight  and  indirect;  more  probably  we  have  the  native  development 
of  the  idiom  from  the  inflected  infinitive  after  verbs  naturally  calling  for  an 
inflected  infinitive  or  for  a  prepositional  phrase  (to  plus  a  noun). 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  situation  concerning  the  consecutive 
infinitive,  both  with  adjectives  and  with  verbs,  is  much  the  same  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  xii. 

The  Latin  influence  is  somewhat  stronger  in  the  consecutive  use  of  the 
infinitive  after  passive  verbs,  the  Anglo-Saxon  infinitive  oftener  corresponding 
to  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive  here  than  with  active  verbs.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  two  examples  are  found  in  the  poems.  On  the  whole,  therefore,  the 
situation  is  substantiallv  the  same  as  with  the  consecutive  infinitive  after  active 
verbs:  the  construction  is  chiefly  a  native  extension  of  the  idiom  with  verbs 
calling  for  an  inflected  infinitive  or  for  a  prepositional  phrase,  somewhat  influ¬ 
enced  by  the  Latin  idiom  in  gerund  and  gerundive  constructions. 

D.  THE  ABSOLUTE  INFINITIVE.1 

As  was  intimated  in  the  citing  of  the  examples  of  the  absolute  use  of  the 
infinitive  above,  pp.  169  ff.,  it  is  probable  that,  in  the  two  examples  of  such 
use  with  the  uninflected  infinitive  (Or os.  46.16,  17b),  we  have  merely  an  accusa¬ 
tive  and  infinitive  loosely  connected  with  the  remainder  of  the  sentence.  In 
the  examples  of  the  absolute  inflected  infinitive,  in  the  clearer  cases  (hrcedest 
to  secganne,  hrcedest  to  cive&enne,  and  to  metanne  wi$),  the  absolute  use  has  arisen 
from  the  shortening  of  fuller  expressions  (such  as  Boeth.  39.10:  Swa  hit  is  nu 
hra&ost  to  secganne  be  eallum  etc.;  Wulf.  158.16:  godcunde  hadas  wseron  nu 
lange  swi(5e  forsawene  .  .  .  and  hrcedest  is  to  cwe&enne  etc. ;  see  further  exam¬ 
ples  in  Chapter  VII),  in  which  we  have  the  inflected  infinitive  of  necessity  after 
beon ,  in  which  latter  idiom,  as  we  have  seen,  the  infinitive  was  originally  final 
in  sense.  In  the  less  clear  cases,  quoted  in  Chapter  XII,  section  D,  we  seem 
to  have  the  abridgment  of  a  final  clause  into  a  phrase.  I  think,  therefore,  that 
the  absolute  infinitive  is  of  native  origin  in  Anglo-Saxon,  sparing  though  its  use 
is.  This  statement  of  the  origin  of  the  absolute  use  of  the  infinitive  is,  I  think, 
in  substantial  accord  with  that  of  Professor  Einenkel,  who,  in  discussing  the 
prepositional  infinitive  of  purpose,  writes  “  Hierher  gehoren  auch  die  Falle,  wo 
ein  Verbum  (don  so,  sayn  so)  unterdriickt  ist;  und  wo  in  Folge  dessen  die  pra- 
positionalen  Infinitive  elliptisch  verwendet  werden;  ”  2  and  with  that  of  Dr. 
Kenyon,  Z.  c.,  p.  79:  “  The  purpose  infinitive  becomes  stereotyped,  sometimes 
by  an  ellipsis  that  can  be  more  or  less  definitely  supplied.”  Each  of  these 
scholars  is  writing  of  Middle  English  only. 

The  absolute  infinitive  probably  arose  in  the  same  way  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages:  see  Chapter  XVI,  section  xii. 


1  See  Chapter  XII,  p.  169. 


2  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  p.  240. 


220  ORIGIN  OF  CONSTRUCTIONS  OF  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

To  sum  up  these  adverbial  uses :  the  causal  is  partly  due  to  Latin  influence, 
and  is  partly  of  native  origin;  the  specificatory  use  with  verbs  is  certainly  due 
to  the  Latin  original;  the  consecutive  use,  with  adjectives  is  of  native  origin, 
and  with  verbs  is  largely  native  but  partly  foreign;  and  the  absolute  use  is 
wholly  native. 


XIII.  THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS.1 

The  inflected  infinitive  with  nouns  is  probably,  in  the  main,  of  native  origin 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  because :  — 

1.  Though  rare  in  the  poems,  eight  clear  examples  occur,  one  of  which  is  in 
Beowulf  (316;  Beow.  1941  is  doubtful). 

2.  It  is  frequent  in  Alfred ;  and  while,  in  the  majority  of  instances  (in  about  48 
examples  out  of  a  total  of  81),  it  corresponds  to  a  gerund  or  gerundive,  which  may 
partly  have  suggested  the  inflected  infinitive  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translation, 
in  twelve  of  the  examples  there  is  no  Latin,  and  in  the  remaining  cases  the 
Latin  correspondents  are  too  varied  for  the  Latin  to  have  had  a  determining 
influence  in  the  choice  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  method  of  translation. 

The  Latin  correspondents  to  this  idiom  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  as  a  whole  are: 
a  noun  (or  a  pronoun)  with  a  gerund  in  the  genitive  (63) ;  or  with  a  gerundive  in  the  genitive 
(9)  or  in  the  dative  (1) ;  or  with  ad  - fa  gerund  in  the  accusative  (6)  or  with  ad  +  a  gerundive 
in  the  accusative  (3);  or  with  an  infinitive  modifying  it  (14);  or  with  a  noun  in  the  geni¬ 
tive  (5);  an  adjective  with  a  supine  in  -u  (1)  or  with  a  prepositional  phrase  (1);  an  infinitive  (ob¬ 
jective,  1;  predicative  with  an  auxiliary  (4)  or  with  an  accusative  subject  (1));  a  subjunc¬ 
tive  (active,  5;  passive,  2);  an  indicative,  active  (3);  an  attributive  participle,  active  (1); 
a  loose  paraphrase  (13);  no  Latin  (15). 

3.  Though  rare  in  the  Chronicle  and  in  the  Laws,  six  clear  examples  occur 
in  the  former,  and  four  in  the  latter. 

I  believe,  therefore,  that  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  probably  in  the  main 
of  native  origin,  and  that  the  infinitive  phrase  modifying  the  noun  is  analogous 
to  other  prepositional  adjectival  phrases  modifying  a  noun.  I  think,  however, 
that  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  frequency  of  the  idiom  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
translations  (especially  in  Alfred  and  in  the  Gospels)  is  partly  due  to  the  fre¬ 
quency  of  the  constructions  with  gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  Latin  originals. 
Moreover,  it  seems  likely  that  the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  a  genitive 
modifier  of  the  noun  is  in  no  small  measure  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin 
genitive  of  gerund  or  of  gerundive  of  the  original,  since  (1)  the  clear  cases  of 
the  genitive  function  of  the  inflected  infinitive  are  restricted  largely  to  those 
passages  translating  such  Latin  constructions;  and  since  (2)  we  have  next 
to  no  prepositional  adjectival  phrases  of  genitive  function  in  Early  West  Saxon 
aside  from  those  in  which  the  inflected  infinitive  occurs. 

As  stated  in  Chapter  XIII,  p.  181,  in  the  four  instances  of  a  noun  modi¬ 
fied  by  an  uninflected  infinitive,  the  lack  of  inflection  is  probably  due  to  the 
remoteness  of  the  infinitive  from  the  noun  in  all  cases  except  one  {And.  1538), 
and  in  this  instance  it  may  be  due  to  the  peculiar  significance  of  the  noun 
modified  {myne)  or  to  the  exigencies  of  the  meter. 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  situation  is  much  the  same:  see 
Chapter  XVI,  section  xiii. 


1  See  Chapter  XIII,  p.  173. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN 

ANGLO-SAXON. 

I.  THE  PREDICATE  NOMINATIVE  OF  THE  PRESENT  PARTI¬ 
CIPLE  FOR  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  AFTER  VERBS  OF 
MOTION. 

Though  not  correct  in  saying  that  in  Late  West  Saxon  the  present  parti¬ 
ciple  had  completely  supplanted  the  present  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion, 
Dr.  Schrader  1  was  undoubtedly  pointing  out,  though  by  no  means  for  the  first 
time,  a  tendency  of  Anglo-Saxon  that  made  large  headway  in  Late  West  Saxon, 
and  became  the  law  in  succeeding  epochs.  What  led  to  this  partial  supplant¬ 
ing  of  the  predicative  infinitive  of  motion  after  verbs  of  motion  by  the  present 2 
participle  in  Anglo-Saxon?  What  led,  for  example,  He  com  fleogan,  He  com 
gangan ,  He  com  iernan,  and  He  com  ridan  to  become  He  com  fleogende,  He  com 
gangende ,  He  com  iernende,  and  He  com  ridende  t  If  any  adequate  explanation 
of  the  fact  has  been  offered  either  for  Anglo-Saxon  or  for  the  Germanic  languages 
as  a  whole,  it  has  escaped  me.  Personally  I  think  the  chief  causes  of  the  sub¬ 
stitution  to  be  these:  — 

First,  the  relative  rareness  of  the  predicative  infinitive  of  motion 3  even  in 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry  and  its  still  greater  infrequency  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose, 
would  tend  to  bring  about  the  disuse  of  the  idiom,  especially  in  prose. 

Secondly,  I  doubt  not  that  the  well  established,  perhaps  native,  Anglo- 
Saxon  use  of  an  appositive  participle  to  denote  manner4  with  other  verbs 
than  those  signifying  motion  (as  in  Boeth.  8.15:  Da  ic  ba  bis  leob,  cwseb  B., 
geomriende  asungen  haefde,  ba  com  etc.;  Gen.  1582:  ac  he  hlihende  brobrum 
ssegde)  and  its  occasional  use  to  denote  what  looks  like  manner  with  verbs  of 
motion  (as  in  Mlf.  Horn.  I.  566*:  com  seo  sae  fserlice  swegende;  Az.  144:  heofon- 
fuglas,  ba  be  lacende  geond  lyft  farad;  Met.  20.216:  hwilum  eft  smeab  ymb  bone 
ecan  god  sceppend  hire,  scriSende  fcer&  hweole  gelicost,  hwserfb  ymb  hi  selfe) 
tended  to  the  gradual  extension  of  the  use  of  the  participle. 

Potent,  too,  was  the  influence  of  the  periphrastic  tenses  made  up  of  the 
verb  to  be  plus  a  present  participle,  an  idiom  common  in  all  stages  of  Anglo- 
Saxon,  as  shown  by  Dr.  Constance  Pessels,  in  his  The  Present  and  Past  Peri¬ 
phrastic  Tenses  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Slight,  if  not  inappreciable  at  first,  this 
influence  would  become  the  stronger  as  the  principal  verb  of  motion  paled 
more  and  more  into  a  .mere  auxiliary. 

Noteworthy,  also,  was  the  influence  of  the  appositive  participle  of 
words  not  denoting  motion  used  in  connection  with  verbs  of  motion,  as  in 
L.  3.3:  he  com  into  eall  Iordanes  rice,  bodiende  dsedbote  fulluht  on  synna  for- 
gyfenesse  =  venit  in  omnem  regionem  Jordanis,  prcedicans  baptismum  poeni- 
tentise  in  remissionem  peccatorum. 

1  L.  c.,  p.  70:  see  Chapter  V,  p.  89  above. 

2  Though  Professor  Einenkel,1  l.  c.,  p.  238,  considers  that  the  past  participle  is  similarly  used  in  Salomon 
and  Saturn,  1.  178  (hwse'Sre  waes  on  saelum,  se  Se  of  siSe  cwom  feorran  gefered ) ,  and  that  cwom  .  .  .  gefered  =  the 
German  kam  gegangen,  I  must  hold  with  Professor  March,  l.  c.,  p.  201,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  phrase  i3  not  the 
equivalent  of  the  German:  gefered  is  used  appositively,  not  predicatively,  I  think. 

3  See  Chapter  V,  p.  89.  4  See  the  writer’s  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  274-278. 

221 


222  SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


Strong,  too,  was  the  influence  of  the  appositive  participle  of  words  denot¬ 
ing  motion  used  with  verbs  of  motion,  as  in  L.  2.16:  And  hig  efstende  comon 
=  Et  venerunt  festinantes;  Mat.  14.25:  Da  com  se  Hselend  embe  bone  feorban 
hancred  to  him,  ofer  ba  sse  gangende  =  venit  ad  eos  ambulans  super  mare; 
Chron.  204ra,  1069  Db:  /  heom  com  bar  togenes  Eadgar  cild  ...  7  ealle  ba 
landleoden  ridende  j  gangende  mid  unmsetan  here  swibe  fsegengende.  How 
easily  these  appositive  participles  of  motion  may  become  predicative  in  func¬ 
tion  is  easily  seen  by  comparing  with  the  sentence  just  quoted  from  the  Chronicle 
such  sentences  as  the  following,  in  which  the  participle  is  clearly  predicative: 
Mlf.  L.  S.  396.206:  Da  com  him  gangende  to  se  godes  witega  helias;  ibid. 
408.412:  him  com  gangende  to  godes  witega  isaias;  —  JElf.  Horn.  II.  134b  1: 
him  com  ba  ridende  to  sum  arwurbe  ridda;  Mlj.  Horn.  I.  466*:  bser  com  ba 
fleogende  Godes  engel  scinende  swa  swa  sunne;  —  Mlj.  L.  S.  XXXI.  1043:  Heo 
com  ba  yrnende  mid  egeslicum  eagum,  with  which  compare  Mlj.  L.  S.  XXXI. 
1039:  ba  com  bser  fserlice  yrnan  an  bearle  wod  cu. 

Of  no  small  weight,  finally,  was  the  predicative  use  of  present  participles  not 
denoting  motion  after  verbs  of  motion,  as  in  Mat.  11.18a*  b:  Soblice  Iohannes 
com  ne  etende  ne  drincende  =  Venit  enim  Joannes  neque  manducans  neque  bibens, 
—  a  locution  almost  invariably  borrowed  from  the  Latin  of  the  Gospels ;  — J.  9.7 : 
He  for  and  bwoh  hine,  and  com  geseonde  =  Abiit  ergo,  et  lavit,  et  venit  videns. 

Substantially  the  same  evolution  from  infinitive  to  participle  has  taken  place 
in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  Examples  of  the  predicative  use  of  the  in¬ 
finitive  after  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest  will  be  given  in  Chapter  XVI.  Here 
I  merely  give  a  few  examples  of  the  predicative  participle  in  the  nominative 
after  verbs  of  motion: — * 

Gothic:  I  have  found  no  examples  in  Gering  or  in  Grimm;  and  Dr.  A. 
Kohler  declares  that  the  idiom  is  not  found  in  Gothic. 

Scandinavian:  Messrs.  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  218,  write  as  follows:  “  Til 
koma  og  fara  fpies  i  oldnorsk  praesens  particip  for  at  betegne  bevaegelsens  art : 
pa  komu  par  fljugandi  hrafnar  tveir.  Ligedan  i  det  senere  sprog  ved  ‘  komme  7 : 
kommse  lpbendiss  (Mand.) ;  komme  ridende,  roende.  Ogsaa  perfektum  parti- 
cipium  synes  i  aeldre  tid  —  vistnok  efter  tysk  mpnster  (er  kam  gegangen)  — 
at  kunne  anvendes  saaledes:  tha  kom  the  in  gongen  (K.  Magn.);  oc  Roland 
kom  standen  paa  iorden  (ib.).”  —  See,  too,  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  9. 

Old  High  German:  Notker,  I.  75.22:  Tanne  cham  der  uictor  fone  uige 
ritende  in  curru;  Rol.  7129:  Ther  kuninc  Marsilie  kom  fliehende  etc.1 

Middle  High  German:  Eneide  4219:  Vliende  skiet  he  dannen  met  den 
bloden  mannen;  Engelhard  5345:  Der  brunne  luter  und  kalt  gienc  ruschende 
unde  klingende .2 

Old  Saxon:  Hel.  4965:  huarbondi  geng  forth.  —  Ib.  5962:  thuo  quam  im 
thar  thie  belago  tuo  gangandi  godes  suno  (or  appositive?).3 

Be  the  cause  of  this  substitution  of  the  predicative  participle  of  motion 
after  verbs  of  motion  for  the  predicative  infinitive  of  motion  after  verbs  of 
motion  what  it  may,  that  such  an  evolution  actually  took  place  in  Anglo-Saxon 
is  conclusively  proved  by  a  brief  survey  of  the  statistics  of  the  construction  of 
the  predicative  participle  of  motion  with  verbs  of  motion. 


1  From  Crenshaw,  l.  c.,  p.  36.  Cf.  Cocking,  l.  c.,  p.  8;  Rick,  l.  c.,  pp.  28-31;  K.  Meyer,  l.  c.,  pp.  29,  43. 

2  From  Crenshaw,  l.  c.,  p.  37.  3  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  76. 


PREDICATE  NOMINATIVE  OF  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE. 


223 


In  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  clear  examples  are  seldom  if  ever  found.  In  the 
following  I  give  all  the  apparent  examples  that  I  have  observed  in  the  poems; 
but,  as  is  evident,  in  most  instances  the  participle  hovers  between  the  predica¬ 
tive  use  on  the  one  hand  and  the  attributive  or  the  appositive  on  the  other:  — 

Maldon  65:  com  flowende  flod  setter  ebban  (or  attributive?). 

Az.  144:  heofonfuglas,  ba  be  lacende  geond  lyft  fara&  (or  appositive?). 

Met.  XX.  216:  Swa  deb  monnes  saul  hweole  gelicost;  hwserfeb  ymbe  hy 
selfe,  .  .  .  hwilum  eft  smeab  ymb  bone  ecan  God  sceppend  hire,  scri&ende 
fcerd  hweole  gelicost,  hwaerfb  ymb  hi  selfe  =  no  exact  Latin  equivalent,  but  the 
corresponding  passage  of  the  Latin  Boethius  (III,  metre  9)  has  numerous  ap¬ 
positive  participles  (or  appositive?). 

Met.  XXXI.  11:  sume  fotum  twam  foldan  pebbab,  sume  fierfete;  sume 
fleogende  windaS  under  wolcnum  =  138.5:  Et  liquido  longi  spatia  aetheris 
enatet  uolatu  (or  appositive?). 

W ids.  127 :  Ful  oft  of  bam  heape  hwinende  fleag  giellende  gar  on  grome  beode 
(or  attributive?). 

Wids.  135:  Swa  scri&ende  gesceapum  hweorfaS  gleomen  gumena  geond 
grunda  fela,  bearfe  secgab,  boncword  sprecab,  etc.  (or  appositive?). 

Ps.  103.24:  His  is  mycel  sae  7  on  gemserum  wid:  bser  is  unrim  on  ealra 
cwycra  mycelra  7  msetra,  ofer  bsene  msegene  oft  scipu  scriSende  scrinde  fleotad 
=  103.26:  Illic  naves  pertranseunt  (or  appositive?). 

Gen.  2557 :  Strudende  fyr  steapes  7  geapes  swogende  forswealh  eall  eadory 
bset  on  Sodoma  byrig  secgas  ahton  7  on  Gomorra  (or  appositive?). 

Beow.  2832 :  baet  se  widfloga  wundum  stille  hreas  on  hrusan,  hordserne  neah, 
nalles  sefter  lyfte  lacende  hwearf  middelnihtum,  mabm-sehta  wlonc  ansyn  ywde : 
ac  he  eorban  gefeoll  for  bses  hildefruman  hondgeweorce  (or  appositive?).  [Dr. 
K.  Kohler,  l.  c.,  p.  70,  considers  the  participle  predicative.] 

In  Early  West  Saxon,  likewise,  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  find  clear 
examples.  A  few  examples  occur  in  the  Chronicle  (265*,  1137  Ed:  Gif  twa  men 
ober  breo  coman  ridend  (sic!)  to  an  tun;  —  47*,  744  E:  steorran  foran  swybe 
scotienda;  —  244ra,  1143b* c:  on  bis  ylcan  geare  waes  swa  mycel  ebba  .  .  .  swa 
baet  man  ferde  ridende  7  gangende  ofer  Tsemese),  but  only  in  the  late  MS.  E 
(written  from  1121  to  1154  *)  and,  with  one  exception,  in  the  later  entries 
(years)  of  that  manuscript.  Only  one  example  have  I  found  in  Alfred,  viz., 
in  Greg.  415.21:  Donne  gseb  Dine  ut  sceawian  ba  elbiodigan  wif,  bonne  hwelces 
monnes  mod  forlset  his  segne  tilunga,  &  sorgab  ymb  oberra  monna  wisan,  be 
[him]  nauht  to  ne  limpb,  &  fcer&  swa  wandriende  from  his  hade  &  of  his  ende- 
byrdnesse  =  336.21 :  Dina  quippe  ut  mulieres  videat  extraneae  regionis  egredi- 
tur,  quando  unaquaeque  mens  sua  studia  negligens,  actiones  alienas  curans, 
extra  habitum  atque  extra  ordinem  proprium  vagatur.  Here  the  complemen¬ 
tary  participle  translates  a  finite  verb,  but  the  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  is 
doubtless  due  to  the  influence  of  the  two  Latin  appositive  participles  immedi¬ 
ately  preceding  vagatur.  In  Waerferth’s  translation  of  Gregory’s  Dialogues , 
also,  one  example  occurs,  98.18:  ba  se  halga  man  ferde  bider  fleonde,  hine 
gemette  sum  munuc  =  B.  128  C:  Quo  dum  fugiens  pergeret,  monachus  quidam 
Romanus  nomine,  hunc  euntem  reperit,  quo  tenderet  requisivit. 


1  Plummer,  l.  c.,  II,  p.  xxxv. 


224  SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

But  in  Late  West  Saxon  the  predicative  participle  is  quite  frequent,  as  may 
be  seen  from  this  list 1  of  the  clearer  examples  observed  by  me,  arranged  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  words,  not  the  authors :  — 
becuman,  ‘  come  7  (3) :  — 

—  iernende  [y-\,  ‘  running  7  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  196. 

—  rowende ,  ‘  rowing  7  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXII.  36. 

—  swymmende,  ‘  swimming  7  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  162m. 
cuman,  ‘  come  7  (20) :  — 

—  creopende,  ‘  creeping  7  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  488b. 

— fleogende,  ‘  flying  7  (6):  Mlf.  Horn.  (6):  I.  466*;  II.  14*,  144b,  342m,  504b, 
510m. 

—  gangende,  ‘  going/  ‘  walking  7  (7) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  388b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S. 
(4):  206.199;  302.263;  396.206;  408.412.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  Judges  13.3.  — 
Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102. 37m  1  (but  may  be  appositive). 

—  iernende  [y-\,  ‘  running  7  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXI.  1043  (cf.  xxxi. 
1039:  com  .  .  .  yrnan). 

—  ridende ,  ‘  riding  7  (4) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  134b  K  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXV. 
491,  773;  XXVII.  84. 

—  stceppende,  ‘  stepping  ’  (1) :  AElf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  452m. 
faran,  1  go/  1  travel 7  (1) :  — 

—  ivorigende,  ‘  wandering  ’  (1):  AElf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  4.11. 
feran,  *  go/  1  travel 7  (8) :  — 

—  for&siSigende,  ‘  journeying  7  (1):  Hi  If.  Horn.  (1):  II.  140*. 

—  ridende ,  1  riding  7  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  22.21  (or  appositive?). 

—  sitdigende ,  ‘journeying7  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  136b. 

—  worigende,  ‘wandering7  (5):  Mlf.  Horn.  (4):  I.  148*,  168*;  II.  30b,  188m. 
—  Mlf.  Int.  (1):  154. 

gan  [gangan],  ‘  go/  ‘  move  7  (1) :  — 

—  worigende ,  ‘  wandering  7  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  160m. 
ieman  [y-],  ‘  run  7  (1) :  — 

—  dwoligende ,  ‘  straying  7  (1) :  Chad.  (1) :  224. 

To  the  foregoing  verbs  of  motion  followed  by  a  predicative  participle  of 
motion,  I  add  a  few  examples  of  the  predicative  present  participle  after  verbs 
of  rest : — 

licgan,  ‘  lie/  ‘  recline  7  (2) :  — 

—  anbidiende,  ‘  awaiting  7  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  260b. 

—  bemcenende,  ‘lamenting7  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  312b. 
sittan,  ‘  sit 7  (4) :  — 

—  ceteowiende,  ‘showing7  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  198.3  (or  appositive?). 

—  biddende,  ‘  begging  7  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  156*. 

—  hleowinde ,  ‘  warming  7(1):  Neot  { 1) :  161. 

—  wepende,  ‘weeping7  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  21.16. 
standan,  ‘  stand  7  (5) :  — 

—  byuigende ,  ‘trembling7  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  206.176. 

—  cwacigende,  ‘trembling7  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  32b3. 

—  geanbidiende,  ‘awaiting7  (1):  Gosp.  (1):  L.  23.35. 

—  starigende,  ‘  gazing  7  (2) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  296*  2. 


1  I  do  not  here  repeat  the  examples,  above  given,  from  the  later  Chronicle. 


PREDICATE  ACCUSATIVE  OF  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE. 


225 


II.  THE  PREDICATE  ACCUSATIVE  OF  THE  PRESENT  PARTI¬ 
CIPLE  FOR  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE 
SUBJECT. 

It  is  interesting  to  trace  the  gradual  springing  up  of  the  predicate  accusa¬ 
tive  of  the  present  participle  as  a  partial  substitute  for  the  predicative  infini¬ 
tive  with  accusative  subject.  True,  Dr.  Zeitlin,  as  stated  in  Chapter  XIV, 
section  viii,  p.  212,  claims  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  infinitive  was  substituted 
for  the  participle,  a  claim  earlier  made  for  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole 
by  Becker  and  after  him  by  other  scholars,  as  is  shown  below.  But  the  claim 
is  untenable,  I  believe,  either  for  Anglo-Saxon  alone  or  for  the  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages  as  a  whole. 

To  begin  with  Anglo-Saxon:  as  our  statistics  show,  the  predicate  accusative 
of  the  present  participle  is  practically  unknown  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  only 
four  examples  being  found  therein,  each  in  a  poem  believed  to  have  a  Latin 
original,  as  follows :  — 

Chr.  536 :  Gewitan  him  ba  gongan  to  Hierusalem  hseleb  hygerofe  in  ba  halgan 
burg  geomormode,  bonan  hy  God  nyhst  up  stigende  eagum  segun,  hyra  Wilgifan. 

Chr.  891 :  Dger  mon  mseg  sorgende  folc  gehyran,  hygegeomor,  hearde  gefysed, 
cearum  cwi&ende  cwicra  gewyrhtu  forhte  afserde. 

Gu.  1120:  Ongon  ba  snottor  hsele  ar  onbehtbegn  sebeles  neosan  to  bam 
halgan  hofe,  fond  ba  hling endue  fusne  on  forbsib  frean  unwenne  gsesthaligne 
godes  temple,  soden  sarwylmum. 

Charms  IV.  55  (really  prose) :  Ic  ana  wai  ea  rinnende  ond  ba  nygon  nsedran 
behealdab. 

In  Early  West  Saxon,  the  predicate  participle  is  rare,  and,  in  the  transla¬ 
tions,  usually  is  traceable  either  directly  or  indirectly  to  a  Latin  predicate 
participle,  though  occasionally  the  Anglo-Saxon  participle,  especially  if  of 
slight  verbal  power,  has  other  correspondents  in  the  Latin  (an  accusative  and 
infinitive,  2;  a  gerund  in  the  ablative,  1;  a  predicate  adjective,  3;  an  apposi- 
tive  adjective,  1;  a  noun  in  the  accusative,  1;  an  ablative  absolute  (passive),  1; 
no  Latin,  1).  The  examples  in  full  are:  — 

Alfred  (20) :  — 

Bede  (8) :  — 

gefelan,  ‘  feel/  ‘  perceive  '  (2) : 

—  batiende,  ‘  convalescing  '  (1):  404.1a:  ba  sona  instepe  gefelde  ic  mec 
batiende  /  werpende  =  confestim  me  melius  habere  sentirem. 

—  werpende  [-ie-\,  ‘  recovering  from  illness  '  (1):  404. lb:  quoted  in  preceding. 

gemetan,  ‘  find  '  (2) :  — 

—  sittende,  ‘  sitting  '  (1):  402. 20a:  Da  gemette  he  mec  sittende,  j  ic  sprsecan 
meahte  =  291.8:  me  reuisens,  inuenit  sedentem,  et  iam  loqui  ualentem. 

—  slcepende,  ‘sleeping'  (1):  244.3:  ba  gemette  bone  his  gedoftan  slcepende 
=>  193.17:  invenit  sodalem  dormientem. 

geseon,  ‘  see  ’  (4) :  — 

—  fleogende,  ‘flying'  (1):  214.16:  Geseah  he  eac  swylce  ba  wergan  gastas 
burh  baet  fyr  fleogende  =  166.9:  Uidit  autem  et  dcemones  per  ignem  uolantes 
incendia  bellorum  contra  iustos  struere. 


226  SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

—  standende,  ‘standing’  (1) :  444.15:  geseah  he  .  .  .  bone  Hcelend  standende 
Godes  on  ba  swibran  =  314.31:  uidit  .  .  .  Iesum  stantem  a  dextris  Dei. 

—  utgangende  [-o-],  ‘  going  out ’  (1):  386.5:  ba  gesegon  we  .  .  .  bone  leofan 
feeder  ...  of  his  deagolnissum  utgongende  =  282.6:  uidimus  .  .  .  egressum  de 
latibulis  suis  .  .  .  patrem. 

—  wi8 feohtende,  ‘  fighting  ’  (1):  88.18:  Ic  geseo  obere  ce  in  minum  leomum 
wi& feohtende  bsere  se  mines  modes  =61.26:  Video  aliam  legem  in  membris 
meis  repugnantem  legi  mentis  meae. 

Boethius  (7) :  — 
forlaetan,  ‘  leave  ’  (1) : 

—  sorgiende,  ‘  sorrowing  ’  (1):  20.31:  Hwseber  be  bu  hi  forseo,  7  bines 
agnes  bonces  hi  forlete  buton  sare,  be  bu  gebide  hwonne  hi  be  sorgiendne  for - 
Icetenf  =  31.48:  Quid  igitur  referre  putas,  tune  illam  moriendo  deseras  an  te 
ilia  fugiendo  f 

gedon,  ‘  make/  ‘  cause  ’  (3) :  — 

—  wealdende  1  [-a-],  ‘  controlling  *  (3):  5.16:  mcege  senigne  mon  weligne  7 
waldendne  gedon  =  0.  —  lb.  38.16:  ne  se  anweald  ne  mceg  gedon  his  waldend 
wealdendne  =  42.55:  nec  potestas  sui  compotem  fecerit  quern  uitiosae  libidines 
insolubilibus  adstrictum  retinent  catenis.  —  76.  38.30:  obbe  se  anweald,  bonne 
he  ne  mceg  his  waldend  waldendne  gedon  =  0,  but  cf.  42.55  in  preceding. 

gehealdan,  ‘  hold/  ‘  keep  ’  (1) :  — 

—  wuniende,  ‘  continuing  ’  (1):  27.12:  Forbambe  God  hine  gehelt  seg- 
hwonan  singallice  wuniendne  on  his  modes  gesselbum  =  35.21 :  Tu  conditus 
quieti  felix  robore  ualli,  duces  serenus  aeuum. 

geseon,  ‘  see  ’  (2) : 

—  murciende,  ‘  complaining  ’  (1):  11.3:  Sona  swa  ic  cfe  serest  on  bisse 
unrotnesse  geseah  bus  murciende  =  18.3 :  Cum  te  .  .  .  moestum  lacrimantemqne 

uidissem. 

—  sweltende,  ‘dying’  (1):  23. la:  maenegum  men  is  leofre  baet  he  scr  self 
swelte  ser  he  gesio  his  wif  7  his  beam  sweltende  =  0. 

Gregory  (3) :  — 
findan,  ‘  find  9  (2) :  — 

— frinende,  ‘interrogating’  (1):  385.23b:  ba  fundon  hie  hiene  tomiddes 
bara  wietena  be  bser  wisoste  wseron  in  Hierusalem,  hlystende  hiora  worda  & 
frinende  hiora  lara  =  300. 29b:  Invenerunt  ilium  in  templo  sedentem  in  medio 
doctorum,  audientem  illos  et  interrogantem.  [Cf.  L.  2.46.] 

—  hlystende ,  ‘listening’  (1):  385.23a:  quoted  in  preceding, 
geseon,  ‘  see  ’  (1) :  — 

—  eaciende,  ‘increasing’  (1):  231.19:  bonne  hie  geseot*  bara  ober[r]a 
gescelda  eaciende,  bonne  byneb  him  bset  hie  wiellen  acuelan  etc.  =  174.27:  dum- 
que  augmenta  aliense  prosperitatis  aspiciunt. 

Orosius  (2) :  — 
geseon,  ‘  see  ’  (1) :  — 

— feohtende,  ‘  fighting  ’  (1).  92.10:  ba  gesawan  hie  Romana  cerendracan 
on  hie  feohtende  =  93.7 :  legatos  .  .  .  adversum  se  videre  pugnantes. 
metan,  ‘  find  ’  (1) :  — 


As  is  evident  from  the  three  examples,  wealdende  is  more  an  adjective  than  a  participle  here. 


PREDICATE  ACCUSATIVE  OF  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE. 


227 


—  sittende ,  *  sitting  ’  (1):  134.31:  <5eh  <5e  hie  hiene  mebigne  on  cneowum 
sittende  metten  =  135.18:  fixo  genu  eatenus  pugnavit. 

In  Waerferth,  however,  the  construction  is  somewhat  more  frequent  than 
in  Alfred,  Waerferth  having,  in  his  one  book  (The  Dialogues  of  Gregory),  27 
examples;  of  which  number,  25  are  in  direct  translation  of  Latin  predicate 
accusatives  of  the  present  participle;  1  (169.7),  of  a  Latin  predicate  past  parti¬ 
ciple;  and  1  (335.26),  of  a  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive. 

No  examples  have  been  found  in  the  early  part  of  the  Chronicle,  the  earliest 
occurring  in  the  year  1107,  in  the  late  manuscript  E.  Only  three  examples 
occur  in  all,  and  these  belong,  therefore,  to  Late  West  Saxon. 

Moreover,  not  only  is  the  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  participle  with 
real  verbal  power  rare  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  and  in  Early  West  Saxon  prose, 
and,  when  occurring  in  either,  is  traceable  to  Latin  influence,  but  we  have  un¬ 
mistakable  evidence  that  the  Early  West  Saxon  translators  constantly  shunned 
rendering  the  Latin  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  participle  by  the 
corresponding  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon.  A  reference  to  the  Latin  corre¬ 
spondents  to  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  after  verbs  of 
perception  (sense  and  mental),  given  on  pp.  206  f.,  shows  that  often  the 
predicate  participle  is  translated  by  a  predicate  infinitive. 

Once  more:  we  find  the  idiom  only  sparingly  used  in  the  more  original 
Anglo-Saxon  prose,  whether  early  or  late;  for  the  Chronicle  has  only  three 
examples,  all  after  the  year  1100;  and  Wulfstan,  only  four;  while  the  Laws 
and  the  Lceceboc  have  no  example. 

As  to  other  relatively  early  West  Saxon  works,  the  Prose  Psalms  shows 
only  two  examples,  in  one  of  which  (34.14c)  an  Anglo-Saxon  predicate  parti¬ 
ciple  =  a  Latin  appositive  participle,  and  in  the  other  (41.10)  a  slightly  verbal 
participle  =  a  Latin  genitive  phrase;  Benedict,  three  examples,  in  each  of 
which  the  Anglo-Saxon  predicate  participle  translates  a  Latin  predicate  parti¬ 
ciple;  the  Blickling  Homilies,  17  examples;  the  prose  Guthlac,  two  examples, 
in  one  of  which  (VI. 9)  the  Anglo-Saxon  predicate  participle  =  a  Latin  apposi¬ 
tive  participle,  and  in  the  other  (1.16)  the  Anglo-Saxon  predicate  participle  in 
the  accusative  =  a  Latin  predicate  participle  in  the  nominative  with  a  passive 
verb;  the  Martyrology,  five  examples;  the  A.  S.  Homilies  and  Lives  of  Saints  II 
(non-^Elfrician),  three  examples;  Apollonius,  no  example;  and  the  Minor 
Prose,  ten  examples,  distributed  as  follows:  Nicodemus,  1;  Napier’s  Addi¬ 
tions  to  Thorpe  (really,  therefore,  to  be  credited  to  vElfric),  4;  Benediktiner - 
Offizium,  1;  Chad,  2;  Alexander,  2. 

But  in  Late  West  Saxon  times  the  idiom  is  quite  common,  about  75  examples 
occurring  in  iElfric  and  80  in  the  Gospels.  Of  these  80  examples,  all  except 
two  1  are  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  predicate  participle.  Of  A51fric’s 
familiarity  with  and  his  addiction  to  Latin  idioms,  especially  those  concerned 
with  the  participle,  abundant  evidence  has  been  given  in  the  present  writer’s 
discussion  of  ASlfric’s  frequent  use  of  the  absolute 2  participle  and  of  the  apposi¬ 
tive  participle,3  in  which  discussion  were  pointed  out  the  chief  Latin  sources  of 

1  The  two  exceptions  are:  Mat.  15.32:  ic  hig  nelle  fcestende  forlcetan  =  dimittere  eos  jejunos  nolo,  in  which  a 
slightly  verbal  participle  =  a  Latin  adjective;  Mat.  27.32:  Sa  gemetton  hig  aenne  Cyreniscne  mann  cumende  heom 
togenes  =  Exeuntes  autem  invenerunt  hominem  Cyrenaeum  nomine  Simonem,  in  which  a  predicate  accusative 
participle  is  suggested  by  a  Latin  appositive  participle. 

2  See  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  28. 

3  See  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  297  ff. 


228  SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


iElfric’s  works.  Here  it  needs  only  to  be  said  that  HClfric  is  likewise  strongly 
influenced  by  the  Latin,  especially  by  ecclesiastical  Latin,  in  his  use  of  the  predi¬ 
cate  accusative  of  the  present  participle,  a  construction  that,  as  shown  above, 
is  very  frequent  in  the  vulgate  Gospels.  It  is  likewise  not  uncommon  in  the 
vulgate  Old  Testament.  iElfric  several  times  translates  the  Latin  predicate 
participle  by  an  Anglo-Saxon  predicate  infinitive  (about  four  times  in  all). 
And,  while  occasionally  iElfric,  in  his  Heptateuch,  has  a  predicate  accusative 
of  the  participle  where  another  construction  is  found  in  the  original  Latin,1  the 
participles  so  occurring  are  such  as  are  not  infrequent  elsewhere  in  HClfric  and 
in  other  Anglo-Saxon  prose  (especially  the  Gospels) ;  and  such  as  are  frequent 
in  ecclesiastical  Latin.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  no  one  who  examines  my 
statistics  as  a  whole  will  question  the  statement  that  iElfric’s  use  of  the  predicate 
accusative  of  the  participle  is  due  to  Latin  influence. 

When  we  consider,  then,  that  the  predicative  use  of  the  present  participle 
with  full  verbal  power  is  practically  unknown  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry;  that  it 
very  rarely  occurs  in  Early  West  Saxon,  and  then  usually  in  translating  a  Latin 
predicate  participle;  that  it  is  very  rare  also  in  the  more  original  prose;  but 
that  it  is  frequent  in  Late  West  Saxon,  especially  in  the  Gospels  and  in  iElfric, 
and  that  of  the  80  examples  in  the  Gospels  all  but  two  are  in  direct  translation 
of  Latin  predicate  participles;  —  when  we  consider  all  this,  the  conclusion 
seems  irresistible  that  this  predicative  use  of  the  present  participle  was  not  a 
native  Anglo-Saxon  idiom,  but  was  imported  from  the  Latin,  chiefly  through  the 
instrumentality  of  iElfric  and  of  the  translator  (s)  of  the  Gospels. 

As  to  this  theory  of  the  Latin  origin  of  this  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  have 
seen  no  statement  favoring  it  except  this  of  Dr.  Axel  Erdmann,2  which  state¬ 
ment,  it  will  be  noted,  ascribes  the  frequency,  not  the  origin,  of  the  idiom  to 
Latin  influence:  “  In  the  ancient  period,  the  infinitive  [i.  e.,  the  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject]  prevailed  instead  of  the  Participle  [i.  e.,  the  predicative 
participle  in  the  accusative].  In  Beowulf,  Caedmon’s  Genesis,  and  even  in  the 
Enigmas  it  is  employed  exclusively,  and  in  the  whole  A.  S.  poetical  literature 
in  by  far  the  majority  of  cases.  The  Part,  seems  to  owe  very  much  of  its 
frequency  at  a  later  time  to  Latin  influence.  In  the  Gospels  it  is  decidedly 
preponderant.  The  infin.  for  inst.  Lucas,  XIX.32,  XXI.  1,  2.  Cf.  March, 
§  449.” 

But  we  are  told  by  scholars  of  the  highest  distinction  that,  on  the  contrary, 
in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  the  infinitive  has  been  substituted  for 
the  participle.  As  already  incidentally  stated,  this  latter  theory  was  proposed 
at  least  as  early  as  1836,  by  K.  F.  Becker,  who,  in  his  Ausfilhrliche  Deutsche 
Grammatik,  Vol.  I,  pp.  193-194,  expressed  himself  as  follows:  “  Der  Gebrauch 
eines  objectiven  Infinitivs  nach  den  Verben:  sehen,  horen,  fuhlen,  finden,  z.  B., 
‘  Ich  sehe  ihn  laufen,’  ‘  Ich  hore  ihn  singen/  ist  uralt  und  findet  sich  auch  in 
dem  Angelsachsischen.3  Statt  dieses  Infinitivs  finden  wir  aber  nicht  nur  im 
Griechischen  und  Lateinischen,  sondern  auch  im  Gothischen  das  Partizip  des 

1  The  divergent  examples  are:  Deut.  11.25:  gehirdon  his  word  Sus  cweSende  =  et  locutus  est  vobis;  Judges, 
Epilogue,  p,  264,  1.22:  hi  gemetton  .  .  .  godes  engel  him  togeanes  gangende  mid  him  =  0;  Exod.  22.19:  Sa 
geseh  he  .  .  .  Scetfolc  eall  singende  =  vidit  .  .  .  choros ;  Gen.  18.2:  And  Abraham  beseah  upp  and  geseah  Sri  weras 
standende  him  gehende  =  Cumque  elevasset  oculos,  apparuerunt  ei  tres  viri  stantes  prope  eum.  The  remaining 
four  examples  of  the  predicate  accusative  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Heptateuch  {Gen.  28.12b’  c,  29.1;  Num.  22.23) 
translate  Latin  predicate  participles. 

2  L.  c.,  p.  32. 

3  “  S.  Otfrid,  I,  4.21;  15.47;  25.15,  23;  —  Nibelungenlied,  5365;  —  Hickes,  a.  a.  O.,  p.  93.” 


PREDICATE  ACCUSATIVE  OF  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE. 


229 


Prasens,  z.  B.,  L.  vidit  jacentem,  G.  gasahw  ligandein.1  Auch  im  Alt-  und 
Mitteldeutschen  Kommt  nicht  selten  das  Partizip  vor; 2  und  im  Englischen 
wird  gewohnlich  das  Partizip  und  nicht  der  Infinitiv  gebraucht,  z.  B.,  I  heard 
him  singing.  Obgleich  wir  im  Neuhochdeutschen  nur  den  Infinitiv  gebrauchen, 
und  auch  die  romanischen  Sprachen  diesen  Gebrauch  angenommen  haben; 
so  hat  sich  doch  der  Gebrauch  des  Partizips  im  Allgemeinen  weiter  verbreitet; 
und  wir  miissen  schon  darum  das  Partizip  als  die  urspriingliche  Form  dieses 
Verhaltnisses  ansehen  und  den  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  aus  dem  leichten  Wechsel 
der  Partizipialformen  herleiten  (§  98).  Aber  noch  bestimmter  spricht  fur 
diese  Annahme  das  Beziehungsverhaltniss  selbst.  So  ist  zwar  in :  ‘  Ich  hore 
den  Vogel  singen  ’  das  Mittelwort  singen  Objekt  des  Verbs  horen;  aber  es 
wird  vermittelst  des  Pradikats  horen  als  ein  Attribut  von  Vogel  ausgesagt, 
und  fordert  daher  die  adjektivische  Form  des  Partizips,  an  welchem  auch  in  den 
alten  Sprachen  —  auch  im  Gothischen  —  die  attributive  Beziehung  durch  die 
Flexion  bezeichnet  wird.”  Substantially  this  same  view  was  taken  by  Grimm, 
in  1837,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Deutsche  Grammatik,  p.  740;  and  by  Theodor 
Vernaleken,  in  1861,  in  his  Deutsche  Syntax,  Vol.  I,  p.  125.  In  more  recent 
times,  too,  this  theory  has  not  lacked  advocates.  It  was  espoused  in  1885, 
by  Professor  Sylvester  Primer,  in  his  “  The  Factitive  in  German,”  pp.  47  ff.; 
in  1905,  by  Dr.  C.  Grimberg,  in  his  “  Undersokningar  om  Konstruktionen  Ac- 
cusativ  med  Infinitiv  i  den  Xldre  Fornsvenskan,”  pp.  226-227;  and  in  1908, 
by  Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin,  in  his  dissertation  referred  to  above. 

But,  despite  the  contention  of  these  scholars,  I  must  hold  that,  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  so  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  the  predicative  participle  was 
a  borrowed,  not  a  native  idiom,  —  a  view  that  is  held  by  several  Germanic  gram¬ 
marians  of  note,  as  will  be  seen  below.  True,  in  Gothic  we  find  the  predica¬ 
tive  participle  far  more  frequently  than  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs 
of  sense  perception,  but  this  comes,  as  I  believe,  merely  of  the  translator’s 
slavish  following  of  the  Greek  original;  for  Professor  Gering,  Z.  c.,  p.  428,  and 
Professor  Streitberg,2  Z.  c.,  p.  216,  tell  us  that  only  twice  after  this  group  of 
verbs  does  Ulfilas  fail  to  render  the  predicative  participle  of  the  Greek  by  the 
same  idiom  in  the  Gothic. 

Dr.  Grimberg,  Z.  c.,  p.  226,  holds  that  in  the  Scandinavian  the  use  of  the  predi¬ 
cate  participle  preceded  that  of  the  predicate  infinitive  after  verbs  of  sense  per¬ 
ception,  —  a  view  adopted  apparently  by  Dr.  Zeitlin.3  But  Messrs.  Falk  and 
Torp,  Z.  c.,  p.  218,  seem  to  think  that  the  predicative  present  participle  was 
substituted  for  an  original  predicative  infinitive:  “  Participiet  betegner  ob- 
jektets  tilstand  under  handlingen  (se  §  68,  1,  b,  y):  peir  drapu  hann  sofanda; 
hann  fann  pa  drepna.  Ved  1  finde  ’  er  den  gamle  infinitiv  (§  127)  nu  erstattet 
af  nutidsparticip  (undtagen  i  overf0rt  betydning):  han  fandt  samme  Troid 
siddende  ved  en  H0y  at  graede  (Holb,  for:  og  graede);  ved  indflydelse  heraf 
ogsaa:  hvor  jeg  ofte  saa  ham  siddende  at  flikke  gamle  Skoe  (ib.,  for:  sidde  og 
flikke).  Ved  assimilation  staar  i  aeldre  tid  efter  perfektum  undertiden  fortids- 
for  nutidsparticip:  hvor  tidt  har  jeg  funden  dig  sprungen  herom  (Dass.).” 

For  the  High  Germanic  languages,  the  evolution  of  the  predicative  infinitive 
from  the  predicative  participle  was  denied  by  Dr.  Arthur  Denecke,  Z.  c.,  p.  26, 
who,  in  1880,  declared:  “  Die  Ansicht  Koch’s  ( Deutsche  Gramm.,  §  269),  dass 


1  “  S.  Ulfila,  Matth.,  6.16,  18;  8.14;  9.9.” 
3  L.  c.,  pp.  66  and  110. 


2  “  S.  Isidor,  4.1;  Parzival,  516.23;  Iwein,  283.” 


230  SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


der  Inf.  bei  den  Verbis  der  Wahrnehmung  aus  Parti cip  entstanden  zu  sein 
scheme,  ist  aus  historischen  Griinden  falsch.”  That  the  predicative  use  of  the 
accusative  of  the  present  participle  was  not  native  to  the  High  Germanic  lan¬ 
guages  in  general,  but  was  with  them,  as  with  Anglo-Saxon,  an  importation  from 
the  Latin,  was  demonstrated  by  Professor  J.  B.  Crenshaw,  in  his  doctor’s  dis¬ 
sertation,  The  Present  Participle  in  Old  High  German  and  Middle  High  German, 
Baltimore,  1901, 1  pp.  14-20:  “Present  Participle  after  Verbs  of  Perception.” 
His  general  statement  is  given  on  p.  14:  “  In  Old  High  German  and  in  Middle 
High  German  the  Infinitive  was  the  regular  construction  after  Verbs  of  this 
class ;  the  Participle  was  the  exception,  and  the  instances,  cited  from  the  works 
examined,  will  show  that  the  usage  was  borrowed  from  the  Latin.  In  Middle 
High  German  the  Infinitive  alone1  2  is  used,  and  the  Participle  has  been  dropped 
entirely.”  The  general  results  of  Professor  Crenshaw’s  investigation  have 
been  confirmed,  so  far  as  Old  High  German  is  concerned,  by  the  investigation 
of  Dr.  Karl  Rick,  in  his  dissertation,  Das  Pradikative  Participium  Praesentis 
im  Althochdeutschen ,  Bonn,  1905,  pp.  34-37;  and  by  the  less  specialized  investi¬ 
gations  by  Dr.  Gocking  and  by  Dr.  K.  Meyer  cited  in  my  bibliography.  How 
closely  the  Old  High  German  parallels  the  Anglo-Saxon  may  be  gathered  from 
these  few  examples  taken  from  Rick:  —  Tatian  19.3:  gisah3  zuene  bruoder 
rihtenti  iro  nezi  =  vidit  fratres  reficientes  retia;  ib.  16.2:  tho  gihortun  inan  thie 
iungiron  sprechantan  =  audierunt  eum  discipuli  loquentem;  ib.  181.3:  fant  sie 
slafente  -  invenit  eos  dormientes. 

Finally,  in  Old  Saxon  the  predicative  participle  is  very  rare,  Pratje,  l.  c., 
p.  77,  giving  only  four  examples  for  the  whole  of  the  Heliand:  — 4024:  that 
sia  im  uualdand  Crist  tuo  .  .  .  farandian  uuissun;  4356:  that  hie  in  .  .  . 
slapandia  .  .  .  ne  bifahe;  4797:  fand  sia  slapandia;  5731:  thar  hie  uuissa 
that  godes  barn,  hreo  hangondi  herren  sines. 

What  Professor  Wilmanns,  professedly  following  Dr.  Rick,  says  ( l .  c.,  p.  109) 
of  Old  High  German,  is  true  in  my  judgment  of  the  Germanic  languages  as  a 
whole:  “  Pradikativ  gebrauchte  Part.  Pras.  waren  in  der  alteren  Sprache 
offenbar  wenig  beliebt,  wenn  auch  die  Ubersetzer  sie  nach  dem  Muster  ihrer 
Vorlagen  oft  genug  zulassen.” 


1  Though  1893  appears  on  the  title-page,  the  monograph  was  not  printed  until  1901. 

2  According  to  Professor  Crenshaw  himself,  alone  is  too  strong,  for  he  cites  on  p.  15  sixteen  examples  of  the 
predicate  participle  in  Middle  High  German  after  the  verb  sehen. 

3  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  110,  tells  us  that  after  sehan  Tatian  uses  the  infinitive  only  6  times,  the  participle  40 
times,  in  strict  accord  with  the  Latin  original;  and  that  Otfrid  uses  the  participle  only  once. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


In  this  chapter  I  attempt  to  give  a  very  brief  conspectus  of  the  Infinitive 
in  the  Germanic  Languages  other  than  Anglo-Saxon,  primarily  for  the  light 
thus  to  be  derived  for  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon.  I  trust,  however,  that 
the  preceding  detailed  discussion  of  the  uses  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon 
may  enable  me  to  throw  some  light  on  the  construction  in  the  kindred  Germanic 
languages.  The  main  authorities,  aside  from  the  standard  grammars  by 
Grimm  and  by  Wilmanns  (the  latter  still  unfinished),  are  for  Gothic:  the  Ele- 
mentarbuch  by  Streitberg  and  the  special  articles  by  Arthur  Kohler  and  Otto 
Apelt;  for  the  Scandinavian  languages:  the  treatises  of  Falk  and  Torp,  of 
Holthausen,  of  Kahle,  of  Lund,  of  Nygaard,  and  of  Grimberg;  for  Old  High 
German:  the  works  of  Apelt,  Crenshaw,  Denecke,  Dietz,  O.  Erdmann,  Gocking, 
K.  Meyer,  Mourek,  Rannow,  Rick,  Seedorf,  Seiler,  and  Wunderlich;  for 
Middle  High  German:  those  of  Paul,  of  Michels,  and  of  Monsterberg-Muncke- 
nau;  for  New  High  German:  those  of  Blatz,  Curme,  Herford,  Thomas,  Von 
Jageman,  and  Whitney;  and  for  Old  Saxon:  those  of  Behaghel,  Holthausen, 
Pratje,  and  Steig.  It  will  not  be  considered  improper,  I  trust,  to  add  that, 
while  the  examples  given  below  are  borrowed  from  the  aforementioned  au¬ 
thorities,  the  interpretation  thereof  is  my  own. 


I.  THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

In  Gothic  we  find  as  subject  both  the  simple  infinitive  and  the  prepositional 
infinitive  (with  du) :  —  Mk.  7.27:  unte  ni  gop  ist  niman  hlaif  barne  jah  wairpan 

hundam  =  ov  yap  Icttlv  KaXbv  Xafieiv  tov  aprov  tc5v  tckvojv  kcu  fiaXdv  rots  Kvvapcois ; 1 

Rom.  7.18:  unte  wiljan  atligip  mis  =  to  yap  OeXecv  TrapaKciTal  poi  ;2  Mk.  10.24: 
hvaiwa  aglu  ist  paim  hugjandam  afar  faihau  in  piudangardja  gups  galeipan 

=  7rcog  SvctkoXov  icrTL  tovs  7r€7ro<,#OTas  €7rt  tois  x prjpacnv  eis  ttjv  ^aciXdav  TOV  Beov 

elo-eXOelv ; 3  I.  Cor.  11.6:  ip  jabai  agl  ist  qinon  du  kapillon  aippau  skaban  =  d  8e 
alo-Xpoy  yvvaud  to  KcipacrOai  rj  gvpao-QaL.3  As  is  evident  from  the  preceding  ex¬ 
amples,  the  Greek  articular  infinitive  is  represented  by  both  the  simple  infini¬ 
tive  and  the  prepositional  infinitive  in  Gothic.  In  Gothic  itself  the  infinitive 
is  at  times  preceded  by  the  article,  as  in  Philip.  1.29:  izwis  fragiban  ist  faur 
Xristu  ni  patainei  du  imma  galaubjan,  ak  jah  pata  faur  ina  winnan  =  otc  vplv 

ixapto-Or]  to  vi rep  XpicrToi),  ov  povov  to  d<s  avrov  7rurrev€LV,  aXXa  Kal  to  in rep  avTov 

T-ao-xetv.4  Worthy  of  note,  too,  is  the  tendency  to  use  the  prepositional  in¬ 
finitive  instead  of  the  simple  infinitive  after  the  verb  to  be  plus  an  adjective, 
but  the  tendency  is  not  so  strong  as  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Finally,  it  should  be 
mentioned  that  Professor  Streitberg,2 1.  c.,  §  318,  considers  as  predicative  infin- 


1  From  Wright,2  l.  c.,  §  435. 
3  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  434. 


231 


2  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  421. 
4  From  Bernhardt,2  l.  c.,  p.  111. 


232  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

itive  with  dative  subject  what  to  me  seems  a  subjective  infinitive,  a  topic  dis¬ 
cussed  in  section  ix  of  the  present  chapter. 

In  Old  Norse,  likewise,  we  find,  as  subject,  both  the  simple  infinitive  and 
the  prepositional  infinitive  (with  at),  but  the  latter  the  oftener,  as  we  learn  from 
Drs.  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  195:  “  Som  subjekt  staar  infinitiven  sserlig  hyppig 
ved  upersonlige  udtryk:  mik  faro,  tiSir;  lysti  Inarm  at  kyssa  hana;  samt  i 
udtryk  med  vera:  lett  er  lauss  at  fara.  Modsat  af  hvad  man  skulde  vente, 
staar  her  allerede  i  oldnorsk  mest  at.  Sagen  er  den,  at  i  de  fleste  tilfselde  var 
en  dobbelt  opfatning  mulig:  i  mik  fara  ti$ir  er  infinitiven  ligefrem  subjekt  for 
verbet  (at  fare  udgjpr  min  lyst);  men  verbet  kan  ogsaa  tages  rent  upersonligt: 
jeg  har  en  lyst  som  gaar  i  retning  af  at  reise  =  mik  ti&ir  at  fara.  Den  af  denne 
dobbelte  opfatning  fremkaldte  vaklen  i  brugen  af  at  ophprte  efterhaanden,  og 
‘at’  blev  det  herskende.”  See,  further,  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  357  ff.;  Nygaard,  l.  c ., 

p.  220. 

In  Old  High  German  we  find  the  same  fluctuation  between  the  uninflected 
infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject  that  we  have  found  in  Anglo- 
Saxon: —  uninflected:  Tatian  148.11:  oba  iz  arloubit  si  wola  tuon,  heila  tuon 
oda  furliosan  =  si  licet  bene  facere,  salvam  facere  an  perdere;  1  —  B.  R.  35.3: 
pezzira  ist  swigeen  denne  kisprehhan  wesan  =  melius  est  silire,  quam  loqui;  2  — 
Tatian  191.26:  guot  ist  thir  einougen  richison,  thanna  habenten  gisentit  werden 
=  bonum  tibi  est  luscum  regnare  quam  habentem  mitti;s —  inflected:  Horn,  de 
voc.  29.14:  iu  garisit  gotes  wort  za  quedanne  =  vobis  oportebat  loqui  verbum  dei;4 
—  Tatian  100.30:  gilimphit  mir  zi  gotspellone  =  oportet  me  evangelizare ;4  — 
Is.  9.9:  so  zi  chilaubanne  mihhil  wootnissa  ist  =  ita  existimare  magnae  dementiae 
est; 5 —  Tatian  171.7:  nist  guot  zi  nemenne  .  .  .  brot  inti  zi  werfenna  =  non 
est  bonum  sumere  panem  .  .  .  et  mittere .6  And  the  chief  cause  of  this  fluctua¬ 
tion  appears  to  be  the  same  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  namely,  the  disturbing  influence 
of  the  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases;  though  a  slight  factor  may  be  that 
suggested  by  Denecke  with  reference  to  the  uninflected  infinitive  with  guot  ist 
in  Tatian  191.18,  26:  “  In  beiden  Stellen  scheint  theils  das  Pass,  gisentit  werden, 
theils  der  vom  Uebersetzer  dem  Lat.  nachgeahmte  Acc.  das  Eintreten  von  zi 
verhindert  zu  haben.”  7 

In  his  elaborate  treatise,  Der  Infinitiv  in  den  Epen  Hartmanns  von  Auet 
Dr.  Monsterberg-Miinckenau  gives  a  unique  classification  of  the  uses  of  the 
infinitive,  and  on  page  7  declares  that  “  nie  ist  der  blosse  Infinitiv  bei  Hartmann 
Subject.”  Despite  this  statement,  he  gives  examples  from  Hartmann  of  what 
others  consider  the  subjective  use  of  the  infinitive;  and  all  recent  authorities  8 
tell  us  that  the  infinitive  is  found  as  subject  in  Middle  High  German.  But 
the  usage,  especially  as  to  the  presence  or  omission  of  the  preposition  with  the 
subjective  infinitive  in  both  Middle  High  German  and  in  New  High  German, 
has  diverged  so  far  from  the  earlier  status  represented  in  Old  High  German 
and  in  Anglo-Saxon  that  it  seems  useless  for  our  purpose  to  cite  examples. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  confusion  between  uninflected  infinitive  and  inflected 
infinitive  grows  in  Middle  High  German,  and  becomes  almost  hopeless  in  New 
High  German. 

In  Old  Saxon  we  have  clear  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject, 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  20. 
4  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  66. 

7  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  23. 


2  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  22. 

6  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  70. 

8  See  Michels,  l.  c.,  §  245. 


3  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  23. 
6  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  71. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


233 


with  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases: —  Hel.  975:  uuest  thu,  that  us  so 
girisid  allaro  rehto  gihuuilig  te  gifulleanne;  1  ib.  3138:  god  is  it  her  te  uuesanne.2 
In  the  following  the  uninflected  infinitive  may  be  considered  as  subject  or  as 
predicate  nominative:  Hel.  5825:  ik  uuet  that  is  iu  ist  niud  sehan  an  theson 
stene  innan.3 

It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that  the  use  of  the  infinitive,  whether  unin¬ 
flected  or  inflected,  as  the  subject  of  active  verbs,  is  of  native  origin  in  the  Ger¬ 
manic  languages;  and  that  the  differentiation  between  the  two  infinitives  is 
much  the  same  as  in  Anglo-Saxon:  often  the  datival  verbs  or  verbal  phrases 
cause  the  inflected  (or  in  Gothic  the  prepositional)  infinitive  to  be  used  as  sub¬ 
ject  instead  of  the  uninflected. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  subject,  as,  indeed,  the  passive  infinitive  in  any 
use,  is  very  rare  in  the  earlier  Germanic  languages.  Concerning  the  passive 
infinitive  in  general,  we  know  that  in  Gothic  the  passive  infinitive  of  the  Greek 
is  usually  rendered  by  an  active  infinitive;  that,  while  the  passive  infinitive  is 
not  infrequent  in  some  Old  High  German  translations,  as  in  the  Benedictiner- 
Regel ,  in  the  better  translations  it  is  often  avoided,  and  that  in  the  more  original 
prose  it  is  almost  unknown,  only  two  examples  (with  an  auxiliary)  occurring 
in  Otfrid;  that  the  passive  infinitive  is  not  frequent  in  Old  Saxon  or  in  Old 
Norse.  The  situation,  therefore,  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole  as 
regards  the  passive  infinitive  is  strikingly  similar  to  that  found  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
See  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  5;  Pratje,  l.  c.,  pp.  78,  80;  Streitberg,2  Z.  c.,  §  312;  Wil- 
manns,  Z.  c.,  p.  165;  Falk  and  Torp,  Z.  c.,  p.  194;  Kahle,  Z.  c.,  §  432;  Loffler, 
Z.  c.j  pp.  10—11;  Oberg,  Z.  c.,  pp.  24-25. 


II.  THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

It  is  clearly  out  of  the  question  at  this  place  to  do  much  more  than  call 
attention  to  a  few  of  the  most  striking  instances  of  the  interchange  of  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  and  of  inflected  infinitive  as  object  in  the  Germanic  languages 
other  than  Anglo-Saxon. 

As  in  Anglo-Saxon,  so  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  object  infinitive 
is  very  common  with  verbs  (1)  of  commanding,  (2)  of  causing  and  permitting, 
and  (3)  of  sense  perception,  as  may  be  seen  by  a  brief  inspection  of  the  treatises 
named  for  the  respective  languages  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter.  It  is  far 
less  common  with  other  groups  of  verbs. 

According  to  the  statistics  of  Dr.  A.  Kohler,  there  is  next  to  no  interchange 
of  simple  infinitive  and  of  prepositional  infinitive  as  object  in  Gothic.  True,  a 
few  verbs  that  he  discusses  under  the  objective  use  4  ( giban ,  saihvan,  meljan, 
anabiudan ,  sokjan)  are  followed  by  both  the  simple  infinitive  and  the  preposi¬ 
tional  infinitive,  but  each  time  he  holds  that  the  prepositional  infinitive  is  final, 
not  objective,  in  which  supposition  he  is  usually  correct  As,  however,  we 
saw  the  same  sort  of  wavering  between  the  two  infinitives  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
cognates,  beodan  and  secan,  I  cite  an  example  each  of  anabiudan  and  of  sok¬ 
jan  followed  by  the  prepositional  infinitive:  L.  4.10:  patei  aggilum  seinaim 

1  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  493.  2  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  496. 

3  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  344.  Steig,  however,  considers  that  sehan  modifies  niud .  See  p.  264  below. 

*  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  pp.  435-450. 


234  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


anabiudip  bi  J>uk  du  f astcm  puk  =  on  rots  dyyeA.019  avTov  cvtcXcltgu  Trc.pl  crov  tov 

&ia<t>v\d£ou  arc;  Mk.  14.55:  ip  pai  auhumistans  gudjans  jah  alia  so  gafaurds 

sokidedun  ana  Jesu  weitwodipa  du  afdaupjan  ina  =  ol  8e  Kal  oXov  to 

trvvcSpiov  cirjTovv  Kara  tov  'lr](rov  p.apTvptav  cl<i  to  OavarwcraL  avTov.  —  Regardless  of 

the  question  as  to  whether  the  infinitives  in  Gothic  are  final  or  objective  in 
sense,  it  is  instructive  to  note  that  the  prepositional  infinitive  in  Gothic  corre¬ 
sponds  in  Greek  in  the  one  case  to  an  articular  infinitive  in  the  genitive  and 
in  the  other  to  a  prepositional  infinitive. 

In  the  Scandinavian  languages,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  considerable 
interchange  of  the  two  infinitives  in  the  objective  use,  the  basis  of  which  inter¬ 
change  is  thus  stated  by  Professors  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  193:  “  Oprindelig 
havde  altsaa  den  rene  infinitiv  sin  plads  som  subjekt,  objekt  og  efter  de  modale 
hjelpeverber,  infinitiv  med  at  derimod  hvor  der  betegnes  en  hensigt  (‘  lsegge 
sig  at  sove  ’),  en  henseende  (‘  let  at  finde  eller  en  n0dvendighed  og  mulighed 
(‘hvad  er  nu  at  gj0re’)-  Allerede  i  seldste  oldnorsk  er  imidlertid  de  to  infiniti- 
ver  paa  mange  maader  sammenblandede,  navnlig  saaledes  at  formen  med  at 
har  udbredt  sig  paa  den  rene  infinitivs  bekostning,  f.  eks.  som  subjekt  og  objekt. 
Heller  ikke  er  dette  underligt:  betydningen  af  hensigt  eller  maal  berprer  sig 
paa  mange  maader  med  objektet,  som  jo  betegner  den  gjenstand  som  handlingen 
er  rettet  mod  eller  gaar  ud  over;  saaledes  ser  vi  ogsaa  i  gotisk  objekts-infinitiven 
undertiden  optraede  med  du,  som  herfra  ogsaa  kan  overfpres  paa  subjekts- 
infinitiv.  Omvendt  synes  allerede  i  fsellesgermansk  bevaegelsesverber  at  kunne 
bruges  uden  proposition  (gotisk:  qam  giban,  tysk:  schlafen  gehen).”  See, 
further,  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  pp.  196  ff.;  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  358  ff.;  Nygaard,  l.  c., 
pp.  221  ff. 

In  Old  High  German,  the  situation  is  much  like  that  in  Anglo-Saxon.  For 
instance,  as  object  we  find  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive  after  these  verbs:  suohhen,  1  seek; ’  geron,  1  desire;  ’  gibiotan,  ‘  com¬ 
mand;  ’  beginnan,  1  begin:  ’  Tatian  202.11:  suochit  in  offane  wesan  =  quaerit 
in  palam  esse;  1  —  ib.  83.6:  thaz  Herodis  suochit  then  kneht  zi  forliosenne  =  ut 
Herodis  quaerat  puerum  ad  perdendum  eum  (or  final?); 2  —  ib.  130.5:  suohtun 
inan  in  zi  traganne  inti  zi  sezenne  furi  then  heilant  =  quaerebant  eum  inferre  et 
ponere  ante  Jesum; 2 — Tatian  316.8:  her  uuas  iu  geronti  .  .  .  inan  gisehan  = 
erat  enim  cupiens  .  .  .  videre  eum;3  —  Ev.  Matth.  7.5:  gerotun  za  gasehanne 
enti  za  gahorrenne  =  cupierunt  videre  et  audire; 4  —  Aug.  serm.  35.20:  gabiut  mir 
queman  =  jube  me  venire; 5  —  Tatian  226.11 :  gibot  uns  zi  steinonne  =  mandavit 
nobis  lapidare ;6  —  ib.  196.34:  gibot  inan  ther  herro  zi  vorkoufanne  inti  sina 
quenun  inti  .  .  .  inti  vorgeltan  =  jussit  eum  dominus  venundari  et  uxorem  eius 
et  .  .  .  et  reddi;  7  —  Otfrid  I,  2.7 :  thaz  ih  biginne  redion,  wio  er  bigonda  bredi- 
gon; 8  Otfrid  V,  13.25:  bigonda  swimmannes .9  The  interchange  in  infinitives 
is  chiefly  due,  I  believe,  in  Old  High  German,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  to  the  double 
regimen  of  the  governing  verbs:  suohhen  governs  an  accusative  of  the  thing  or 
of  the  person  usually,  but  occasionally  a  genitive  of  the  thing  in  Old  High 
German  and  in  Old  Saxon;10  geron,  a  genitive  of  the  thing  usually,  but  occasion- 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  17.  2  Ibidem,  p.  63.  3  From  Blatz,  l.  c.,  p.  549. 

4  Ibidem,  p.  64.  8  Ibidem,  p.  46.  6  Ibidem,  p.  66. 

7  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  65,  who  attributes  the  absence  of  inflection  in  the  second  infinitive  to  its  separation 
from  the  first  infinitive,  but  I  should  prefer  to  say  because  of  its  separation  from  the  principal  verb. 

8  From  Erdmann,1  0.,  1.  c.,  p.  203.  9  Ibidem,  p.  204.  10  Delbriick,2  l.  c.,  p.  93. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


235 


ally  an  accusative  in  Old  High  German; 1  forhten,  an  accusative  of  the  thing  or 
person  feared  and  a  genitive  of  cause; 2  gibiotan,  a  dative  of  the  person  and  an 
accusative  of  the  thing;  3  and  beginnan,  an  accusative  or  a  genitive.4  In  the 
series  of  two  infinitives  after  gibot  in  Tatian  196.34,  quoted  above,  as  already 
stated,  I  think  that  the  absence  of  inflection  is  due  to  its  remoteness  from  the 
chief  verb.  In  Tatian  83.6,  the  inflected  infinitive  may  be  due  in  part  to  the 
presence  of  the  gerund  in  the  Latin  original. 

Purposely,  again,  I  ignore  the  objective  infinitive  in  Middle  High  German 
except  to  say  that  Dr.  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,1 1.  c.,  p.  11,  denies  this  use  to 
Hartmann,  though  what  others  consider  such  infinitives  are  abundant  therein; 
and  that  in  Middle  High  German  the  confusion  between  uninflected  and  in¬ 
flected  objective  infinitives  grows  rapidly. 

In  New  High  German  the  differentiation  between  the  two  is  as  difficult  as 
in  Modern  English. 

In  Old  Saxon  a  similar  interchange  between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  found  after  giuualdan:  Hel.  5345,  5346:  that  ik 
giuualdan  muot  so  thik  te  spildianne  an  speres  orde,  so  ti  quellianne  an  crucium, 
so  quican  latan .5  In  Old  Saxon,  uualdan  governs  the  instrumental  or  the 
genitive,6  but  the  exchange  of  uninflected  for  inflected  infinitive  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  example  is  probably  due,  not  only  to  the  double  regimen  of  uualdan, 
but  also  to  the  remoteness  of  the  third  infinitive  from  the  chief  verb.  In  all 
probability  the  original  construction  was  with  the  inflected  infinitive. 

The  following  verbs  have  only  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object  in  the  Old 
High  German  texts  discussed  by  Denecke :  luston  and  lusten,  ‘  desiderare  7 ; 
giflizzan,  ‘studere7;  wizzan,  ‘  cognoscere 7 ;  argezzan ,  ‘oblivisci7;  sichbichnaan  (?), 
‘  agnoscere  7 ;  leren ,  ‘  docere  7 ;  gizeihhanon,  1  demonstrare  7 ;  farbiotan,  1  pro- 
hibere  7;  and  the  following  in  Old  Saxon,  according  to  Steig,  Z.  c.,  pp.  491-494: 
bifelhan , 1  recommend 7 ;  gemanagfeldian  (?) ,  ‘  multiply 7 ;  linon,  1  learn  7 ;  menian 
1  intend  7;  thenkan ,  ‘  think,7  1  think  of  7;  ruokan,  1  hope,7  1  care  7;  biodan,  1  com¬ 
mand.7  Even  a  cursory  examination  of  the  examples  in  which  these  words 
occur,  will  show  that  in  the  main  the  inflected  infinitive  represents  an  ‘  indirect 
case  7  in  the  sense  in  which  that  term  was  defined  above,  in  Chapter  II,  p.  61. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  subjective  infinitive,  so  with  the  objective  infinitive 
the  statistics  accessible  to  me  are  too  incomplete  to  warrant  speaking  with  con¬ 
fidence  concerning  the  origin  of  this  use  in  the  Germanic  languages  other  than 
Anglo-Saxon.  But  so  far  as  it  goes,  the  evidence  seems  to  me  to  tend  to  show 
that  the  idiom  is  native  in  the  languages  considered,  both  with  the  uninflected 
infinitive  and  with  the  inflected  infinitive,  and  for  the  same  kinds  of  reason 
that  were  given  in  the  discussion  of  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Moreover,  the 
grounds  of  differentiation  between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive,  in  the  objective  use,  appear  to  be  substantially  the  same  in  the  Ger¬ 
manic  languages  in  general  as  in  Anglo-Saxon:  in  the  main,  the  simple  infini¬ 
tive  only  is  used  with  verbs  governing  an  accusative;  the  inflected  infinitive 
only,  with  verbs  governing  an  indirect  case;  both  infinitives,  with  verbs  of 
double  regimen. 

The  passive  infinitive  as  object  is  very  rare  in  the  Germanic  languages,  and 


1  Delbriick,2  l.  c.,  p.  37. 
1  Ibidem,  p.  38. 


2  Ibidem,  p.  34. 

8  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73. 


3  Ibidem,  p.  12. 

6  Delbriick,2 1.  c.,  p.  112. 


236  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


usually,  when  it  occurs,  is  due  to  foreign  influence,  as  in  the  Old  High  German 
Tatian  145.1:  thanne  thisu  ellu  biginnent  gientot  wesan  =  cum  haec  omnia 
incipient  consummari.1  See  the  note  on  the  passive  infinitive  as  subject  in 
section  i  of  this  chapter  and  the  references  there  given. 

“  The  retained  object  ”  with  passive  verbs  is  rare  in  the  Germanic  languages. 
Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  143,  records  no  example  from  the  Gothic  and  only  one  ex¬ 
ample  from  the  Old  Norse  (hann  kvadhst  vera  brautingi  einn  ok  utlendr,  fornm. 
sog.  2,  73);  and  only  two  from  Old  High  German  (N.  Cap.  318a:  dannan  wirt 
er  sie  gesaget  zunden ;  N.  Arist.  386b:  ist  er  gesaget  ouch  wesen  homo).  Dr. 
Rannow,  l.  c.,  p.  99,  tells  us  that,  of  the  14  examples  of  the  infinitive  as  retained 
object  in  the  Latin  original  of  Isidor,  only  two  are  kept  in  the  Old  High 
German.  Professors  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  196,  declare  that  “  En  ‘  nominativ 
med  infinitiv’  i  strengere  forstand  (som  passiv  of  ‘akkusativ  med  infinitiv/ 
hvorom  se  §  128)  Andes  saaledes  ikke  i  oldnorsk;  ”  but  they  give  several  ex¬ 
amples  that  in  my  judgment  belong  here:  see  my  quotation  from  them  in 
section  iii  of  this  chapter. 

HI.  OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 

In  my  reading  I  have  found  only  a  few  examples  of  other  substantival  uses 
of  the  infinitive  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages.  They  are  as  follows :  — 

A.  AS  A  PREDICATE  NOMINATIVE. 

In  Gothic :  Rom.  10.6 :  J>at-is£  Xristu  dalap  attiuhan  =  tovt  ccttl  Xpurrov 
Karayayciv ;  similarly  Rom.  10.7;  Rom.  7.10,  in  which  latter  the  Gothic  infini¬ 
tive  translates  a  Greek  pronoun;  with  article:  Mk.  9.10:  hva  ist  pata  us 
daupaim  usstcmdcm  f  =  rt  ecrri  to  vexpwv  avacrTrjcrcu ;  2 

Of  this  use  in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  Professors  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c., 
p.  196,  speak  as  follows:  “  Som  rent  praedikatsord  kan  infinitiven  kun  sjelden 
forekomme:  sligt  er  at  friste  Gud;  dette  maa  kaldes  at  komme  fra  asken  i 
ilden.  Derimod  staar  det  oftere  som  del  af  praedikatet.  Saaledes  i  oldnorsk 
ved  pykkja:  peim  potti  hann  vera  katr.  Videre  ved  de  refleksive  verber  som 
betyder  ‘  sige  sig  at  vaere :  ’  hon  lezk  vera  Iceknir.  Endelig  undertiden,  men 
yderst  sjelden,  ved  passiv  af  de  i  §  126  naevnte  verber:  rytningar  eru  fyrirbo&nir 
at  her  a  (det  er  forbudt  at  baere  dolke) ;  samt  ved  passiv  af  verbet  sja  (§  127) : 
varu  senar  storar  eldingar  fljuga  or  nor&ri;  var  pa  seinn  eldligr  stopull  folia  af 
himni.  Ellers  anvendes  ved  passive  verber  en  saetning  med  at:  Helgi  ok  Svafa} 
er  sagt,  at  vceri  endrborin  =  siges  at  vaere  gjenfpdt.  En  ‘  nominativ  med  infini- 
tiv’  i  strengere  forstand  (som  passiv  af  ‘  akkusativ  med  infinitiv/  hvorom  se 
§  28)  Andes  saaledes  ikke  i  oldnorsk.”  See,  too,  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  376-378. 

In  Old  High  German:  Tatian  327.13:  wisa  ist  zi  bigrabanne  =  mos  est 
sepelire .3 

In  Old  Saxon:  Hel.  5825:  see  p.  233  above. 

Clearly  my  examples  are  too  few  to  warrant  any  conclusion  as  to  the  origin 
of  this  idiom  in  the  Germanic  languages. 

1  From  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  165.  - 

2  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  pp.  421-422.  In  Mk.  9.10,  the  infinitive  may  be  subjective,  as  is  claimed  by 

Bernhardt,2  l.  c.,  p.  111.  s  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  70. 


OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


237 


B.  AS  AN  APPOSITXVE. 

In  Gothic:  II.  Cor.  7.11 :  saihv  auk  silbo  pata  bi  gup  saurgan  izwis  hvelauda 
gatawida  izwis  usdaudein  =  iBov  yap  a vto  tovto ,  to  KaTci  Oeov  XvTnrjOfjvai  v/xa s  Trocryv 

KaT€ipyd(raTo  vpuv  cnrov&rjv ] 1  Mk.  2.9:  Hvapar  ist  azetizo,  du  qipan  pamma 
uslipin:  afletanda  pus  frawaurhteis  peinos,  pau  quipan:  urreis  etc.  =  ri  Zo-tlv 

evKOTrdrepov,  ei7reiv  tw  TrapaXvriKU),  Apetovrai  oroi  at  a/ta/mai,  rj  ebreiv'  *Eyeipe,  etc. 

In  the  Scandinavian  languages:  S.  E.  32.1:  helzt  vill  hann  pat  taka  til  at 
preyta  drykkju  viS  einhvern  mann;  S.  E.  75.5 :  hon  haf<5i  pess  heit  strengt  at 
eiga  pann  einn  mann.2 

In  Old  High  German:  Otfrid  IV,  17.29:  sie  sahun  ungimacha,  egeslicha 
sacha,  druhtin  iro  bintan; 3  - —  B.  R.  39.7 :  hweo  unsenfta  racha  intfianc  zeke- 
rihtanne  .  .  .  indi  deonoon  =  quam  dificilem  rein  suscepit,  regere  .  .  .  et  ser- 
vire ;4 *  —  Ev.  Matth.  1.14:  Hwedar  ist  gazelira  za  quedanne  .  .  .  odo  za 
quhedanne  f  =  Quid  est  facilius  dicer e  .  .  .  aut  dicere  f 5 

Again,  the  collection  of  examples  is  too  small  to  warrant  any  confident 
deductions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  infinitive  as  an  appositive  in  the  Germanic 
languages. 

C.  AS  THE  OBJECT  OF  A  PREPOSITION. 

It  seems  unnecessary  to  give  illustrations  here  of  the  well  known  use  of  the 
infinitive  as  the  object  of  various  prepositions  other  than  those  representing  the 
Anglo-Saxon  to  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages,  —  a  topic  treated  well  in 
Grimm,  in  Erdmann,  and  in  Denecke. 

IV.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS. 

The  predicative  use  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs  is  so 
common  in  the  Germanic  languages  other  than  Anglo-Saxon  as  not  to  call  for 
illustration  here.  Of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  this  use  I  cite  a  few  illustrations :  — 

In  Gothic:  no  instance  of  the  prepositional  infinitive  is  found  with  the 
auxiliaries,  according  to  A.  Kohler,2  Z.  c.,  p.  425. 

In  Old  Norse,  according  to  Falk  and  Torp,  Z.  c.,  p.  197,  both  the  uninflected 
infinitive  and  the  prepositional  occur  with  kunna,  1  can;  ’  pora,  ‘  dare;  ’  purfa, 
1  need;  ’  eiga ,  1  own/  ‘  ought/  See,  too,  Delbriick,3  Z.  c.  p.  355. 

In  Old  High  German:  —  eigan:  Denkm.  lvi.  97:  ci  arstandanne  eigun 
—  resurgere  habent; 6  —  Otfrid  V.  19.2:  zi  sorganne  eigun  wir  bi  thaz; 7  —  seal: 
Otfrid  III,  20.124:  waz  seal  es  avur  thanne  nu  so  zifragenne  8  (though  Denecke, 
Z.  c.,  p.  10,  holds  that  the  infinitive  here  does  not  depend  on  seal). 

In  Old  Saxon:  —  can:  Hel.  2531:  nio  hie  so  uuido  ni  can  te  githenkeanne 
thegan  an  is  muode.9 

That  the  predicative  use  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  active  with  auxiliary 
verbs  is  native  to  the  Germanic  languages,  as  to  Anglo-Saxon,  is  indisputable; 


1  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  422.  —  Commenting  on  the  difference  between  Mat.  9.5,  in  which  we  have  the 

simple  infinitive  ( hvapar  ist  raihtis  azetizo  gipan)  and  Mk.  2.9,  in  which  we  have  the  prepositional  infinitive, 

Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  l.  c.,  p.  202,  declare:  “  .  .  .  scheint  der  Unterschied  zu  sein:  ersteres  heisst:  was  ist  leichter, 

zu  sagen  .  .  .,  letzeres:  was  ist  leichter  zu  sagen.  ...” 

2  From  Nygaard,  l.  c.,  pp.  226  f.  3  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  199.  4  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  59. 

6  Ibidem,  p.  71.  6  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  61.  7  From  Erdmann.1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  212. 

8  Ibidem,  p.  212.  See,  too,  Delbriick,3  l.  c.,  p.  355. 

9  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73.  See,  too,  Delbriick,3 1.  c.,  p.  355,  who  says  that  thurban,  also,  has  the  prep¬ 
ositional  infinitive  as  its  complement. 


238  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

this  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  is  sporadic  except  with  eigan  ( agan ),  concern¬ 
ing  which  see  above,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  80-82;  and  except  with  the  several 
verbs  named  under  Old  Norse  above. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  passive  infinitive  with  auxiliaries  is  almost  unknown 
in  the  more  original  prose  (only  two  examples  occur  in  Otfrid  x),  and  in  the  prose 
translations  usually  renders  a  Latin  passive  infinitive.  In  a  word,  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  so  in  the  Germanic  languages  the  idiom  is  borrowed.  See  the  references 
at  the  end  of  section  i  in  this  chapter. 

V.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION 
AND  OF  REST  (EXCLUSIVE  OF  “  (W)UTON”). 

Of  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion,  as  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
com  .  .  .  fleogan,  I  find  no  examples  in  Gothic  or  in  Old  Norse  unless  the  follow¬ 
ing,  quoted  from  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  107-109,  be  such:  — -  Gothic:  Mk.  1.44: 
gagg  puk  ataugj an  =  vnaye,  aeavrou  Secjov ;  Mat.  5.24:  gagg  gasibjon  =  vVaye, 

haWay rjOt ;  J.  9.7:  gagg  pwahan=  vrr aye  v hf/ at ;  — Old  Norse:  Hym.  14.7:  bap 

sio&a  ganga=  jussit  coctum  iri;  Vol.  56.3:  gengr  vega ;  ib.  54.3:  ferr  vega ;  — 
ib.  55.1:  kemr  vega. 

Nor  have  I  found  any  example  in  Old  High  German  unless  these  quoted 
from  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV.,  p.  109,  be  such:  0.  Ill,  24.25:  ilti  loufan;  N.  Cap.  361a: 
ilton  chomen. 

With  a  verb  of  rest  we  find  the  predicative  infinitive  in  Notker’s  translation 
of  Capella  2  (782.9:  stuont  si  sorgen)  and  in  Otfrid.  Concerning  the  latter 
Erdmann,1 1.  c.,  p.  203,  speaks  as  follows:  “  gistantan  hat  noch  die  Bedeutung: 
dastehen,  indem  der  Inf.  die  aus  dem  ruhenden  Zustande  sich  entwickelnde 
Tatigkeit  angibt,  in  den  Stellen:  I,  9.23:  gistuantun  sie  tho  scouon;  IV,  18.24: 
ih  gistuant  thin  warten  (dagegen  stantan  und  irstantan  mit  zi  und  Inf.,  §§  350- 
352),”  to  which  he  adds:  “  dann  bezeichnet  es  formelhaft  den  Anfang  einer 
Handlung:  I,  17.42:  gistuant  er  thingon,”  etc. 

According  to  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,  l.  c.,  p.  31,  this  infinitive  is  not 
found  after  verbs  of  motion  in  Hartmann,  but  instead  we  have  the  predicative 
present  participle,  already  illustrated  in  Chapter  XV,  section  i.  But  this 
infinitive  is  found  after  verbs  of  rest  in  Hartmann,  in  the  following,  I  think, 
though  the  infinitive  is  considered  final  by  Monsterberg-Miinckenau  (p.  29) :  E. 
9699:  als  si  frou  Enite  gesach  dort  sitzen  weinen ;  G.  2279:  da  ich  in  da  stende 
sach  klagen.  It  seems,  however,  that  in  Middle  High  German,  while  the  pres¬ 
ent  participle  was  occasionally  used,  the  preterite  participle  was  used  habitually, 
as  in  the  following:  Iw.  785:  kom  gegangen;  Mar.  170.28:  kom  geflogen;  Parz. 
16.23:  kom  gesigelt ,3  an  idiom  that,  according  to  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  9,  is  unknown 
in  Old  High  German,  but  which,  as  is  well  known,  is  very  common  in  New 
High  German. 

After  verbs  of  rest  in  New  High  German,  of  course,  the  predicative  infin¬ 
itive  is  very  common,  as  in  blieb  sitzen ,  stehen,  etc.:  see  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  10. 

But  in  Old  Saxon  we  have  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion 
quite  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  only  not  so  many  verbs  are  so  used.  According  to  Steig, 

1  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  165.  2  From  Manthey,  l.  c.,  p.  39.  Cf.,  too,  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  106. 

3  The  examples  are  from  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  9,  146. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST.  239 


Z.  c.,  p.  342,  we  find  human ,  ‘  come/  followed  by  gangan,  ‘  go/  faran,  ‘  go/ 
gifaran,  ‘go/  suogan,  ‘blow/  and  uuallan ,  ‘boil/  giuuitan ,  ‘go/  followed  by 
gangan ,  sithon ,  ‘journey/  and  faran,  ‘go;’  and  siZ/ton  followed  by  gangan. 
Typical  examples  are:  Hel.  503:  tho  quam  en  uuif  gangan;  ib.  5796:  thuo  thar 
suogan  quam  engil  thes  alouualdon  fan  radure  faran;  —  ib.  425:  giuuitun  im  te 
Bethlehem  si&on; —  ib.  5783:  sithodun  idisi  te  them  grabe  gangan.1 

I  believe  that  the  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  in 
the  Low  Germanic  languages  was  a  native  idiom,  and  sprang  from  an  original 
final  use,  as  explained  above,  Chapter  XIV,  pp.  194  ff.;  and  that  the  predica¬ 
tive  use  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  was  native  to  the  High  Germanic 
as  well  as  to  the  Low  2 *  Germanic  languages,  and  that  it,  too,  sprang  from  the 
final  use. 

As  in  Anglo-Saxon,  so  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  the  predicative 
present  participle  was  at  times  substituted  for  the  predicative  infinitive  after 
verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest :  see  Chapter  XV,  section  i. 

VI.  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “(W)UTON.” 

The  predicative  infinitive  with  ( w)uton  is  found  only  in  the  Low  Germanic 
languages,  so  far  as  I  can  discover.  Three  examples  are  found  in  the  Heliand , 
according  to  Steig,  l.  c.,  344:  —  223:  uuita  kiasan  im  obrana  niudsamna  naman; 
228:  uuita  is  thana  fader  fragon;  3995:  uuita  im  uuonian  mid,  tholoian  mit  usson 
thiodne.  In  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  98,  footnote,  a  number  of  examples  are  given 
of  the  Mnl.  weten:  weten  hem  volghen!  weten  vechten!  weten  gaenl  weten 
varen !  etc. 

In  the  Low  Germanic  languages  this  predicative  use  possibly  was  native, 
and  arose  from  an  original  final  use.  Compare  what  is  said  concerning  the 
origin  of  this  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon,  above,  Chapter  XIV,  pp.  199  f. 

VII.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “BEON,,  (“WESAN”). 

The  predicative  infinitive  of  necessity  with  the  verb  to  be  is  not  found  in 
Gothic,  according  to  Wilmanns,  Z.  c.,  p.  128.  Nor,  despite  the  statement  of 
Dr.  Karl  Kohler,  Z.  c.,  p.  8,  to  this  effect,  does  du  saihvan  seem  analogous  in 
Matthew  6.1:  Atsaihvip  armaion  izwara  ni  taujan  in  andwairpja  manne  du 

Saihvan  im  =  Ylpoa-e^erc  ryv  8LKouo<rvvr]v  vfjiojv  fir]  7 roteiv  efiirpocrOev  rcov  avOpdiirwv  rrpos 
to  UeaUrjvai  airrocg. 

But  the  idiom  is  common  in  Old  Norse.  Of  it  Messrs.  Falk  and  Torp,  Z.  c., 
p.  206,  speak  as  follows:  “  Infinitiv  fpies  paa  friere  vis  till  verber  i  folgende  tre 
tilfaelde:  a.  Til  verberne  ‘  vaere  7  og  ‘  bli  (vorde).7  Ved  ‘  vaere  7  betegnes  enten 
en  pligt,  npdvendighed  eller  en  mulighed  (§  122,  3) :  per  er  at  pegja ;  hvat  er  at 
gera;  nu  er  at  segja;  gnyr  var  at  heyra;  der  var  icke  Korn  at  bekomme  (P.  Cl.) ; 
der  var  ikke  et  menneske  at  se;  han  er  ikke  (til)  at  sppge  med.  Merk:  ok  var  par 
mikilli  qsku  af  at  moka,  hvor  vi  an  vender  personligt  udtryk.  Ved  ‘  vorde 
(bli) 7  betegnes  en  npdvendighed  eller  en  sikker  fremtidighed  (=  komme  til  at, 


1  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  pp.  337-340. 

2  The  views  of  Grimm,  of  Steig,  and  of  Pratje  concerning  this  idiom  have  been  given  in  Chapter  XIV , 

section  v. 


240  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

§  96) :  ver&  ek  nu  (at)  flyja  (jeg  blir  n0dt  til  at  flygte) ;  nw  worder  jeg  ath  fly  (K. 
Magn.) ;  thi  worder  ieg  nw  ath  kallis  en  forredere  (Chr.  Ped.) ;  sporsmaalet  blir 
at  anse  for  ul0seligt.” 

In  Old  High  German  this  infinitive,  inflected,  is  quite  common,  and  corre¬ 
sponds,  in  the  closer  translations,  usually  to  a  gerundial  periphrastic:  Tatian 
133.24:  win  zi  senlenne  ist  =  vinum  mittendum  est;  ib.  189.12:  sun  ist  zi  sellenne 
=  filius  tradendus  est ; —  Is.  9.10:  hwemu  ist  dhiz  nu  zi  quhedanne  =  cui  ergo 
dicitur.1  So  common  is  the  idiom  in  Middle  High  German  and  in  New  High 
German  that  illustration  is  unnecessary  here.  But  I  quote  Wilmanns’s  state¬ 
ment  concerning  the  voice  of  the  infinitive  in  this  construction,  Z.  c.,  p.  167: 
“  Noch  entschiedener  gilt  passive  Auffassung  fur  die  Infinitive  mit  zu,  durch 
die  wir  neben  manchen  Verben  bezeichnen,  dass  etwas  geschehen  kann  oder 
muss  (§  70,  6).  In  der  jetzigen  Sprache  schliessen  sie  sich  namentlich  an  es  ist 
(steht,  bleibt) :  Es  ist  oder  steht  zu  erwarten,  ist  nicht  zu  sagen ,  nicht  auszuhalten, 
oder  mit  bestimmtem  Subjekt,  das  zugleich  Objekt  des  Infinitivs  ist:  Er  ist  hart 
zu  tadeln;  sein  Ubermut  ist  nicht  zu  ertragen;  eine  schwere  Pjlicht  ist  oder  bleibt 
dir  noch  zu  erf  alien.  Uberall  behauptet  sich  die  reine  aktive  Form.” 

Once  in  Otfrid  we  have  after  sin  an  uninflected  infinitive  denoting  purpose : 
II,  14.100:  sie  warun  in  them  burg,  koufen  iro  notdurft.2  Similarly  in  Old 
Saxon,  according  to  Pratje,  Z.  c.,  p.  70,  we  have  an  uninflected  infinitive  of  pur¬ 
pose  in  Heliand  389:  thia  thar  .  .  .  ute  uuarun  uueros  an  uuahtu  uuiggeo 
gomean .3 

In  the  Benedictinerregel  114.5  (sciat  se  servaturum  =  ze  haltane)  we  have  an 
inflected  infinitive  after  sin  denoting  futurity.  In  the  Old  Saxon  Psalms,  70.18 
(thie  te  cumene  ist  =  quae  ventura  csZ4),  we  have  the  inflected  infinitive  after 
ist  denoting  futurity  and  translating,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  a  Latin  future  active 
participle. 

But  the  predicative  infinitive  of  necessity  is  not  found  in  Old  Saxon. 

According  to  Wilmanns,  Z.  c.,  p.  128,  the  infinitive  of  necessity  in  the  Ger¬ 
manic  languages  arose  from  an  original  final  use:  “  Eine  eigen tiimliche  Bedeu- 
tung  gewinnt  der  Inf.  mit  zu  in  Verbindung  mit  sein;  mit  der  Vorstellung  des 
Zieles,  auf  das  die  Proposition  hinweist,  verbindet  sich  die  Vorstellung  der 
Notwendigkeit.”  This  does  not,  however,  preclude  the  possibility  that  this 
infinitive  was  first  suggested  to  the  Germanic  peoples  by  the  Latin  gerundial 
periphrastic,  and  at  the  outset  was  only  an  imitation  thereof,  —  a  theory  we 
found  applicable  to  Anglo-Saxon  and  that  seems  also  applicable  to  the  Germanic 
languages  as  a  whole,  especially  in  view  of  the  frequency  with  which  this  infin¬ 
itive  is  found  as  a  translation  of  the  Latin  gerundial  periphrastic  in  Old  High 
German.5 

The  only  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  of  futurity  are  in  translation  of 
the  Latin  future  participle,  as  shown  above. 


1  From  Denecke,  p.  60.  See,  too,  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  128. 

2  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  204.  Cf.  section  x,  2,  below. 

3  Cf.,  too,  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  316;  and  see  section  x,  2,  below. 

4  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  489. 

B  After  writing  the  above,  I  came  upon  the  following  in  Wunderlich,2 1.  c.,  I,  p.  384:  “  Besonders  begiinstigt 
wurde  die  Ausbreitung  dieses  Infinitivs  mit  zu  in  der  althochdeutschen  Uebersetzerlitteratur  durch  die  Not¬ 
wendigkeit,  das  lat.  Gerundium  und  Gerundivum  wiederzugeben:  Pediu  ist  nu  zesagene  .  .  .  An  dero  sago  ih 
tes  ahton  zeerest  ze  fragenne,  demonstrandum  .  .  .  inquirendum,  Notker,  Boethius,  131a  u.  a.” 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  241 


VIIL  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 

I.  THE  INFINITIVE  UNINFLECTED. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

AS  OBJECT. 

The  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  in  object  clauses,  is 
common  in  the  Germanic  languages  after  (1)  verbs  of  commanding,  (2)  verbs 
of  causing  and  permitting,  and  (3)  verbs  of  sense  perception,  although,  as 
stated  above,  p.  107,  some  scholars,  including  Grimm,  prefer  to  consider  the 
infinitive  after  these  verbs  as  objective  rather  than  predicative.  And  after 
these  verbs  the  idiom  is  common  in  the  more  original  literature  (as  in  Otfrid  in 
Old  High  German)  as  well  as  in  the  translations  (as  in  Gothic;  in  Tatian  and 
Notker  in  Old  High  German).1 

A  few  examples  will  suffice  for  illustration :  — 

(1)  Verbs  of  Commanding: 

Gothic:  —  Mat.  8.18:  haihait  galeipan  siponjans  hindar  marein  =  ZKeXevo-ev 
air eXPelv  ear  to  irtpav  (with  an  accusative  implied  in  the  preceding  clause). 

Old  Norse:  —  ba&  harm  segja  ser.2 

Old  High  German:  —  Tatian  161.38:  heiz  mih  queman  =  jube  me  venire ;3  — 
ib.  161.1:  gibot  her  thie  jungiron  stigan  .  .  .  inti  furifaran  =  jussit  discipulos 
ascender e  .  .  .  et  precedere .4 

Old  Saxon:  Hel.  5831 :  hiet  sia  eft  thanan  gangan  endi  faran  te  them  jungron, 
seggian 5  etc. 

(2)  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting: 

Gothic:  Mat.  8.22:  jah  let  pans  daupans  filhan  seinans  daupans =  koll  apes 
t ovs  veKpovg  Paif/cu  tovs  eavrcov  veKpovs ;  Mat.  5.32:  taujip  pO  horinon  =  7roi€t  avrrjv 

Ixoi^evOrjvaL. 

Old  Norse:  leto  hannfara  naubgan  me<5  ser.6 

Old  High  German:  Tatian  127.7:  laz  mih  fursagen  =  permitte  mihi  re - 
nuntiare; 7 

Old  Saxon:  Hel.  1986:  tho  let  hie  that  uuerod  si&on.s 

(3)  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception: 

Gothic:  J.  6.62:  jabai  nu  gasaihvip  sunu  mans  ussteigan  =  Zav  ovv  OtMpfjTt  tov 
vl bv  .  .  .  avafiai vovra.  [But  more  usually  this  and  the  other  verbs  of  this  group 

are  followed  by  the  accusative  and  the  predicative  participle  in  Gothic,  in 
strict  conformity  with  the  Greek  original.9] 

Old  Norse:  sal  ser  hon  standa.10 

Old  High  German:  Otfrid  I,  25.23:  gisah  er  queman  gotes  geist;  —  ib.  I,  25.15: 
then  fater  hort  er  sprechan ,u 

1  See  for  Gothic:  Apelt,1 1.  c.,  pp.  280-297 ;  Streitberg,2 1.  c.,  pp.  211-212;  Van  der  Meer,  l.  c.,  pp.  55-59;  — 
for  Old  Norse:  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  pp.  201-203;  Kahle,  l.  c.,  p.  139;  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  381-384;  Nygaard,  l.  c., 
pp.  231-232;  for  Old  High  German:  Apelt,2 1.  c.,  pp.  1-7;  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  25-53;  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  pp.  205— 
210;  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  pp.  118-119;  —  for  Middle  High  German  and  New  High  German:  Apelt,2  l.  c.,  pp.  8-21; 
Blatz,  l.  c.,  II,  pp.  557-569;  Herford,  l.  c.,  pp.  8-13;  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  pp.  120-121;  —  for  Old  Saxon:  Pratje, 
l.  c.,  pp.  70-72;  Steig,hc.,pp.  470-484;  Behaghel, 3  h  c.,  pp.  211-212. 

2  From  Kahle,  l.  c.,  p.  139. 

3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  35.  6  From  Kahle,  l.  c.,  p.  139.  9  See  Streitberg,2  l.  c.,  pp.  211,  216. 

4  Ibidem,  p.  41.  7  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  35.  10  From  Kahle,  l.  c.,  p.  139. 

6  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  476.  8  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  477.  11  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  pp.  207-208. 


242  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


Old  Saxon:  Hel.  474:  he  gisah  that  barn  cuman;  —  ib.  2777 :  so  sie  that 
gihordun  thea  magad  sprekan.1 

But  with  (4)  verbs  of  mental  perception  the  construction  is  less  common, 
and  with  (5)  verbs  of  declaring  it  is  almost  unknown,  except  in  the  translations. 
After  (4)  and  (5)  we  have  what  Grimm  called  the  “  genuine  ”  accusative  and 
infinitive  construction. 

This  idiom  is  frequent  in  Gothic,  but  I  quote  only  a  few  examples :  — 
(4)  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  Mk.  14.64:  eis  allai  gadomidedun  ina  skula 
Wisan  daupau  =  ol  Se  7rai/r€s  K<xT€Kptvov  avTov  ei /o^ov  fdvai  Oavdrovj  L.  4.41:  unte 

wissedun  silban  Xristu  ina  wisan  =  ore  fj^eco-av  tqv  xpterrov  a vrov  eTvat ; 2 —  (5)  Verbs 
of  Declaring:  Mk.  8.27:  hvana  mik  qipand  mans  wisan  =  riva  /xe  Xiyovo-iv  ol 
avOpoyrroi  eTvai ;  3  J.  12.29 :  qepun peihvon  wairpan  =  eXeyov  8povrr]v  ytyovevau*  In  most 
instances  given  by  Apelt1  the  accusative  with  infinitive  is  in  translation  of  the 
same  idiom  in  the  Greek  original,  —  a  fact  that  makes  me  doubt  whether  the 
idiom  is  native  to  Gothic  after  these  verbs  (groups  (4)  and  (5)).  Apelt,1  Z.  c., 

р.  297,  does  not  go  so  far:  “  Da  bei  der  Mehrzahl  der  oben  angeffihrten  Verba 
ein  Nachweis  darfiber  nicht  moglich  war,  dass  der  mit  ihnen  verbundene  Acc. 

с.  Inf.  als  dem  Gothischen  fremdartig  anzusehen  ware,  so  sind  wir  nicht  berech- 
tigt,  der  Constr.  fur  diese  Falle  das  Burgerrecht  in  der  Sprache  abzusprechen. 
Im  allgemeinen  jedoch  scheint  mir  so  viel  fest  zu  stehen,  dass  der  Gothe  aus 
iibergrosser  Treue  gegen  das  griechische  Original  nicht  selten  fiber  das  seiner 
Sprache  Gelaufige  hinausgieng.”  4  Dr.  Zeitlin  is  more  pronounced  against  for¬ 
eign  influence:  “  Gothic,  and,  even  more,  Icelandic,  show  the  locution  likewise 
after  verbs  of  declaration,  where  the  relation  of  the  accusative  to  the  main  verb  is 
no  longer  obvious.  In  the  former,  this  phase  of  the  construction  has  sometimes 
been  unnecessarily  attributed  to  the  influence  of  Greek.”  5  Professor  Streitberg 
admits  the  close  correspondence  between  the  Gothic  and  the  Greek,  but  would  not 
deny  the  construction  to  Gothic :  “  Wenn  diese  Konstruktion  auch  zweifellos  unter 
dem  Einfluss  des  griech.  Originals  weit  haufiger  erscheint,  als  es  sonst  wohl  der 
Fall  gewesen  ware,  so  haben  wir  doch  schwerlich  das  Recht,  sie  ganz  dem  Goti- 
schen  abzusprechen,  da  im  Nordischen  eine  analoge  Ffigung  nicht  ungebrauchlich 
ist.”  6  With  all  due  respect,  this  judgment,  it  seems  to  me,  lays  too  much  weight 
on  the  apparent  state  of  affairs  in  the  Scandinavian  languages  and  too  little 
weight  on  that  in  the  High  Germanic  and  the  Low  Germanic  languages. 

In  Old  Norse,  also,  the  idiom  is  not  infrequent  after  these  two  groups  of 
verbs.  Examples7  are:  —  (4)  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  Egilss.  169:  ek  liygg 
hann  vera  engan  vin  pinn;  —  Sn.  Edd.  148:  peir  tru&u  hann  gu‘5  vera;  —  Volusp. 
62.19:  ask  veit  ek  standa; —  (5)  Verbs  of  Declaring:  Hrafnk.  13:  hann  kva3 pat 
eigi  vera;  —  Kristn.  22:  peir  sdg&u  okkr  eiga  born  saman. 

The  idiom  is  frequent,  also,  in  the  closer  Old  High  German  translations 
(Notker  8  and  Tatian  9),  in  both  authors,  especially  the  latter,  corresponding 

1  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  pp.  480-481.  2  From  Apelt,1  l.  c.,  p.  294.  3  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  292. 

4  Apelt 1  then  adds  that  the  accusative  and  infinitive  after  impersonals  is  certainly  of  foreign  origin,  con¬ 

cerning  which  see  below,  p.  245. 

B  Zeitlin,1 1.  c.,  p.  40. —  Bernhardt,2  l.  c.,  p.  113,  says:  “  Man  hat  im  zusatz  des  subjects  den  einfluss  der  latei- 
nischen  version  erkennen  wollen;  allein  das  Altnordische  und  Angelsachsische  bieten  ganz  ahnliches,  wie  denn 

iiberhaupt  die  construction  des  accusativs  mit  infinitiv  in  der  Edda  und  im  Beowulf  hinreichend  belegt  ist,  um 
zu  erkennen,  dass  dieselbe  den  germanischen  sprachen  keineswegs  fremd  war,  auch  nach  verben  wie  wiljan  und 

bidjan.”  6  Streitberg,2 1.  c.,  p.  212. 

7  From  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  381-383.  See,  too,  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  201. 

8  See  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  pp.  209-210;  Manthey,  l.  c.,  pp.  44-46;  Wunderlich,1  l.  c.,  pp.  122-123. 

9  See  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  34-44. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


243 


very  closely  to  the  original  Latin:  (4)  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception:  Tatian  335.41 : 
wantun  sih  geist  gisehan  —  existimabant  se  spiritum  videre;1  —  ib.  136.32:  ih 
weiz  megin  uzgangen  =  ego  novi  virtutem  exisse;  —  (5)  Verbs  of  Declaring:  Tatian 
182.37 :  wenan  quedent  mih  man  wesen  mannes  sun?  =  quem  me  dicunt  homines 
esse  filium  hominis?  ib.  334.18:  quaedent  inan  leben  =  dicunt  eum  vivere .2  But  it 
is  found  only  twice  in  Isidor3  (each  time  in  translation  of  the  Latin),  though 
occurring  thirty-six  times  in  the  Latin  original;  and  it  is  unknown  in  Otfrid.4 

These  facts  lead  me  to  believe  that  the  so-called  “  genuine  ”  accusative- 
with-infinitive  construction  was  not  a  native  idiom  in  Old  High  German,  —  a 
conclusion  substantially  identical  with  that  of  most  investigators  of  the  idiom 
in  Old  High  German.  In  his  Syntax  der  Sprache  Otfrids  (1874),  I,  p.  208,  after 
stating  that  the  accusative  with  the  infinitive  in  Otfrid  is  about  as  restricted  as 
in  present  German,  Erdmann  continues:  “  Dasselbe  gilt  nicht  von  den  ahd. 
Prosaikern.  Bei  ihnen,  die  meist  direct  und  wortlich  aus  dem  Lateinischen 
ubersetzen,  finden  wir  eine  viel  ausgedehntere  Anwendung  des  Acc.  mit  dem 
Inf.,  die  entschieden  dem  Lateinischen  nachgebildet,  in  originaler  deutscher 
Rede  aber,  wie  ich  glaube,  im  neunten  und  zehnten  Jahrhundert  ebensowenig 
heimisch  gewesen  ist  als  im  neunzehnten.”  In  the  following  year  (1875),  Dr. 
Otto  Apelt  concluded  his  special  investigation,  “  Bemerkungen  liber  den  Accu¬ 
sative  cum  Infinitivo  im  Althochdeutschen  und  Mittelhochdeutschen,”  with 
these  words:  “  Das  Ergebniss  der  Untersuchung  fur  das  Ahd.  ist  demnach 
dahin  zusammenzufassen,  dass  sich  in  den  literarischen  Denkmalern  dieser 
Periode  keine  genugenden  Anhaltepunkte  fur  die  Ansicht  bieten,  dass  der  Ge- 
brauch  der  Construction  in  der  lebenden  Sprache  wesentlich  uber  diejenigen 
Grenzen  hinausgegangen  ware,  innerhalb  deren  er  sich  noch  bei  uns  bewegt,  d.  h. 
fiber  die  Anwendung  derselben  bei  den  Verbis  der  sinnlichen  Wahrnehmung. 
Deutlich  zeigte  es  sich,  dass  der  Umfang,  in  welchem  die  Fiigung  erscheint,  in 
umgekehrtem  Verhaltniss  steht  zu  der  Selbstandigkeit  der  literarischen  Produc¬ 
tion;  je  unabhangiger  die  Entstehung  eines  Werkes,  um  so  geringer  die  Zahl  der 
Falle,  in  denen  die  Construction  auftritt.”  This  statement  of  Apelt  is  confirmed 
by  the  subsequent  investigations  of  Denecke,  Der  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  bei  den 
Ahd.  (Jbersetzern  des  8.  and  9.  Jahrhunderts  (1880),  p.  53;  of  Wunderlich,  Beitrage 
zur  Syntax  des  Notkers’chen  Boethius  (1883?),  p.  122;  of  Behaghel,  Die  Deutsche 
Sprache  (1887),  p.  127;  of  Rannow,  Der  Satzbau  des  Ahd.  Isidor  im  Verhaltniss 
zur  Latein.  Vorlage  (1888),  p.  92;  and  of  Manthey,  Syntaktische  Beobachtungen 
an  Notkers  U ebersetzung  des  Martianus  Capella  (1903),  pp.  44  ff. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  not  a  few  distinguished  scholars  have  held  that  this 
so-called  “  genuine  ”  accusative  with  infinitive  was  a  native  idiom  in  Old  High 
German.  So  held  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  129  ff.  So  held  Herzog,  “  Die  Syntax 
des  Infinitivs  ”  (1873).  So  holds  Professor  Jolly,  who,  in  his  Geschichte  des 
Infinitivs  (1873),  p.  260,  declares:  “  Wenn  aber  im  Got.  sich  hier  wie  uberall 
schwer  entscheiden  lasst,  ob  idiomatische  Constructionen  vorliegen  oder  der 
Acc.  cum  Inf.  dem  griech.  nachgebildet  ist,  so  zeigt  dagegen  das  Ahd.  und  Mhd. 
unwiderleglich,  dass  der  Accus.  c.  Inf.  unserer  alteren  Sprache  in  ziemlich  wei- 
tem  Umfange  eigenthumlich  wTar,  woriiber  J.  Grimm,  Gramm.,  IV,  105  ff., 
ausfiihrlich  gehandelt  hat.”  So  holds  Lohner,  as  cited  by  Rannow,  l.  c.,  p.  92. 
So  apparently  holds  Dr.  Zeitlin,  who,  after  quoting  some  examples  of  the  accu- 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  37-38. 
3  See  Rannow,  l.  c.,  p.  93. 


2  Ibidem ,  pp.  38-39. 

4  See  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  208. 


244  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

sative  with  the  infinitive  after  verbs  of  mental  perception  in  Old  High  German 
(chiefly  from  Tatian  and  Notker)  and  of  the  accusative  with  predicate  parti¬ 
ciple  in  Old  High  German,  declares,  l.  c.,  p.  32:  “The  persistence  of  the  con¬ 
struction  after  these  verbs  of  perception  in  Middle  High  German  is  an  indica¬ 
tion  of  its  genuine  Germanic  character.”  On  the  same  page  he  adds:  “  The 
accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs  of  speaking  is  hardly  found  outside  of 
Tatian  and  Notker,  but  we  are  not  therefore  justified  in  attributing  it  to  Latin 
influence,  since  plentiful  analogies  exist  in  other  Germanic  dialects;  ”  by  which, 
I  presume,  he  intends  to  refer  to  the  Gothic  and  to  the  Old  Norse.  Indeed, 
Dr.  Zeitlin  goes  so  far  as  to  declare  that  the  accusative  and  infinitive  in  subjec¬ 
tive  clauses  is  also  a  native  development  in  Old  High  German:  see  p.  246  below. 
So  holds  Professor  Wilmanns,  who,  in  his  Deutsche  Grammatik  (1906),  declares 
it  difficult  to  determine  how  far  the  construction  was  native  in  High  German 
(“  wie  weit  er  im  Hochdeutschen  heimisch  war  ”)  because  of  the  diversity  of 
usage  by  Otfrid  and  by  Notker;  who  allows  that  Notker  “  unter  dem  Einfluss 
des  Lateinischen  den  Gebrauch  der  Konstruktion  fiber  seine  ursprfingliche 
Grenzen  hinausgetrieben  hatte;  ”  who  allows  that  Latin  influence  is  evident  in 
the  Middle  High  German  writers  and  in  some  New  High  German  authors;  but 
who  adds,  on  p.  121 :  “  Aber  wie  stark  auch  die  Einwirkung  der  lateinischen 
Schulsprache  gewesen  sein  mag,  so  hat  man  doch  anderseits  zu  bedenken,  dass 
auch  dem  Germanischen  von  Anfang  an  der  Akk.  c.  Inf.  nicht  fremd  war,  und 
dass  man  keinen  Grund  hat,  ffir  den  ahd.  Gebrauch  so  enge  Grenzen  vorauszu- 
setzen,  wie  wir  im  Heliand  und  im  Ags.  finden.” 

But  despite  the  eminence  of  some  of  these  advocates  of  the  theory  that  this 
construction  was  native  to  Old  High  German  and  despite  the  cleverness  of  some 
of  their  arguments,  they  do  not  seem  to  me  to  upset  the  interpretation  given 
above,  based  as  it  is  on  abundance  of  material,  gathered  from  various  texts  by 
various  scholars  of  acknowledged  accuracy  and  acumen. 

In  his  monograph  (1875)  above  quoted  from,  Dr.  Apelt  has  shown  that  the 
so-called  genuine  accusative  and  infinitive  is  very  rare  in  Middle  High  German, 
and,  when  found,  is  probably  due  to  Latin  influence.  In  New  High  German  1 
the  idiom  is  very  rare,  though,  as  Dr.  Herford  has  shown  in  his  “  Ueber  den 
Accusativ  mit  dem  Infinitiv  im  Deutschen  ”  (1881),  not  so  rare  as  has  occasion¬ 
ally  been  stated. 

In  Old  Saxon  2  a  few  examples  are  found  after  verbs  of  mental  perception, 
but  none  after  verbs  of  declaring:  Hel.  807 \fundun  ina  sittean  an  them  uuiha;  — 
ib.  4771:  fand  sie  that  barn  godes  slayen;  ib.  1590:  that  thu  us  bedon  leres. 

In  a  word,  the  situation  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole  is  quite  sim¬ 
ilar  to  that  in  Anglo-Saxon :  the  accusative  and  infinitive  is  quite  common  after 
verbs  (1)  of  commanding,  (2)  of  causing  and  permitting,  and  (3)  of  sense  percep¬ 
tion  ; 3  but  is  relatively  rare  after  verbs  (4)  of  mental  perception,  and  is  practi¬ 
cally  unknown  after  (5)  verbs  of  declaring,  except  in  the  closer  translations. 

It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  the  idiom  is  native  to  the  Germanic  languages 
when  occurring  after  verbs  of  groups  (1),  (2),  and  (3),  and  after  a  few  verbs  of 
group  (4) ;  but  that  it  is  due  to  foreign  influence  after  some  verbs  in  group  (4) 
and  after  all  verbs  in  group  (5).  Under  the  separate  languages  above  I  have 


1  See,  too,  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  121,  for  an  excellent  brief  statement  as  to  the  idiom  in  New  High  German; 
also  Blatz,  l.  c.,  II,  pp.  557-569. 

2  See  Pratje,  l.  c.,  pp.  71-72;  Steig,  l.  c.,  pp.  480,  482^83. 


3  Except  in  Gothic:  see  above,  p.  241. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


245 


stated  with  some  fullness  the  grounds  for  this  belief  with  respect  to  each,  and 
in  connection  therewith  have  given  a  good  deal  of  the  history  of  the  opinions 
concerning  the  construction.  Here  I  need  only  add  that  the  cumulative  weight 
of  the  evidence  should  not  be  lost  sight  of. 

Perhaps  I  should  add  here  that  some  scholars,  among  them  Drs.  Becker, 
Grimberg,  Prime±,  and  Zeitlin,  hold  that  the  accusative  with  infinitive  in  the 
Germanic  languages  is  in  part  a  native  development  from  the  accusative  with 
predicative  participle,  and  that  in  the  Germanic  languages  the  latter  idiom  was 
prior  to  the  former.  In  Chapters  XIV  and  XV,  however,  I  have  tried  to  show 
that,  while,  in  conformity  with  the  Greek  original,  the  accusative  with  predica¬ 
tive  present  participle  is  commoner  in  Gothic  than  is  the  accusative  with  predi¬ 
cative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  sense  perception,  the  reverse  is  the  case  in  the 
Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  especially  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  in  High  German, 
and  that  in  these  languages  the  predicative  infinitive  was  prior  to  the  predica¬ 
tive  present  participle. 

AS  SUBJECT. 

Despite  Dr.  StoffeFs  contention  that  “  we  are  almost  forced  to  the  conclu¬ 
sion  that  the  Ace.  cum  Inf.  as  the  logical  subject  of  a  quasi-impersonal  verb, 
must  once  have  been  as  common  in  the  Germanic  tongues  as  we  find  it  to  have 
been  in  the  classical  languages/’ 1 1  must  hold  that,  in  the  Germanic  languages, 
as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  idiom  is  relatively  rare,  and  occurs  for  the  most  part 
only  in  translations. 

In  Gothic  we  occasionally  have  the  infinitive  phrase  as  subject  to  the  verb 
to  be  plus  an  adjective  {gup  ist,  cizetizo  ist,  gadob  ist,  etc.),  but,  as  Apelt,1  Z.  c., 
pp.  290-291,  shows,  only  because  of  the  influence  of  the  Greek  original,  the 
Goth  usually  translating  otherwise  the  Greek  accusative  and  infinitive  in  such 
expressions.  Examples  are:  (1)  of  accusative  and  infinitive:  L.  16.17:  ip  azetizo 
ist  himin  jah  airpa  hindarleipan  J>au  witodis  ainana  writ  gadriusan  =  €VK077(j)T€p0V 
Se  ecrn  rov  ovpavov  koll  rr/v  yrjv  7rapeA.^etv  etc.j  —  (2)  of  other  translations:  Mk . 
10.25:  azetizo  ist  ulbandau  J>airh  pairko  neplos  galeipan,  etc.  =  oVoWj-repoV  ianv 
KdpLrjXov  .  .  .  SukOdv,  etc.  This  view  as  to  the  foreign  origin  of  the  accusative 

and  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  impersonals,  in  Gothic,  though  once  opposed  by 
Albrecht 2  and  by  Miklosich,3  is  now  generally  accepted:  see  Apelt,1  Z.  c.,  p.  290; 
Bernhardt,2  Z.  c.,  p.  113;  Streitberg,2  Z.  c.,  p.  212;  Zeitlin,1  Z.  c.,  p.  28;  and  Wil- 
manns,  Z.  c.,  p.  119.  Quite  recently,  however,  Professor  G.  O.  Curme/2  Z.  c.,  pp. 
359-367,  has  attempted  to  overthrow  this  theory,  but  without  success  in  my 
judgment. 

That  the  construction  is  rare,  also,  in  Old  Norse,  I  judge  from  the  fact  that 
I  find  no  examples  cited  by  Lund  or  by  Falk  and  Torp. 

In  Old  High  German,  too,  the  construction  is  rare 4  with  impersonals,  and 
as  a  rule  is  found  only  in  translation  of  the  same  idiom  in  Latin.  Usually, 
however,  the  translator  uses  another  idiom,  generally  a  dative  dependent  on 
the  chief  verb,  with  a  subjective  infinitive,  either  uninflected  or  inflected.  Ex¬ 
amples  are:  (1)  of  accusative  and  infinitive:  Tatian  187.9:  gilimphit  mih  gangen 
=  oportet  me  ambulare ;5 —  (2)  of  dative  and  infinitive:  Tatian  85.22:  gilimphit 


1  Stoffel,1 1.  c.,  p.  54.  2  L.  c.,  p.  18.  3  Miklosich, i 1.  c.,  p.  483. 

4  No  one  of  the  five  Latin  examples  of  his  original  is  retained  by  Isidor:  see  Rannow,  l.  c.,  pp.  87-88. 

6  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  42. 


246  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

mir  wesan  =  oportet  me  esse ; 1  ib.  100.30:  gilimphit  mir  zi  gotspellone  =  oportet 
me  evangelizare .2  I,  therefore,  consider  this  idiom  borrowed  from  the  Latin 
originals  in  Old  High  German.  But  not  so  Dr.  Zeitlin,1  who,  l.  c.,  p.  33,  thus 
expresses  his  view:  “  In  considering  the  usage  with  impersonal  and  neuter 
verbs  we  must  remember  that  many  Old  High  German  expressions  of  this 
class  govern  an  accusative  case  as  direct  object,  e.g.,  Otfrid  V,  1.1:  ist  filu 
manno  wuntar,  ‘  great  wonder  is  on  the  men; 9  ib.  I,  9.27:  wuntar  was  thia 
menigi,  1  wonder  was  on  the  multitude; ’  ib.  V,  6.14:  thes  thih  mag  wesan  wola 
niot,  ‘  of  this  you  it  may  well  be  pleasing  (you  may  well  rejoice  at  this); 1  ib. 
V,  22.7:  thes  ist  sie  iamer  filu  niot,  ‘  they  are  ever  pleased  at  this; ’  ib.  V,  9.11: 
ward  wola  thiu  selbun  mennisgon.  When  an  object  infinitive  is  added  to  sen¬ 
tences  like  the  preceding,  we  have  a  combination  which  is  hardly  distinguish¬ 
able  from  the  free  Latin  accusative  with  infinitive.  But  it  is  quite  apparent 
from  these  illustrations  that  the  assumption  of  Latin  influence  is  not  necessary, 
that  the  accusative,  indeed,  is  almost  always  felt  as  directly  connected  with 
the  main  verb,  and  that  these  cases,  therefore,  do  not  differ  from  the  other  cat¬ 
egories  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  which  are  found  in  Old  High  German.” 
He  then  gives  examples  of  the  idiom  after  gilustan  (?),  gilimphan,  and  bifahan,  all 
from  Tatian  except  the  first  example,  after  gilustan,  which  seems  doubtful  to 
me.  He  concludes:  “  In  Notker,  impersonal  verbs  with  this  construction  seem 
to  follow  Latin  models  in  most  cases,  since  often  the  accusative  has  no  connec¬ 
tion  whatever  with  the  main  verb,  which  is  followed  by  another  substantive  in 
the  dative  case  as  indirect  object.”  Of  his  examples  from  Notker  I  cite  only 
one:  III,  124b.29:  fone  diu  ist  not,  chad  si,  misseliche  namen  haben  diu  finuiu 
und  siu  doh  ein  uuesen ,  1  hence  it  is  necessary  .  .  .  that  the  five  should  have 
different  names  and  yet  be  a  single  thing.’  This  is  a  clever,  but  to  me  not  con¬ 
vincing  plea:  it  allows  more  weight  to  a  bare  possibility  than  to  the  demon¬ 
strable  and,  as  I  believe,  demonstrated  origin  of  the  construction  in  Gothic 
and  in  Anglo-Saxon;  and  it  underrates  the  fact,  stated  by  Dr.  Zeitlin1  (l.  c.,  p.  35), 
that  the  idiom  is  not  found  in  Old  Saxon. 

In  Old  Saxon  I  find  no  example  of  the  accusative  and  infinitive  as  subject, 
but  frequent  examples  of  the  dative  and  subjective  infinitive,  as  in  Hel.  3298: 
that  uuari  an  godes  riki  unobi  odagumu  manne  up  te  cumanne? 

In  the  Germanic  languages,  then,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  accusative  and  in¬ 
finitive  as  subject  of  a  finite  verb  is  an  imported  idiom. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  whether  in  objective  or  in 
subjective  clauses,  is  rare  in  the  Germanic  languages,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Dr.  Apelt  does  not  gather  together  in  one  place  the  passive  infinitives  in 
Gothic  with  accusative  subject.  But  we  find  examples  here  and  there  of  this 
idiom  in  subjective  clauses,  as  in  Skeir.  I  c:  gadob  nu  was  mais  pans  .  .  .  ufhaus- 
jandans  .  .  .  gaqissans  uairfian,  and  in  objective  clauses,  as  in  I  Cor.  10.20: 
ni  wiljau  auk  izwis  skohslam  gadailans  wairpan  =  ov  <9eAo>  Se  fyxas  koivuvovs  tZw 

SaifxovLOiv  yLveorOcu,  in  the  latter  in  imitation  of  the  Greek.  Often,  however,  the 
Greek  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  is  rendered  in  Gothic  by  an 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  42. 


2  Ibidem,  p.  66. 


3  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  496. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT. 


247 


active  infinitive  with  a  noun  object,  as  in  Mat.  27.64:  halt  nu  witan  pamma 

hlaiwa  =  KeXevcrov  ovv  acrcfiaXicrOrjvaL  tov  Tacf>ovI 

In  Old  Norse,  also,  the  construction  is  quite  rare. 

In  Old  High  German,  likewise,  the  idiom  is  rare,  and  is  due  to  the  Latin: 
Tatian  183.32:  gilimphit  inan  varan  inti  thruoen  inti  arslagan  wesan  inti  arstan- 
tan  =  oportet  eum  ire  et  pati  et  occidi  et  resurgere; 2  ib.  171.6:  laz  eer  thiu  kind 
gisatoliu  werdan  —  sine  prius  saturari  filios.3  The  passive  infinitive  is  oftener 
translated  by  the  active,  as  in  Tatian  199.7:  wenan  wollet  ir  iu  fon  thesen  zwein 
forlazzan  ?  =  quem  vidtus  vobis  de  duobus  dimitti  f  4  See,  too,  under  “  the  in¬ 
flected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,”  p.  248  below. 

In  Old  Saxon  we  habitually  have,  not  the  passive  infinitive  with  accusative 
object,  but  the  active  infinitive  with  objective  accusative,  as  in  Hel.  527: 
gihordun  uuilspel  mikil  fon  gode  seggean.  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  309  fl\,  holds  that  in 
such  expressions  the  infinitive,  though  active  in  form,  is  passive  in  sense,  and 
that  the  accusative  is  the  subject,  not  the  object,  of  the  infinitive;  but,  for  rea¬ 
sons  given  above,  in  Chapter  II,  pp.  29  f.,  this  seems  untenable  to  me.  I  have 
not  found  an  example  of  the  compound  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  sub¬ 
ject  in  Old  Saxon. 

It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that  this  idiom  was  imported  into  the  Germanic 
languages  from  the  Greek  and  the  Latin. 

II.  THE  INFINITIVE  INFLECTED. 

Although  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  130,  declares,  “  Sicheres  kennzeichen  der  con¬ 
struction  des  acc.  cum  inf.  ist,  dass  sie  nie  die  prap.  zu  vertragt,”  it  seems  to 
me  that  in  the  Germanic  languages  we  occasionally  come  upon  an  accusative 
with  a  prepositional  infinitive  that  is  almost,  if  not  quite,  identical  with  an 
accusative  with  an  uninflected  predicative  infinitive.  Concerning  possible  ex¬ 
amples  of  the  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  have  spoken  in  Chapter  VIII.  I  here 
add  a  few  words  concerning  the  construction  in  the  other  Germanic  languages. 

One  apparent,  if  not  real,  example  of  the  prepositional  infinitive  with  an 
accusative  subject  occurs  in  Gothic  in  correspondence  with  the  same  construc¬ 
tion  in  Greek:  I  Thes.  2.12:  weitwodjandans  du  gaggan  izwis  wairpaba  gups! 
=  papTvpovpevot  eh  to  TreparaTeiv  vpas  d^iws  tov  Oeov.5  But  usually  the  Greek 

idiom  is  avoided,  as  in  II  Thes.  1.5:  taikn  garaihtaizos  stauos  gups  du 
wairpans  briggan  izwis  piudangardjos  gups  =  eh  evhevypa  tt}s  SiKaias  Kpiae^  rod 
Oeov ,  eh  to  KaTa^noOrjvcu  vpas  Trjs  Ba.cnA.etas  tov  Oeov .6 

In  Old  Norse,  apparently,  the  prepositional  infinitive  was  not  used  with 
accusative  subject,  though  in  earlier  Danish  it  was  occasionally  so  used:  see 
Nygaard,  l.  c.,  p.  235;  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  201,  where  Danish  examples  are 
given;  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  381  ff.;  Delbriick,3  Z,  c.,  p.  355. 

In  Old  High  German,  in  sentences  like  the  following,  Tatian  196.34:  gibot 
inan  ther  herro  zi  vorkoufanne  inti  sina  quenun  inti  .  .  .  inti  vorgeltan  =  jussit 
eum  dominus  venundari  et  uxorem  ejus  et  .  .  .  et  reddi ,7  apparently  we  have  an 
inflected  infinitive  with  an  accusative  subject,  and  the  phrase  is  the  object 


1  From  Streitberg,2  l.  c„  p.  208.  2  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  42. 

«  Ibidem,  p.  35.  4  From  Apelt,2  l.  c.,  p.  5. 

5  Bernhardt,2  l.  c.,  p.  114,  seems  to  consider  that  the  infinitive  phrase  here  is  subjective,  but  surely  it  is 

objective.  6  See  Apelt,1 1.  c.,  p.  292.  7  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  65. 


248  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


of  gibot,  but  in  reality  the  inflected  infinitive  (like  the  uninflected  in  this  sen¬ 
tence)  is  the  object  of  gibot,  not  the  predicate  of  the  accusative  noun  or  pronoun, 
the  accusative  being  objective  in  the  Old  High  German,  though  subjective 
in  the  Latin;  for,  as  we  saw  above,  p.  247,  in  Old  High  German,  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  the  predicative  passive  infinitive  is  normally  turned  by  an  active  objec¬ 
tive  infinitive.  In  Aug.  serm.  33.8:  manot  unsih  za  for stantanne  -  admonet  nos 
intelligere,1  we  may  have  an  inflected  infinitive  used  predicatively,  but  more  prob¬ 
ably  we  have  an  inflected  infinitive  denoting  result.  But  at  least  two  clear  ex¬ 
amples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  an  accusative  subject  occur  in  Old  High 
German,  in  a  subjective  phrase:  Tatian  331.2:  inan  gilimphit  zi  arstantanne 
=  oportet  eum  resurgere;  2  and  ib.  206.26:  odira  ist  olbentun  zi  faranne,  thanne 
otagan  zi  ganganne  =  facilius  est  camelum  transire,  quam  divitem  intrare .3  The 
inflection  of  the  predicative  infinitive  here,  as  indeed  in  the  instances  of  the  sub¬ 
jective  infinitive,  is  due  to  the  datival  sense  of  gilimphit  and  of  ist  plus  an  adjec¬ 
tive,  I  believe;  while  in  the  instances  with  the  uninflected  infinitive,  especially 
when  predicative,  this  datival  sense  is  resisted  owing  to  the  influence  of  the 
Latin  original.  In  Tatian  342.13:  leret  sie  zi  bihaltanne  alliu  =  docentes  eos 
servare  omnia,4  we  possibly  have  a  predicative  infinitive,  but  the  infinitive  is 
inflected  because  the  chief  verb,  leret,  hovers  between  a  transitive  and  a  con¬ 
secutive-final  sense:  cf.  the  inflected  predicative  infinitive  with  Anglo-Saxon 
Iceran  in  Chapter  VIII,  p.  119. 

In  Old  Saxon  I  have  found  no  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  with 
accusative  subject  unless  the  following  be  such:  Hel.  2752:  huo  thu  gilinot 
habis  liudeo  menigi  te  blizzenna;5  ib.  976:  that  us  so  girisit  .  .  .  allaro  rehto 
gihuilik  ti  gifullanne;  but  more  probably  the  infinitive  here  is  subjective:  see 
above,  p.  232. 

As  is  evident,  most  of  the  examples  cited  of  a  supposed  predicative  use  of 
the  prepositional  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages,  are  doubtful.  In  a  few 
instances,  however,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  inflected  infinitive  is  really  predica¬ 
tive,  and  has  an  accusative  subject.  In  such  cases  the  infinitive  becomes  in¬ 
flected  because  of  its  proximity  to  a  dative-governing  finite  verb,  or  because  it 
follows  a  verb  denoting  tendency,  or,  occasionally,  in  Gothic  because  the  Greek 
original  has  a  prepositional  infinitive. 


IX.  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 

As  stated  above,  Chapter  IX,  p.  136,  I  doubt  whether  we  have  a  genuine 
predicative  infinitive  with  dative  subject  in  Anglo-Saxon,  but,  as  this  inter¬ 
pretation  of  the  dative  and  infinitive  after  impersonal  verbs  in  Gothic  is  given 
by  such  eminent  scholars  as  Grimm,  Miklosich,  Jolly,  Winkler,  and  Streitberg, 
it  is  incumbent  upon  me  to  give  a  brief  survey  of  the  construction  in  the  Ger¬ 
manic  languages  other  than  Anglo-Saxon. 

For  the  Gothic  I  cannot  do  better  than  to  quote  entire  Professor  Streit- 
berg’s  paragraph  on  this  idiom,  in  his  Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  4th  ed.,  §  318: 
“Der  von  Jakob  Grimm  entdeckte,  von  Miklosich  und  Jolly  verteidigte  Dativ 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  66.  2  Ibidem,  p.  67. 

3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  71,  who  adds:  “  Der  Acc.  ist  sicher  nur  dem  Lat.  aus  Nachlassigkeit  nachgeahmt.” 

4  From  Denecke,  l .  c.,  p.  65.  6  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 


249 


m.  Inf.  darf  heute  trotz  aller  Einwendungen  als  gesichert  gelten.  Got.  warp  in 
Verbinding  mit  einem  Infinitiv  und  einem  Dativ  dient  zur  Uebertragung  von 
iyevcTo  mit  dem  Akk.  m.  Inf.  Der  Dativ  hat  natiirlich  ursprunglich  zum 

Verbum  finitum  gehort,  es  ist  jedoch,  wie  schon  Grimm  erkannt  hat,  eine  Ver- 
schiebungdes  Abhangigkeitsverhaltnisses  erfolgt :  der  Dativ  steht  fast  ausnahms- 
los  hinter dem  Infinitiv ,  wie  im  Griech.  das  Subjekt  des  Akk.  m.  Inf.,  ist  also 
wahrscheinlich  zum  Infinitiv  in  engere  Beziehung  gesetzt.  Am  besten  diirfte 
man  wohl  mit  Winkler,  S.  17,  das  Verhaltnis  so  charakterisieren,  dass  der  Dativ 
von  der  Verbindung  warp  m.  Inf.  abhange,  warp  gaswiltan  pamma  unledin 
=  eyeVero  airoOaveiv  tov  vto^ov,  Luk.  16.22,  demnach  heisse:  ‘  es  kam  zum  Ster- 
ben  fur  den  Armen/  Die  Ausdehnung,  die  der  Dat.  m.  Inf.  in  der  got.  Bibel 
erlangt  hat,  ist  sicherlich  dem  Bestreben  zuzuschreiben,  den  Anschluss  ans 
Original  so  eng  als  moglich  zu  gestalten,  ohne  in  direkten  Widerspruch  mit 
den  got.  Sprachgesetzen  zu  geraten.  Vgl.  z.  B.  jah  warp  in  sabbato  anparamma 
frumin  gaggan  imma  pairh  atisk  =  eyet'ero,  iv  O’afiSdrco  Sevripoirpibra  SidTropevecrOcu 
avrov  Sid  riov  o-TropiputiV)  Luk.  6.1;  warp  .  .  .  galeipan  imma  in  sunagogein  =  eyAero 
dcrtXOav  avrov  as  rrjv  crvvaytoyrjv,  Luk.  6.6;  SVMei  mis  mais  faginon  warp  —  ware  pe 
paWov  xaprjva t,  Kor.  7.7,  u.  a.”  This  view  of  Professor  Streitberg  is  sub- 
stantially  that  of  Professor  Jolly  and  Professor  Winkler.  In  my  discussion 
of  the  Dative  with  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  127  If.  above, 
I  have  tried  to  show  that  the  situation  in  Anglo-Saxon,  in  Old  High  German, 
and  in  Latin  considerably  reduces  the  force  of  Professor  Streitberg’s  contention 
that  we  have  a  genuine  dative-with-infinitive  construction  in  Gothic;  and 
that,  in  the  Gothic  itself,  the  post-position  of  the  infinitive  and  its  separation 
from  the  finite  verb  —  two  points  stressed  by  Grimm  and  by  Professor  Streit¬ 
berg  —  resulted  merely  from  the  Goth’s  close  following  of  the  Greek  original. 
Dr.  Apelt,  who  gives  the  above  examples  and  some  others,  holds,  with  Gabe- 
lentz  and  Loebe,  with  A.  Kohler,  and  with  Bernhardt,  that  the  dative  is  the 
object  of  the  principal  verb  and  not  the  subject  of  the  infinitive;1  he  stresses 
the  fact  that  a  personal  accusative  of  the  Greek  is  translated  by  a  dative  in 
the  Gothic,  and  an  impersonal  accusative  by  an  accusative;  and  he,  too,  holds 
that  the  post-position  of  the  dative  in  the  Gothic  is  the  result  merely  of  the 
slavish  following  of  the  Greek  order  of  words.  Professor  Joseph  Wright,  also, 
holds  that  the  infinitive  in  the  above  sentences  is  subjective,  not  predicative, 
as  we  may  gather  from  the  fact  that  in  his  Grammar  of  the  Gothic  Language , 
§  435,  he  quotes  Mark  2.23  {jah  warp  pairhgaggan  imma  pairh  atisk  = 
/cat  lykvi.ro  TrapaTropaoarOaL  abrov  .  .  .  Sta  rtbv  cnroptpoiv)  as  illustrating  the  Use  of 
the  infinitive  as  subject.  Finally,  it  should  be  stated  that,  while  Professor 
Jolly  does  defend  the  setting  up  of  a  predicative  infinitive  with  dative  subject 
in  Gothic,  he  distinctly  states  that  such  an  interpretation  is  not  obligatory: 
“  Auch  bei  den  gotischen  Dativen  mit  wairpan  ist  die  Beziehung  des  Dativs 
auf  das  Hauptverbum  wenigstens  nicht  ungereimt,  und  nur  im  Slavischen  liegt, 
abgesehen  von  den  arischen  Beispielen,  eine  grossere  Reihe  von  Constructionen 
vor,  in  denen  nur  die  Beziehung  auf  den  Inf.  zulassig  ist.”  2 

Concerning  a  dative  with  an  infinitive  in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  Lund, 
L  c.,p.  378,  speaks  as  follows:  “  Hensynsform  fojes  til  en  navnemade,  nar  der 


1  Apelt,1 1.  c.,  p.  289.  See,  too,  Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  l.  c.,  p.  249;  Kohler,1  A.,  1.  c.,  pp.  290-292;  and  Bern¬ 
hardt,2  l.  c.,  p.  111. 

2  Jolly,  l.  c.,  p.  268. 


250  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


er  en  foregaende  hensynsform  at  henf0re  omsagnsordet  til,  men  ogsa,  uden  at 
der  er  nogen  anden  hensynsform  at  henf0re  den  til  eller  som  bevirker  dens 
fremkomst,  i  visse  udtryk  med  tillsegsord  (er  gott,  illt),  hvor  den  ma  betragtes 
som  udtryk  for  et  hensyn  (efter  30),  men  i  hvilket  tilfselde  ogsa  nsevneform 
bruges.  Jfr.  30,  anmk.  4.  Saledes  siges  bade  hann  bau&  peim  at  Jam  fyrstum 
og  baud  pa  at  farafyrsta;  illt  er  ilium,  at  vera  og  illt  er  illr  at  vera ,  s.  ovenfor  1,” 
etc.,  etc.  But  the  infinitive  with  er  gott  seems  to  me  subjective,  and  that  with 
baud  peim  objective.  Moreover,  I  do  not  understand  Lund  to  claim  that  the 
infinitive  is  really  predicative  in  either  of  these  two  categories. 

Although,  as  already  stated,  Grimm  declares,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  131,  that  in  no  Ger¬ 
manic  dialect  other  than  Gothic  have  we  any  trace  of  the  dative-with-infinitive 
construction,  it  seems  to  me  that,  if  we  consider  that  we  have  this  construction 
in  the  above  examples  from  the  Gothic,  we  must  allow  that  we  have  it  in  the 
following  passages  from  Old  High  German:  —  uninflected:  B.  R.  41.5:  discoom 
kerisit  hoorreen  =  discipulos  convenit  obedire;1  Tatian  195.14:  goumon  inti  gifehan 
thir  gilimphit  =  aepulari  et  gaudere  te  oportet; 2  —  inflected:  Horn .  de  voc.  29.14: 
iu  garisit  gotes  wort  za  quedanne  =  vobis  oportebat  loqui  verbum  dei ; 3  Toiian 
100.30:  gilimphit  mir  zi  gotspellonne  =  oportet  me  evangelizare .3  Whether  Dr. 
Denecke,  from  whom  I  have  quoted  these  examples,  considers  the  infinitive 
therein  as  predicative  or  not,  I  do  not  feel  sure,  but  he  puts  the  uninflected 
infinitive  under  the  heading  “  Dat.  c.  Inf.”  Gilimphit  is  likewise  followed,  as 
we  saw  above,  p.  245,  by  the  accusative  and  infinitive;  and  Denecke,  pp. 
42,  43,  seems  to  think  that  a  significant  factor  is  the  person  of  the  pronoun,  the 
dative  occurring  usually  with  the  pronouns  of  the  first  and  second  persons, 
and  the  accusative  with  pronouns  of  the  third  person  and  with  nouns  in  Old 
High  German,  he  declares.  But  surely  this  fact  is  accidental,  not  determining; 
the  interchange  between  dative  and  accusative  with  these  infinitives  most  prob¬ 
ably  depends,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  on  the  datival  sense  of  the  accompanying 
finite  verb,  which  datival  sense  occasionally  was  not  strong  enough  to  resist 
the  accusative  of  the  Latin  original.  This  explanation  tallies  with  that  given 
by  Miklosich  of  the  dative-with-infinitive  in  the  Slavic  languages,  and  ex¬ 
tends  still  further  the  application  of  Jolly’s  happy  comment  thereon:  “  Als  die 
Ursache  dieser  eigenthiimlichen  Constructionen  gibt  Miklosich,  dem  wir  die 
nahere  Kenntniss  derselben  verdanken,  die  grossere  Verbreitung  verbal-  und 
besonders  mit  dem  Dativ  construirter  Verbalsubstantive  in  den  slavischen 
Sprachen  an; 4  auch  fur  die  Sprachstufe  des  Zend  und  vedischen  Sanskrit  liess 
sich  dieselbe  sprachliche  Erscheinung  oben  S.  93  nachweisen,  und  die  gewiss 
richtige  Erklarung  M.’s  ist  demnach  auch  fur  ein  Sprachgebiet  fur  das  sie  ur- 
spriinglich  nicht  gemacht  war,  doch  nicht  weniger  zutreffend.”  5  Once  more: 
it  is  important  to  note  that  in  these  Old  High  German  examples  the  dative 
sometimes  precedes  and  sometimes  follows  the  infinitive,  usually  according  to 
the  position  of  the  noun  or  pronoun  in  the  Latin  original.  Finally,  whether 
Dr.  Denecke  or  any  one  else  considers  the  inflected  infinitive  in  these  Old  High 
German  examples  to  be  the  predicate  of  a  dative  subject  or  not,  I  do  not  know. 
But  Denecke  does  note  the  interchange  between  uninflected  and  inflected  in¬ 
finitives  after  gilimphit;  calls  attention  to  two  facts:  (1)  “  dass  zi  stets  ge- 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  31.  2  Ibidem,  p.  42.  3  Ibidem,  p.  66.  4  “  Beiapiele  ebenda  S.  494.” 

6  Jolly,  l.  c.,  p.  269.  —  My  inability  to  read  Slavic  makes  it  improper  for  me  to  express  an  opinion  as  to 
whether  or  not  the  infinitive  in  this  locution  is  really  predicative. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT. 


251 


braucht  wird,  wenn  zu  gilimphit  kein  Object  tritt  und  alleinstehender  oder  mit 
Object  verbundener  Inf.  da  von  abhangt  ”  (with  two  exceptions,  duly  noted),  and 
(2)  “  dass,  wenn  ein  Dat.  zu  gilimphit  (s.  auch  garisit)  tritt,  meist  Inf.  mit  zi , 
wenn  Acc.  meist  der  reine  Inf.  folgt  ”  (likewise  with  exceptions,  duly  indicated) ; 
and  concludes:  “Man  sieht  hieraus,  dass  sich  vollstandig  sichere  Grenzen  fur  den 
Gebrauch  des  reinen  und  des  mit  zi  verbundenen  Inf.  nicht  ziehen  lassen.  Augen- 
scheinlich  war  aber  der  Gebrauch  des  letzeren  im  siegreichen  Vordringen 
begriffen.”  1  But  the  matter  is  not  so  hopeless  as  Denecke  would  have  it  seem: 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  due  to  the  strong  datival  sense  of  the  chief  verb,  but 
occasionally  this  strong  force  yielded  to  that  of  the  accusative  and  infinitive 
in  the  Latin  original.  It  remains  only  to  add  that  I  have  not  quoted  all  of 
the  examples  of  a  dative  with  an  infinitive  that  occur  in  Denecke;  that,  as  im¬ 
plied  above,  to  me  the  infinitive  in  these  Old  High  German  examples  is  subjec¬ 
tive,  not  predicative;  and  that  the  dative  is  governed  by  the  principal  verb. 

We  have,  too,  in  Old  High  German  a  dative  with  infinitive  after  certain  per¬ 
sonal  verbs,  as  in  the  following:  Aug.  serm.  35.20:  gabiut  mir  za  dir  queman 
=  jube  me  venire  ad  te; 2  —  Tatian  198.30:  vorliez  iu  forlazzan  iwara  quenun 
=  permisit  vobis  dimittere  uxores  vestras.3  But,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  take  the 
infinitive  to  be  objective,  not  predicative.  Gabiotan  is  once  followed  by  the 
accusative  with  infinitive:  the  native  construction  of  dative  with  infinitive 
then  yields  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  accusative  and  infinitive. 

Of  the  dative  with  infinitive  in  Middle  High  German,  Dr.  Otto  Apelt,1 
l.  c.,  p.  289,  after  denying  that  we  have  a  predicative  infinitive  with  dative 
subject  in  Gothic,  speaks  as  follows:  “Die  beste  Analogie  hierzu  bietet  sich 
in  mhd.  geschehen  mit  Infinitiv  und  Dativ,  und  Grimm  selbst  macht  IV,  109, 
auf  die  nahe  Verwandtschaft  dieser  Fiigungen  mit  den  eben  besprochenen 
aufmerksam.  Allerdings  erscheint  im  Mittelhochdeutschen  in  Wendungen 
wie  nach  der  ze  riten  im  geschach,  ir  ze  sterben  niht  geschach,  daz  ime  ze  lidenne 
ge-schiht,  sit  uns  ze  sitzen  geschah,  der  Infinitiv  meist  in  Begleitung  von  ze,  doch 
findet  sich  auch  der  blosse  Infinitiv  Nib.  1145,  4,  so  ist  in  alreste  von  schidden 
sorgen  geschehen.  Wenn  aber  Grimm  in  der  Stellung  der  Worte  im  Gothischen 
eine  Nothigung  finden  will,  die  Zugehorigkeit  des  Dativs  zu  warp  zu  verwerfen, 
so  ist  dem  entgegenzuhalten,  dass  der  Gothe  sich  hier,  wie  sonst,  in  der  Wort- 
stellung  moglichst  eng  an  sein  Original  anschloss.” 

I  find  no  example  of  the  dative  with  infinitive  after  impersonals  in  Old 
Saxon  unless  the  following  be  one:  Hel.  976:  that  us  so  girisit  .  .  .  allaro  rehto 
gihuilik  ti  gifullanne; 4  but,  as  stated  above,  p.  232,  I  consider  the  infinitive 
here  subjective.  Nor  do  I  find  an  example  after  personal  verbs  unless  these  be 
such:  Hel.  5152:  endi  im  that  silubar  bod  gerno  te  agebanne ;5  ib.  1023;  loboda 
them  liudeon  lera  Cristes  herren  sines  endi  hebanriki  te  giuuinnanne; 6  ib.  1838: 
hie  im  thuo  bethiu  bifalah  gi  te  seggeannef 

In  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  therefore,  we  have  an  apparent,  not 
a  genuine,  dative  with  infinitive  after  (1)  certain  impersonals  and  (2)  certain 
personal  verbs.  The  idiom  interchanges  with  the  genuine  accusative  with 


1  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  67-68. 

2  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  20.  On  p.  41  Denecke  states  that,  with  only  one  exception,  in  Tatian,  gabiotan 
is  followed  by  the  dative  and  infinitive  instead  of  the  accusative  and  infinitive. 

3  Ibidem,  p.  35. 

4  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73. 


5  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  494. 


6  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73. 


252  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


infinitive.  But,  after  impersonals,  the  native  idiom  is  the  dative  with  the  infini¬ 
tive,  the  dative  being  demanded  by  the  strong  datival  sense  of  these  imperson¬ 
als;  when  these  impersonals  are  followed  by  the  accusative  with  the  infinitive, 
it  is  due  to  the  influence  of  the  original  Greek  or  Latin.  After  the  personal 
verbs  the  dative  with  infinitive  is  likewise  native,  as  with  many  of  them  is  also 
the  accusative  with  infinitive.  The  interchange  between  dative  and  accusative 
rests  partly  on  the  double  regimen  of  the  verbs,  partly  on  the  influence  of  the 
originals.  Many  scholars  restrict  the  phrase  “  dative  with  infinitive,”  however, 
to  the  idiom  after  impersonals. 

After  both  impersonals  and  personals,  at  times  the  inflected  infinitive  is 
substituted  for  the  uninflected  infinitive  by  the  strong  datival  force  of  the 
principal  verb. 

X.  THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  Verbs  of  Motion. 

The  infinitive  of  purpose  is  commonly  found  after  verbs  of  motion  in  the 
Germanic  languages. 

The  Gothic  simple  infinitive  usually  corresponds  to  a  Greek  simple  infini¬ 
tive,  but  also  to  other  idioms:  L.  14.19:  gagga  kausjan  pans  =  7ropcvo^at  8o/a- 

ixao-ai  avrd ;  Mat.  5.24:  jah  gagg  faurpis  gasibjon  bropr  peinamma  =  koX  vrraye, 
7rpd)Tov  8 iaWdyrjOi }  Gagga, n  and  quiman  are  followed  only  by  the  simple  infini¬ 
tive  in  Gothic.  But  a  number  of  the  verbs  of  motion  are  followed  by  both  the 
simple  infinitive  and  the  prepositional  infinitive,  the  latter  usually  in  transla¬ 
tion  of  a  Greek  preposition  +  an  infinitive,  as  in  I.  Thes.  3.5:  insandida  du 
ufkunnan  galaubein  izwara  =  h repuj/a  ek  to  yvuvcu  tyjv  ttlo-tlv  ifxow ;1  2  or  of  a  Greek 

articular  infinitive  in  the  genitive,  as  in  Mk.  4.3:  urrann  sa  saiands  du  saian 
fraiwa  Seinamma  =  e^rjXOe v  6  (nretpwv  tov  cnrelpaL. 3 

We  find  both  infinitives  after  verbs  of  motion  in  the  Scandinavian  languages. 
Professors  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  pp.  206-207,  give  examples  of  each  and  attempt 
to  differentiate  the  two:  “Infinitiv  fpies  paa  friere  vis  til  verber  i  folgende 
tre  tilfselde :  .  .  .  b.  Ved  bevaegelsesverber  til  betegnelse  af  en  hensigt:  gengu 
menu  at  heyra  tiSir;  settast  at  hvilast;  leggjast  ni&r  at  sofna  (=  til  svefns).  Ofte 
uden  at:  gekk  bera;  koma  rcena  hana  riki;  OSinn  ferr  vi&  ulf  vega.  Saaledes 
navnlig  hvor  infinitiven  staar  foran  verbet:  ganga  at  sofa — peir  munu  pa  sofa, 
gang  a;  gekk  at  eiga  konu  —  konu  skal  ek  eiga  ganga.  Denne  dobbelthed  er  ur- 
germansk:  gotisk  qemun  saihwan  —  angelsaksisk  hie  comon  (Sect  lond  to  scea- 
wienne  (gerundium).”  With  the  foregoing  compare  the  following  statement 
by  Lund,  Z.  c.,  p.  367:  “  Navnemaden  med  at  (sjseldnere  og  digterisk  uden  at) 
foj  es  til  udsagnsord  for  at  betegne  hensigten  af  handlingen;  ligeledes  til  tale- 
mader  af  lignende  betydning.  Det  er  fornemmelig  bevaegelses-begreber,  som 
dette  gselder  om,  dog  bruges  ogsa  andre  pa  samme  made,  ligesom  udtryksmaden 
grsenser  til  de  ovenfor  omtalte  (136,  anm.  2)  udsagnsord  eiga ,  hafa ,  vera  med 
navnemade.”  The  fact  stated  by  Lund,  that  the  simple  infinitive  occurs  chiefly 
in  the  poetry,  leads  me  to  believe  that,  in  Old  Norse  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the 
occurrence  of  the  simple  infinitive  does  not  depend  upon  the  pre-position  of 


1  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  453,  who  gives  numerous  examples.  See,  too,  Streitberg,2 1.  c.,  p.  213. 

2  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  456.  See,  too,  Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  l.  c.,  p.  251. 

8  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  455. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


253 


the  infinitive,  but  upon  the  fact  that  the  infinitive  is  being  used  in  poetry, 
which  habitually  keeps  the  original  idiom,  the  infinitive  without  a  preposition. 

In  Old  High  German,  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  far  more  common  than  is 
the  inflected  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  (chiefly  queman,  gangan,  faran)  in 
Tatian  1  and  still  more  common  in  Otfrid; 2  while  the  inflected  infinitive  is 
found  only  a  few  times  in  Otfrid  (after  queman ,  gangan,  slihan,  stantan).  Un¬ 
fortunately  Rannow  does  not  treat  the  final  use  of  the  infinitive  in  his  Der 
Satzbau  des  Ahd.  Isidor;  nor  does  Wunderlich  in  his  Beitrage  zur  Syntax  des 
N other7 schen  Boethius;  nor  Manthey,  in  his  Syntaktische  Beobachtungen  an 
N others  U ebersetzung  des  Martianus  Capella.  We  have,  therefore,  for  our  pur¬ 
poses  a  far  from  adequate  survey  of  the  final  infinitive  in  Old  High  German. 
However,  the  examples  of  Tatian’s  use,  as  given  by  Denecke,  are  illuminating. 
We  learn  that,  as  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Gospels,  the  final  infinitive,  both  unin¬ 
flected  and  inflected,  often  translates  (a)  a  Latin  infinitive  of  purpose,  though 
the  uninflected  occasionally  translates  (b)  a  Latin  participle  or  (c)  finite  verb; 
and  the  inflected  infinitive,  often  (d)  ad  +  a  gerund  or  gerundive :  —  (a)  Ta¬ 
tian  278.28:  Tho  sio  fuorun  coufen  =  Dum  autem  irent  emere  ;3  Denkm.  lvi.  48: 
quemendi  ci  ardeilenne  =  venturus  judicare; 4  —  (b)  Tatian  200.25:  quam  suochen 
=  venit  quaerens,5  —  ( c )  Ev.  Mat  18.15:  daz  er  in  sceffilin  gene  sizzen  =  ut  in 
naviculam  adscendens  sederet ;6 —  (d)  Tatian  74.10:  foraferis  zi  garwenne  .  .  . 
zi  gebanne  wistuom  =  praeibis  parare  ...  ad  dandam  scientiam.7  Occasionally, 
it  should  be  added,  Tatian  turns  the  Latin  final  infinitive  by  a  dependent  clause, 
as  in  120.39:  ni  quam  zi  thiu  thaz  ih  sibba  santi,  ouh  suuert  =  non  veni  pacem 
miitere  sed  gladium.8 

Slight  as  our  statistics  are,  they  seem  to  make  clear  that  in  Old  High  Ger¬ 
man  the  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  verbs  of  motion  is  a  native  idiom; 
and  that  the  inflected  infinitive  was  at  times  suggested  by  the  Latin  original 
(the  constructions  with  gerund  or  gerundive),  habitually  in  the  closer  transla¬ 
tions  like  the  Benedictine  Rule.  The  case,  therefore,  is  not  so  bad  for  Old  High 
German  in  general  as  it  seemed  to  Denecke  for  the  verb  queman,  concerning 
which,  after  giving  an  example  of  the  inflected  infinitive  following  it,  he  adds, 
p.  63:  “  Noch  haufiger  ist  es  mit  reinem  Inf.  (s.  I,  4),  ohne  dass  sich  ein  Grund 
fur  die  jeweilige  Wahl  des  einen  oder  des  andern  Ausdrucks  finden  liesse,  wah- 
rend  es  im  Got.  (Kohler,  S.  454)  nur  mit  reinen  Inf.  vorkommt,  Otfr.  mit  zi 
(Erd.,  S.  212)  und  mit  einfachem  Inf.  (S.  204).” 

Quite  common,  too,  is  the  final  infinitive,  both  uninflected  and  inflected, 
after  verbs  of  motion  in  Old  Saxon.  Pratje,  l.  c.,  pp.  69-70,  73,  gives  numerous 
examples,  of  which  I  cite  only  a  few:  Bel.  3492:  thia  .  .  .  uuirkean  quamun; 
ib.  4526:  geng  im  thuo  eft  gisittian  (though  Pratje  considers  the  infinitive  ‘phrase¬ 
ological’)  ;  ib.  807 :  giuuitun  im  .  .  .  iro  suno  suokean;  ib.  523 :  nu  ist  thie  helago 
Crist  cuman  to  alosannea  thia  liude;  ib.  4541:  that  ik  iu  sanda  tharod  te  giger- 
iuuianne  mina  goma. 

From  the  foregoing  survey,  incomplete  as  it  is,  it  seems  probable  that  the 
uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  verbs  of  motion  is  an  idiom  native  to  the 
Germanic  languages  as  a  whole;  and  that  the  inflected  infinitive  in  Gothic  was 

1  For  Tatian  see  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  16-17  and  62-63. 

2  For  Otfrid  see  Erdmann,1  0.,  1.  c.,  pp.  204,  212. 

3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  16. 

3  Ibidem,  p.  16. 

7  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  63.  See,  too,  pp.  57,  59. 


4  Ibidem,,  p.  62. 
6  Ibidem,  j).  17. 
8  Ibidem,  p.  16. 


254  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

first  suggested  by  the  Greek  infinitive  after  a  preposition  or  by  the  Greek 
articular  infinitive  in  the  genitive;  in  Old  High  German,  by  the  Latin  gerund 
and  gerundive  constructions. 


2.  With  Verbs  of  Rest. 

In  Gothic  we  have,  once,  the  prepositional  infinitive  of  purpose  after  sitan, 
in  Mk.  10.46:  sat  faur  wig  du  aihtron  =  eKaOrjTo  irapa  rrjv  6Bov  7r/3ocranw; 1  while 

in  L.  18.35  both  languages  have  a  participle. 

Concerning  the  idiom  in  Old  Norse  we  read  in  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  207: 
“  Sporadisk  findes  i  oldnorsk  en  hensigtens  infinitiv  ved  hvileverber:  Heimdallr 
sitr  par  at  gceta  bruarinnar;  sml.  gotisk  sat  faur  wig  du  aihtron,  tysk:  was  steht 
ihr  horchen  (saa  stadig  i  hollandsk).  Almindelig  bruges  dog  her  sideordning: 
eitt  kveld  er  peir  satu  ok  drukku,”  etc. 

Clear  cases  of  the  final  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  are  not  numerous  in  Old 
High  German.  However,  one  example  after  sin  was  given  above,  p.  240 ;  and  the 
following  is  possibly  an  example:  Tatian  228.4:  Inti  thanne  ir  stantet  zi  betonne  = 
Et  cum  stabitis  ad  orandum .2  But  Tatian  95.9  (inti  arstuont  uf  zi  lesanne  =  sur- 
rexit  legere  2)  and  Otfrid  V,  20.26  ( irstantent ,  iro  werk  zi  irgebanne 3)  belong  under 
verbs  of  motion.  The  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  in  Old  High  German  and  in 
Middle  High  German  is  usually  predicative,  not  final:  see  pp.  238  f.  above. 

I  have  not  found  a  clear  example  of  the  final  infinitive  after  verbs  of  rest  in 
Old  Saxon  except  once  after  uuesan ,  concerning  which  see  above,  p.  240. 


3.  With  Verbs  of  Offering  and  of  Giving. 

Although  Dr.  A.  Kohler,2  l.  c.,  pp.  435-436,  considers  the  simple  infinitive 
for  eat  and  drink  after  give  as  objective  in  Gothic,  but  the  infinitive  with  du 
as  final,  I  consider  both  the  infinitives  as  final.  A  few  examples  will  suffice: 
Mat.  25.42:  unte  gredags  was  jan-ni  gebup  mis  matjan  =  lirehao-a  yap,  Kal  ovk  eSw- 

Kare  pot  payeiv ;  Mk.  15.23:  jah  gebun  imma  drigkan  wein  mip  Smyrna  =  Kal  iSi- 
Sow  avrio  7 tl€lv  icrpvpvLcrpevov  olvov ; — -  L.  9.16:  insaihvands  du  himina  gapiupida 
ins  jah  gabrak  jah  gaf  siponjam  du  fauralagjan  pizai  managein  =  Kal  eSiSov  tols 
paOrjTais  avrov  TrapaOeivai  toj  qxXqj  ;  J.  6.31:  hlaif  us  himina  gaf  im  du  matjan 
=  apTov  Ik  tov  ovpavov  e8c qkw  avTois  payziv)  —  J.  6.52:  hvaiwa  mag  unsis  leik  giban 
du  matjan ?  =  6.53:  7rois  Svvarai  ovros  rjptv  rrjv  crapKa  iavrov  SovvaL  payeiv?  Col. 
1.25:  bi  ragina  gups,  patei  giban  ist  mis  in  izwis  du  usfulljan  waurd  gups 

=  Kara  rrjv  oiKovopiav  tov  Oeov  rrjv  SoOe icrav  pot  els  vpas  TrXppCoo-aL  to v  Xoyov  tov  Oeov. 

As  is  apparent,  in  the  preceding  examples,  the  Gothic  simple  infinitive  and  the 
prepositional  infinitive  both  correspond  to  a  Greek  final  infinitive.  But  com¬ 
pare  I  Cor.  11.22:  ibai  auk  gardins  ni  habaip  du  matjan  jah  drigkan  ?  =  pr]  yap 
otKias  ovk  e^ere  els  to  eo-Qtetv  Kal  Triveiv,  which  seems  to  me  to  belong  here,  though 

Dr.  A.  Kohler,2  Z.  c.,  p.  460,  thinks  not.  Compare,  too,  II  Thes.  3.9:  ak  ei  uns 
silbans  du  frisahtai  gebeima  du  galeikon  unsis  =  dAA’  Iva  ea vtovs  tvttov  S&pev  vpiv 

eU  to  pipeio-Qai  fjpas  (A.  Kohler,2  Z.  c.,  p.  462). 

For  the  Old  Norse  compare  the  following  example,  given  by  Falk  and  Torp, 


1  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  457. 

3  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  212. 


2  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  63. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


255 


L  c.,  p.  208:  gaf  hrofnum  blod  at  drekka.  I  find  no  example  of  the  infinitive  with¬ 
out  at  after  verbs  of  giving  in  Falk  and  Torp;  in  Lund,  l.  c.,  p.  368;  or  in  Nygaard, 
l.  c.,  p.  228. 

In  Old  High  German,  we  have  after  geban  both  uninflected  and  inflected 
infinitives  of  purpose,  in  Tatian,1  with  whom,  however,  the  uninflected  infini¬ 
tive  is  much  the  more  common.  In  Isidor,2  in  Otfrid,3  in  the  Murbacher  Hymns ,2 
and  in  the  Benedictine  Rule  2  we  have  only  the  inflected  infinitive,  in  the  last  two 
invariably  translating  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive.  In  Tatian  the  infinitive 
corresponds  usually  to  a  Latin  infinitive,  but  occasionally  to  a  Latin  noun  or 
to  ad  +  a  gerund,  especially  when  the  infinitive  is  inflected.  Examples  are : 
uninflected:  Tatian  321.25:  gabun  imo  gimorrotan  uuin  trincan  =  dederunt  ei 
vinum  murratum  bibere;  ib.  283.22:  uuanne  .  .  .  uuir  .  .  .  gabunmes  thir 
trinkanf  =  quando  .  .  .  dedimus  tibi  potum f ; 4  —  inflected:  Tatian  165.37:  sin 
fleisc  geban  zi  ezzanne  =  carnem  suam  dare  ad  manducandum;  ib.  121.31:  zi 
trincanne  gibit  kelih  =  potum  dederit  calicem;  ib.  169.4:  thiu  gigebanu  sint  in  zi 
haltanne  =  quae  tradita  sunt  illis  servare .5 

Sellan  is  found  only  with  the  inflected  infinitive  according  to  Denecke,  p.  62: 
Ev.  Matth.  11.11:  selent  inan  deotom  za  bismeronne  enti  za  bifillanne  enti  arha- 
hanne  =  tradent  eum  gentibus  ad  illudendum  et  flag ellandum  et  crucifigendum; 
ib.  19.17:  wirdit  gaselit  in  cruci  za  slahanne  =  tradetur  ut  crucifigatur .6 

It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that  the  uninflected  infinitives,  trinkan  and 
ezzan ,  after  geban  are  largely  due  to  the  Latin  original;  and  that  the  inflected 
infinitive  after  verbs  of  giving  is  often  due  to  a  Latin  gerundial  construction. 

In  Old  Saxon,  geban  is  followed  by  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the 
inflected,  but  drincan  and  etan  are  found  uninflected  only:  Hel.  1965:  thoh  hie 
.  .  .  manno  huilicon  uuillandi  forgebe  uuatares  drincan;  ib.  4640:  gibu  ik  iu 
hier  bethiu  samad  etan  endi  drincan;1  —  ib.  4763:  that  ik  minan  gebe  lioban 
lichamon  for  liudio  barn  te  uuegianne  te  uuundron;  ib.  5225:  so  man  mi  gabi 
Judeo  liudiun  te  uuegeanne.8 

Despite  the  evident  incompleteness  of  our  data,  the  facts  detailed  above 
tend  to  show  that  the  uninflected  infinitives,  drink  and  eat,  after  give  are  due 
largely  to  Greek  and  Latin  influence  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole; 
and  that  the  inflected  infinitive  after  verbs  of  giving  is  largely  due  to  the  influ¬ 
ence  of  the  Latin  gerund  and  gerundive  construction  in  Old  High  German  as 
in  Anglo-Saxon. 

4.  With  Other  Verbs. 

Dr.  A.  Kohler,2 1.  c.}  pp.  458  ff.,  gives  a  large  number  of  other  verbs  that  in 
Gothic  are  followed  by  a  final  infinitive,  simple  or  prepositional.  With  very 
few  exceptions,  the  Gothic  simple  infinitive  corresponds  to  the  same  in  Greek; 
while  the  Gothic  prepositional  infinitive  usually  corresponds  to  a  Greek  prepo¬ 
sitional  infinitive  or  to  the  articular  infinitive  in  the  genitive,  though  it  occasion¬ 
ally  corresponds  to  an  articular  infinitive  without  a  preposition,  as  in  Philip. 
4.10;  or  to  a  preposition  plus  a  noun,  as  in  I  Tim.  4.3;  or  to  a  dependent  clause 
introduced  by  Iva,  as  in  J.  17.4. 

It  seems  highly  probable,  therefore,  that  the  final  prepositional  infinitive 
in  Gothic,  after  whatever  group  of  verbs,  is  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  in  the 


1  See  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  15. 

4  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  15-16. 
7  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  70. 


2  Ibidem,  p.  16. 

5  Ibidem,  p.  62. 

8  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  494. 


3  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  213. 
6  From  Denecke,  l.  c.  p.  62. 


256  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 

Greek  we  have  one  of  the  analytic  equivalents  above  mentioned  instead  of  a 
simple  infinitive. 

The  lists  of  final  infinitives  given  by  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  367-368,  by  Nygaard, 
Z,  c.,  p.  228,  and  by  Falk  and  Torp,  Z.  c.,  p.  208,  contain  so  few  except  after  verbs 
of  motion,  of  rest,  and  of  giving,  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  me  to  form  there¬ 
from  any  definite  opinion  as  to  the  final  use  of  the  infinitive  in  the  Scandinavian 
languages  after  verbs  other  than  those  already  treated. 

As  to  Old  High  German,  Denecke,  Z.  c.,  p.  23,  merely  gives  two  or  three 
examples  of  an  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  with  verbs  other  than  those 
signifying  motion  or  giving,  and  suggests  that  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  due 
to  a  slavish  following  of  the  Latin  original;  as  in  B.  R.  87.4:  kechriffe  puah 
lesan  =  arripuerit  codicem  legere;  while  Erdmann,1  Z.  c.,  p.  212,  cites  a  few  verbs 
(ziahan,  duan,  geron,  ratan,  birinan,  dragan,  irougen)  that  in  Otfrid  are  followed 
by  the  inflected  infinitive  of  purpose.  Of  these  I  cite  only  one,  that  after  duan, 
for  the  light  it  throws  on  a  somewhat  similar  expression  in  Anglo-Saxon :  Otfrid, 
I,  17.48:  duet  iz  mir  zi  wizzanne.  For  the  corresponding  Anglo-Saxon  expres¬ 
sions,  see  Chapter  VIII,  p.  118. 

In  Old  Saxon  I  find  no  clear  case  of  a  final  infinitive  with  verbs  other  than 
t vesan  and  verbs  of  motion  and  of  giving. 

To  sum  up  the  final  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages,  we  may  say  that, 
despite  the  confessed  meagerness  of  our  statistics,  the  evidence,  as  far  as  it  goes, 
reveals  a  situation  surprisingly  similar  to  that  in  Anglo-Saxon.  As  in  the 
latter,  so  in  the  former  it  seems  probable  that  (1)  after  verbs  of  motion  the 
uninflected  infinitive  was  a  native  idiom,  but  that  the  inflected  infinitive  was 
first  suggested  in  Gothic  by  the  Greek  prepositional  infinitive  or  by  the  Greek 
articular  infinitive  in  the  genitive,  and  was  first  suggested  in  Old  High 
German  by  the  Latin  gerund  and  gerundive  constructions;  (2)  after  verbs  of 
giving,  the  uninflected  infinitives,  drink  and  eat,  are  largely  due  to  Greek 
and  Latin  influence,  but  that  the  inflected  infinitive  after  verbs  of  giving  is 
largely  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  gerund  and  gerundive  constructions, 
especially  in  High  German.  Concerning  other  groups  of  verbs  than  these  two 
our  statistics  are  too  meager  to  warrant  the  drawing  of  conclusions. 

XI.  THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 

The  infinitive  with  adjectives  is  common  in  the  other  Germanic  languages. 

Professor  Wilmanns,  Z.  c.,  p.  167,  has  an  interesting  comment  on  the  voice 
of  the  infinitive  with  adjectives  in  High  German,  and  holds  that  in  the  main 
the  prepositional  infinitive  is  active  in  sense,  but  that  occasionally  it  is  passive. 

In  Gothic,  only  a  few  adjectives  are  followed  by  the  infinitive.  Usually  we 
have  (a)  the  simple  infinitive,  corresponding  generally  to  the  same  in  Greek,  at 
times  to  an  articular  infinitive  or  to  a  finite  verb;  occasionally  we  have  (6)  the 
prepositional  infinitive,  corresponding  to  the  articular  infinitive  in  Greek:  (a)  L. 
14.31:  siaiu  mahteigs  mip  taihun  pusundjom  gamotjan  pamma  =  d  Swards  ia-nv 
ev  SeKa  yiVacrtv  wravryoax; 1  Rom.  8.39:  nih  hauhipa  nih  diupipa  nih  gaskafts 
anpara  mahteigs  ist  uns  afskaidan  af  friapwai  gups  =  ovrc  .  .  .  Swr/a-crai  fjpas 
ycoptcrcu ; 1  I  Cor.  16.4:  jah  pan  jabai  ist  mis  wairp  galeipan  =  iav  S’  rj  a^iov  rov 


1  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  425. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


257 


/ed/ue  Tropeveo-Oai)1 — (b)  Philip.  1.24:  appan  du  wisan  in  leika,  paurftizo  in 
izwara  =  to  8c  C7 TLfiivuv  iv  crapKi  avayKaiorcpov  Sl  vpa<s  2  (or  subjective?). 

As  the  Gothic  infinitive  (simple)  after  adjectives  has  several  different  cor¬ 
respondents  in  Greek,  the  construction  is  probably  native. 

In  Old  Norse,  on  the  other  hand,  the  infinitive,  usually  with  at,  is  frequently 
used  with  adjectives.  Concerning  this  idiom  we  read  in  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c., 
p.  204:  “  Til  adjektiver  f0ies  infinitiv  paa  en  tredobbelt  maade:  a.  Som  til  et 
ved  substantiv  dannet  udsagn  kan  i  oldnorsk  infinitiv  ogsaa  fpies  til  et  adjek- 
tivisk,  ikke  til  adjektivet  alene.  Saadanne  adjektiver  er  de  som  betegner 
vane,  beredthed,  skikkethed,  begjserlighed,  berettigelse,  osv.:  vapn  er  hann  var 
vanr  at  hafa ;  vera  buinn  at  riSa;  vera  lystr  at  lifa ;  ufuss  em  ek  at  lata  petta  hand  a 
mik  leggja.  Kun  i  det  poetiske  sprog  kan  undertiden  at  mangle.  .  .  .  b.  Medens 
ved  den  foregaaende  gruppe  infinitiven  er  styret  af  hele  det  verbalt  fplte  udtryk, 
kan  ved  andre  adjektiver  infinitiv  staa  paa  en  friere  maade,  som  betegnelse  for 
den  handling  med  hensyn  til  hvilken  egenskaben  fremtrseder.  Denne  infinitiv 
nedstammer  direkte  fra  det  gamle  gerundium,  hvorfor  at  her  aldrig  (udenfor 
poesien)  kan  mangle:  drjugr  at  ljuga  (droi  til  at  lyve);  fir  Sir  illir  yfir  at  fara ; 
hrceSiligr  at  sja  (frygtelig  at  skue).  Saaledes  fremdeles:  den  er  let  at  lokke,  som 
efter  vil  hoppe;  han  er  ikke  god  at  komme  til  rette  med.  c.  Hvor  adjektivet  har 
adverbiet  ‘  saa  ’  foran  sig,  betegnes  ved  infinitiven  en  f0lge :  vser  saa  snil  at  sige  mig. 
Ved  imperativ  bruges  ogsaa  sideordning:  vser  saa  snil  og  sig  mig,  ligesom  i  svensk 
dagligtale  samt  tysk  (seien  Sie  so  gut  und  tun  Sie  das)  og  engelsk  (be  so  kind  and 
tell  me).  Hvor  ‘saa’  mangier,  gaar  betydningen  over  i  kausal:  er  du  gal  at 
bsere  dig  saadan  ad.”  See,  too,  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  371  ff.;  Nygaard,  l.  c.,  p.  225. 

In  Old  High  German,  the  uninflected  infinitive  (a)  is  much  less  frequent  than 
the  inflected  ( h ).  The  uninflected  infinitive  habitually  answers  to  a  Latin  in¬ 
finitive;  the  inflected  often  does,  but  it  corresponds  also  to  a  Latin  future  par¬ 
ticiple  and  to  ad  +  a  gerund.  Some  adjectives  are  followed  by  each  infinitive. 
Examples  are: —  (a):  Tatian  88.21:  mahtig  ist  arwekkan  =  potest  suscitare;  Is. 
37.21 :  chiwon  was  ardhinsan  =  solehat  rapere; 3  Otfrid  1, 17.43 :  giwon  was  queman 
zi  in;4  B.  R.  36.1:  fora  wesan  wirdiger  ist  =  preesse  dignus  est;5  —  ( b )  Tatian 
318.27:  was  giwon  ther  grauo  zi  forlazzanne  einan  =  consuerat  preses  dimittere 
unum;  ih.  90.4:  ni  bim  wirdig  zi  traganne  =  non  sum  dignus  portare;  ib.  291.19: 
garo  bin  zi  faranne  =  paratus  sum  ire;  ib.  334.25 :  lazze  in  herzen  zi  giloubanne 
=  tardi  corde  ad  credendum.6 

So  divergent  are  the  Latin  correspondents  to  the  infinitive  with  adjectives 
in  Old  High  German  that  it  seems  probable  that  the  idiom  was  native  thereto, 
whether  the  infinitive  was  uninflected  or  inflected.  In  Otfrid  and  in  Tatian 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  the  rule. 

In  Old  Saxon,  (a)  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  rare;  ( b )  the  inflected,  common: 
(a)  Hel.  4720:  thar  uuas  hie  upp  giuuono  gangan;  ib.  3821:  thia  scattos  thia  gi 
sculdiga  sind  an  that  geld  (te  C)  geban;  7  —  ( b )  Hel.  1794:  hie  ist  garo  .  .  .  ti 
gebanne;  ib.  650:  uuarun  .  .  .  fusa  ti  faranne;  ib.  3988:  te  hui  bist  thu  so  gem 
.  .  .  tharod  te  faranne  ?  8 

Most  probably,  therefore,  the  infinitive,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  ad¬ 
jectives  is  an  idiom  native  to  the  Germanic  languages. 

i  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  452.  2  Ibidem ,  p.  430.  3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  22. 

4  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  204,  who  tells  us  that  giwon  is  the  only  adjective  that  is  followed  by  an  un¬ 

inflected  infinitive  in  Otfrid,  and  that  only  twice. 

8  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  22.  8  Ibidem,  p.  71.  7  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  70.  8  Ibidem,  p.  74. 


258  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


XII.  OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 

A.  THE  CAUSAL  INFINITIVE. 

I  have  not  found  a  clear  example  of  the  causal  infinitive  with  verbs  in 
Gothic.  The  infinitive  after  ogan,  ‘  fear/  may  be  considered  causal,  but  to 
me,  as  to  Dr.  A.  Kohler2  (l.  c.,  p.  438),  it  seems  objective;  and  faurhtjan,  Tear/ 
according  to  Dr.  Kohler,  is  not  found  with  an  infinitive. 

Concerning  the  causal  use  of  the  infinitive  with  adjectives  in  some  of  the 
Scandinavian  languages,  see  the  passage  quoted  from  Falk  and  Torp  in  the 
preceding  section  of  this  chapter,  p.  257. 

Nor  have  I  found  more  than  a  few  clear  examples  of  the  causal  infinitive 
with  verbs  in  Old  High  German.  Wavering  between  the  objective  and  the 
causal  use  are  the  infinitives  after  forhten ,  found  once  uninflected  and  once 
inflected:  Tatian  84.13 :  forhta  imo  tharsb  faren  =  timuit  illo  ire;1  —  ib.  76.35: 
ni  curi  thu  forhtan  zi  nemanne  =  noli  timere  accipere.2  Betolon,  in  Tatian  208.21 
(betolon  seamen  mih  -  mendicare  erubesco 3),  may  denote  cause.  In  Isidor  39.8 
(lustida  sic  chihoran  =  delectantur  audire 4 *),  chihoran  is  doubtless  subjective. 
But  in  the  following  passages  from  Otfrid,  given  by  Erdmann,1 1.  c.,  p.  210,  we 
seem  to  have  genuine  causal  infinitives  in  the  genitive:  V,  7.21:  mag  unsih 
gilusten  weinonnes;  V,  23.138:  er  sih  lade  forahtennes  —  1  sich  beschwere  durch 
Furchten/  In  Murb.  H.  20.8  (tod  farloranan  sih  einun  chuere  =  mors  perisse  se 
solam  gemath)  we  have  a  preterite  participle  instead  of  a  predicative  infinitive 
after  a  verb  of  emotion. 

In  Tatian  339.20  (mit  ferennu  quamun  =  navigio  venerunt 6)  we  have  an  in¬ 
strumental  infinitive,  but  this  belongs  more  properly  under  the  Infinitive  with 
Prepositions. 

Possibly  we  have  a  causal  infinitive  in  -nes  (- ndes )  in  these  Middle  High 
German  passages  given  by  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  125:  Der  tiuvel  irret  dich  betendes 
(=  betennes);  er  irret  dich  bihtendes;  Der  Kiinec  sich  vragens  sumte  niht;  —  and 
with  an  adjective  in:  Du  wirst  niemer  vehtens  sat. 

Nor  do  I  find  a  causal  infinitive  in  Old  Saxon.  The  infinitive  after  ruokan 
in  the  following  is  probably  objective:  Hel.  61.11:  ne  ruokit  gi  te  truone  .  .  .  ne 
ruokit  te  gerone  .  .  .  ne  ruokit  herta  te  settane  =  nolite  sperare  .  .  .  concupiscere 
.  .  .  apponere? 

Our  statistics  are  too  meager  to  warrant  a  confident  opinion  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  causal  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages.  The  two  examples  of  the 
uninflected  infinitive  in  Old  High  German  correspond  to  the  Latin  infinitive; 
the  two  examples  of  the  genitive  infinitive  in  - nes ,  in  Otfrid,  may  be  of  native 
origin,  occurring  as  they  do  after  verbs  governing  a  genitive  with  nouns.  The 
double  construction  with  forhten ,  as  already  stated,  probably  arises  from  the 
double  regimen  of  that  verb. 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  19. 

2  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  64,  who  adds:  “  Vielleicht  ist  die  Anwendung  von  zi  hier  begiinstigt  worden  durch 

die  Abneigung  vor  zwei  nebeneinander  stehenden  reinen  Infinitiven,”  —  a  hypothesis  which  seems  very  doubtful 

to  me.  More  probably  the  double  construction  with  forhten  results  from  the  double  regimen  of  that  verb,  which 
is  followed  by  an  accusative  and  a  genitive  (Delbriick,2 1.  c.,  p.  34). 

8  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  36.  4  Ibidem,  p.  46. 

6  Ibidem,  p.  34.  8  Ibidem,  l.  c.,  p.  56.  7  From  Steig,  l.  c.,  p.  492. 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


259 


B.  THE  INFINITIVE  OF  SPECIFICATION  WITH  VERBS. 

Of  the  infinitive  of  specification  with  verbs  I  find  no  clear  example  in  Gothic, 
in  Old  Norse,  or  in  Old  Saxon. 

But  in  Old  High  German  the  following  is  probably  an  example:  B.  R.  45.9: 
saar  so  eoweht  kipotan  fona  meririn  ist,  samaso  cotchundlihho  si  kepotan 
tuuala  kedoleet  wesan  ni-uuizzin  zetuenne  =  Mox  ut  aliquid  imperatum  a 
maiore  fuerit,  hacsi  diuinitus  imperetur  moram  pati  nesciant  in  faciendo. 
With  the  foregoing  compare  the  following  phrases,  in  which  the  infinitive  is 
governed  by  a  preposition  other  than  zi:  B.  R.  41  (title)  \fona  tuenne  ze  keratte 
pruadero  =  de  adhibendis  ad  consilium  fratribus;  ib.  121.5:  in  kankanne  -  in 
ambulando;  Tatian  335.26:  in  brehchanne  thes  brotes  —  in  jractione  panis.1 
Specification  is  denoted,  too,  by  the  participial  (adverbial)  form  in  -do  (-to) 
translating  the  Latin  gerund  in  the  ablative,  as  in  Hatt.  II,  116  b.  28:  fure  mit 
fahindo  pist  du  Satanas,  mir  nah  kando  wirdistu  min  scuolare  =  procedendo 
Satanas  es,  sequendo  diseipulus.2 

In  all  probability  the  infinitive  of  specification  with  verbs  is  due  to  Latin 
influence  in  the  Germanic  languages  (Old  High  German  and  Anglo-Saxon). 

C.  THE  CONSECUTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

(a)  With  Adjectives. 

In  his  section  on  “  Der  Infinitivus  Effectus  s.  Consequentiae,”  l.  c.,  pp. 
450-453,  Dr.  A.  Kohler 2  mentions,  among  adjectives,  only  wairps,  ‘  worthy/  as 
being  followed  by  a  consecutive  infinitive.  The  infinitive  after  this  adjective  has 
been  illustrated  above,  p.  256;  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  repeat  the  illus¬ 
trations  here,  the  more  so  that  the  use  does  not  to  me  seem  consecutive. 

For  the  consecutive  infinitive  with  an  adjective  preceded  by  saa  in  the 
Scandinavian  languages,  see  section  xi  of  this  chapter,  p.  257. 

In  Old  High  German,  clear  examples  of  a  consecutive  infinitive  after  an 
adjective  are  difficult  to  find.  Perhaps  this  is  an  example:  Is.  7.25:  endi  joh 
dhazs  ist  nu  unzwiflo  so  leohtsamo  zi  jirstandanne  dhanne  dhazs  dhiz  ist  chi- 
quhedan.3  Wirdig  occurs  with  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected, 
as  we  saw  above,  p.  257,  but,  despite  Dr.  A.  Kohler’s  statement  as  to  wairps , 
the  infinitive  after  wirdig  does  not  seem  to  me  consecutive  in  sense. 

Possibly  we  have  a  consecutive  infinitive  after  an  adjective  preceded  by  ze  in 
Middle  High  German,  as  in  E.  7483:  so  waerz  iu  ze  sagenne  al  ze  lane;  ib.  7572: 
daz  waer  ze  sagenne  ze  lane ,  both  from  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,1  l.  c.,  p.  104. 

In  Old  Saxon  I  find  a  few  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  following  an  ad¬ 
jective  preceded  by  an  adverb  (te) :  Hel.  5846:  uuas  im  thiu  uuanami  te  strang, 
te  suithi  te  sehanne;  ib.  143:  it  is  unc  all  ti  lat  so  te  giuuinnanne .4 

In  the  Germanic  languages,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  consecutive  infinitive 
with  adjectives  seems  merely  an  extension  of  the  native  infinitive  of  specifica¬ 
tion  with  adjectives. 

(b)  With  Verbs. 

Under  the  verbs  followed  by  a  consecutive  infinitive  in  Gothic,  Dr.  A. 
Kohler,2 1.  c.,  pp.  450-453,  names:  taujan ,  1  make/  ‘  cause;  ’  gataujan,  1  make/ 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  56,  57. 
3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  71. 


*  From  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  231. 
1  From  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  74. 


260  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


‘  cause;  '  waurkjan,  ‘  make/  1  cause;  '  naupjan,  ‘  compel;  '  baidjan,  1  compel; ' 
afhugjan,  1  bewitch/  ‘  entice; '  gahvotjan ,  ‘  threaten;  '  and  ga-arman,  passive, 
in  the  sense  of  ‘  be  worthy/  However,  for  reasons  given  above,  concerning 
wairps,  I  should  exclude  the  verb  last  named;  and  the  factitives  ( taujan ,  gatau- 
jan,  and  waurkjan)  I  should  likewise  exclude,  as  they  occur  almost  exclusively 
in  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction,  already  treated.  I  quote  a  few 
illustrations  of  the  infinitive  with  the  remaining  verbs:  L.  14.23:  jah  naupei 
innatgaggan  =  nal  dvdyKaa-ov  dcreXOeiv)  Gal.  6.12:  pai  naupjand  izwis  bimaitan  = 

ovtol  avayKaCovcriv  vfxds  7repiTe/j.vecr6aL ; —  Gal.  2.14:  hvaiwa  piudos  baideis  judai- 
wiskon  2  =  rt  ra  ZOvrj  dvayKd£a<s  lovdd&iv  ?  Gal.  3.1 :  hvas  izwis  afhugida  sunjai  ni 
ufhausjan?  =  tis  vpas  i/SdcrKave  rfj  aXrjOeLa  pr]  TretOccrOai  ?  —  Skeir.  I,  C:  diabulau 

pairh  liugn  gahvotjandin  ufargaggan  anabusn.  In  all  the  foregoing  examples, 
it  will  be  observed,  the  Gothic  uses  the  simple  infinitive,  which  corresponds 
to  the  same  construction  in  Greek. 

Very  rarely  does  Ulfilas  translate  the  Greek  consecutive  infinitive  preceded 
by  wore  by  a  consecutive  infinitive  in  Gothic;  he  usually  renders  it  by  a  finite 

verb.  Examples  of  the  infinitive  are:  II  Cor.  2.7:  swaei  pata  andaneipo  izwis 
mais  fragiban  jah  gaplaihan  =  wcrre  rovva vtlov  pdXXov  vpds  xapicraa-Oa.L  kcu  TrapaKaXe- 

crai ;  Mat.  8.24:  swaswe  pata  skip  gahulip  wairpan  =  oWe  to  -n-Xolov  KoXviTTca-Oat} 
It  is  agreed  on  all  hands  2  that  the  infinitive  in  Gothic  here  is  due  to  Greek 
influence. 

Of  the  consecutive  infinitive  with  verbs  in  the  Scandinavian  languages, 
Professor  Nygaard,  l.  c.,  p.  229,  speaks  as  follows:  “  Infinitiv  bruges  efter  sva 
at  for  at  betegne  fplgen  af  det  udsagtes  maade  eller  grad,  naar  subjektet  for 
infinitivens  handling  er  det  samme  som  for  hovedudsagnet,  og  handlingen 
udsiges  som  en  forestilling,  ikke  som  noget  virkelig  stedfindende.,,  I  quote 
only  one  or  two  of  the  examples  given  by  Nygaard:  S.  E.  30.8:  ef  hann  kvsemi 
sva  i  foeri  at  sla  hann  it  pribja  hpgg;  —  S.  E.  26.21:  spurbi  hverr  annan,  hverr 
pvi  hefbi  rabit  at  spilla  loptinu  ok  himninum  sva  at  taka  paban  sol  ok  tungl. 

In  Old  High  German  the  following  verbs  are  followed  by  an  infinitive  that 
may  be  considered  consecutive:  spanan,  ‘persuade;'  ganuhtsamon,  ‘suffice;' 
noten ,  ‘  compel; '  ginoten,  ‘  compel; '  beiten,  ‘  compel; '  cruazzit,  ‘  provokes; ' 
manon ,  ‘admonish;'  irfaran,  ‘reach.'  Typical  examples  are:  (1)  uninflected: 
B.  R.  102:  spanames  kihaltan  =  suademus  custodire ;  3  ib.  34.4:  die  kenuhtsamont 
fehtan  -  qui  sufficiunt  pugnare; 4  Denkm.  liv.  21 :  daz  er  za  sonatage  ni  uuerde 
canaotit  vadja  urgepan  =  ne  ante  tribunal  Christi  cogatur  rationem  exsolver e; 5 
Tatian  233.22:  beiti  ingangen  =  compelle  intrare; 6  —  Otfrid  IV,  13.53:  ther  thir 
so  irfare,  gisunten  uns  thir  derien  =  ‘  der  dich  so  erreicht,  dass  er  dir  schaden 
konnte,  so  lange  wir  wohlbehalten  sind.'  On  this  passage  from  Otfrid,  O.  Erd¬ 
mann,  1 1.  c.,  p.  204,  comments:  “  Freier  schliesst  sich  der  Inf.  einmal  in  consecu- 
tivem  Sinne  an  ein  mit  demonstrativem  so  verbundenes  Verbum  an;  er  gibt  die 
Tatigkeit  an,  zu  welcher  in  dem  mit  so  angezeigten  Zustande  die  Bereitschaft 
und  Fahigkeit  vorhanden  ist."  He  adds:  “  Auf  ahnliche  Weise  denke  ich  mir 
an  das  stark  betonte  thu  angeschlossen  den  scheinbar  absoluten  Infinitiv,  III, 

1  From  Apelt,1  L  c.,  p.  290. 

2  See  Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  l.  c.,  p.  273;  Apelt,1  l.  c.,  p.  290;  Streitberg,2  l.  c.,  p.  205;  Wilmanna,  l.  c., 
p.  119.  —  Since  the  above  sentence  was  written,  Professor  G.  O.  Curme,2  l.  c.,pp.  359 ff.,  has  published  what  seems 
to  me  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  overthrow  this  theory  of  Greek  influence. 

3  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  20.  4  Ibidem,  p.  21.  5  Ibidem,  p.  34.  9  Ibidem,  p.  35. 


OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 


261 


20.163:  thu  hist  al  honer,  in  sunton  giboraner ,  thu  unsih  thanne  bredigon  =  1  du 
(bist)  einer,  welcher  uns  zurechtweisen  konnte  (um  uns  zlIrechtzuweisen).,  ” 
(2)  Examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  are:  Murb.  H.  12.1:  unsih  za  petonne 
cruazzit  =  nos  ad  orandum  provocat;  1  —  Aug.  serm.  33.8:  manot  unsih  za  for- 
stantanne  —  admonet  nos  intelligere;  2 —  Denkm.  lvi.  70:  ci  gigehanne  ginotames 
=  confiteri  compellimur.2 

Says  O.  Erdmann,1  l.  c.,  p.  213:  “  Ohne  dass  die  Bedeutung  des  Verbums 
wesentlich  ist,  schliesst  sich  nicht  selten  zi  mit  Inf.  als  freiere  consecutive  oder 
finale  Ausfiihrung  an  den  Inhalt  des  ganzen  Satzes  an.”  Of  the  several  ex¬ 
amples  given  by  him,  the  following  seem  to  me  consecutive:  IV,  13.24:  mit  thir 
bin  ih  .  .  .  in  karkari  zi  faranne  joh  dothes  ouh  zi  koronne  =  1  bis  zu  Kerker 
und  Tod;  ’  V,  16.35:  zeichono  eigit  ir  gewalt  zi  wirkenne  ubar  woroltlant  ==  1  so 
dass  ihr  sie  wirken  konnet/ 

Professor  Wilmanns,  l.  c.,  p.  127,  gives  a  few  examples  of  the  consecutive 
inflected  infinitive  in  Middle  High  German,  and  states  that  the  idiom  does  not 
survive  in  New  High  German:  “  Fremder  ist  uns  der  Inf.  mit  zu  geworden,  wo 
er  die  Wirkung  bezeichnet;  z.  B.  Er.  5586:  im  ze  sehenne  er  in  sluoc ,  so  dass  er 
es  sah;  Gudr.  499.3:  daz  man  des  fiuwers  wint  sluoc  uz  herten  helmen  ze  sehenne 
schoenen  frouwen,  so  dass  sie  es  sehen  konnten;  Nib.  382.3:  sin  solden  da  nihi 
sten  denfremden  an  ze  sehenne.”  Dr.  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,1 1.  c.,  pp.  77-104, 
gives  an  extended  treatment  of  the  consecutive  use  of  the  infinitive  in  the  epics 
of  Hartmann  von  Aue,  but  includes  under  his  general  heading,  1 ‘Der  Infinitiv 
der  Richtung,”  a  number  of  uses  that  are  otherwise  classified  by  the  standard 
grammars,  for  example,  the  infinitive  with  auxiliaries  and  the  infinitive  with 
impersonal  verbs. 

Dr.  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  73,  cites  what  he  considers  an  example  of  the  consecutive 
inflected  infinitive  in  Old  Saxon:  “  Auch  schliesst  sich,  wie  bei  Otfrid  (vgl. 
Erdmann,  I,  §  351),  ein  Infinitiv  als  freiere  konsekutive  Ausfiihrung  an  den 
Inhalt  des  ganzen  Satzes  an:  uuarth  im  giuuendid  thuo  hugi  an  herten  after 
thero  heri  Judeonno  te  uuerkeanne  iro  uuillion,  5471.” 

It  seems  to  me  that  in  most  of  the  foregoing  examples  the  consecutive  infini¬ 
tive  is  a  native  development  of  the  infinitive  after  verbs  calling  for  an  accusative 
infinitive  (when  uninflected)  or  for  a  dative  infinitive  or  a  prepositional  phrase 
(when  inflected),  in  the  latter  case,  however,  somewhat  influenced,  in  Old  High 
German  at  least,  by  the  presence  in  the  original  of  gerund  and  gerundive  con¬ 
structions.  The  infinitive  of  result  preceded  by  swaswe  and  by  swaei  in  Gothic, 
however,  is  in  direct  imitation3  of  the  Greek  consecutive  infinitive  preceded 
by  wore. 

D.  THE  ABSOLUTE  INFINITIVE. 

Of  the  absolute  use  of  the  infinitive  in  Gothic,  I  have  not  found  a  clear  example. 

Messrs.  Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  pp.  208-209,  give  several  examples  of  the  ab¬ 
solute  infinitive  in  the  Scandinavian  languages:  “  Den  absolute  infinitiv,  hvis 
subjekt  er  den  talende  eller  et  ubestemt  ‘man/  fpies  til  det  hele  udsagn:  fyrst 
at  segja  fra  08ni  (for  nu  fprst  at  tale  om  Odin) ;  nw  at  tale  om  thenne  artikel 
(P.  Elies.);  med  faa  ord  at  sige  (Abs.  Ped.);  kort  at  sige  (Holb.);  sandt  at  sige; 
atsige,  hvis  du  pnsker  det;  efter  udseendet  at  dpmme;  vel  at  merke;  (for)  ikke 
at  tale  om.”  They  then  give  a  short  paragraph  on  the  elliptical  use  of  the  in- 


1  From  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  59.  2  Ibidem,  p.  66. 

See  the  references  given  in  the  second  footnote  on  p.  260  above. 


262  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


finitive:  “  En  elliptisk  infinitiv  bruges  i  spprsmaal  og  indignerede  udraab: 
hvorfor  ei  Skaftet  tage  og  dermed  Hunden  fra  dig  jage  (Wess.);  hvi  dig  omsonst 
umage  (ib.) ;  komme  her  og  fortselle  mig  sligt.  Ved  tysk  indflydelse  ogsaa  i 
bissetninger  efter  verbet  ‘  vide: 1  jeg  neppe  veed  for  Fryd  paa  hvilken  Fod  at 
staae  (Wess.) ;  ligedan  i  engelsk,  fransk,  itaiiensk  og  spansk.” 

Concerning  an  apparent,  not  real,  example  of  the  absolute  infinitive  in  Old 
High  German,  see  above,  p.  260,  the  quotation  from  Erdmann.  Grimm,  l.  c., 
IV,  p.  98,  differs  with  Erdmann,  and  holds  that  the  infinitive  in  both  of  the 
examples  from  Otfrid  are  absolute:  “  Man  kann  sich  einen  ganz  unabhangig 
gesetzten  inf.  denken.  Jener  imperativische  (s.  87)  ist  ein  solcher,  wenn  die  schlep- 
pende  erklarung  durch  ellipse  nichts  gilt.  Es  scheint,  dass  der  inf.  auch  als  aus  ruf 
hingestellt  wurde.”  He  then  quotes  Otfrid  III,  20.163,  and  continues:  “Es 
konnte  auch  fragweise  gesagt  sein,”  but  he  gives  no  example  of  this  type  from 
Old  High  German.  Of  the  imperative  infinitive  in  asseverations  he  thinks  we 
have  an  example  in  piladi  quedan  =  verbi  gratia. 

But  examples  are  given  from  Middle  High  German  and  from  New  High 
German,  not  only  of  the  interrogative  type  but  also  of  the  exclamative  type: 
Ludw.  Kreuzf.  7144:  waz  biten  langer  unt  niht  striten?  Lessing  2.104:  ich 
schworen  f  —  Keisersb.  Omeiss.  19d :  ja  wol  jetz  bistumb  aufgeben!  Goethe  7.13 : 
ich  verreisen!  ich  dich  nicht  lieben!  Grimm  concludes:  “ infinitivische  beteu- 
rung:  mhd.  friuntel  machen,  nimmer  tuon  (im  munde  eines  thoren),  Frib.  Trist. 
5239,  5241;  nhd.  diesmal  tanzen  und  nicht  wieder!  ahd.  piladi  quedan  (verbi 
gratia),  Graff  3.97,  d.  h.  um  ein  beispiel  zu  sagen.”  —  See,  further,  concerning 
the  idiom  in  Middle  High  German,  Monsterberg-Munckenau,1 l.  c.,  pp.  98,  134. 

In  Old  Saxon  I  find  no  example. 

The  absolute  infinitive,  in  most  of  its  uses,  in  the  Germanic  languages  is 
probably,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  derived  by  ellipsis  from  the  predicative  infinitive 
after  the  verb  to  be,  though  occasionally  it  arises  from  the  abridgment  of  a  final 
clause  into  an  infinitive  phrase:  see  the  list  of  examples  illustrative  of  this 
evolution  in  Anglo-Saxon,  given  in  Chapter  XIV,  section  xii. 

Of  the  four  adverbial  uses  of  the  infinitive  treated  in  this  chapter,  then, 
one,  that  of  specification  with  verbs,  seems  wholly  due  to  foreign  (Latin)  in¬ 
fluence;  one,  that  of  cause,  seems  partly  of  native  and  partly  of  foreign  origin; 
one,  that  of  result,  with  adjectives,  is  wholly  native,  but  with  verbs  is  largely 
native  but  partly  foreign;  while  the  remaining  use,  the  absolute,  is  wholly  native. 

XIII.  THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 

Both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are  found  with 
nouns  in  the  Germanic  languages,  but  the  latter  the  oftener. 

In  Gothic  we  have  both 1  infinitives,  but  oftener  the  prepositional.  More 
frequently  (a)  the  simple  infinitive  corresponds  to  the  same  in  Greek,  but  oc¬ 
casionally  to  an  articular  or  a  prepositional  infinitive;  while  ( b )  the  prepositional 
infinitive  more  commonly  corresponds  to  a  Greek  articular  infinitive  in  the  gen¬ 
itive  or  to  a  prepositional,  though  occasionally  to  a  simple  infinitive  or  to  a 
preposition  +  a  noun: — ■  (a)  Mat.  9.6:  patei  waldufni  habaip  sa  sunus  mans  ana 

1  On  p.  459  Dr.  A.  Kohler 2  seems  to  say  that  only  the  prepositional  infinitive  is  found  with  nouns  in  Gothic, 

and  Denecke,  pp.  22,  70,  was  misled  thereby;  but  what  Kohler  really  says  is  that  he  is  about  to  give  a  group  of 
finite  verbs  +  a  substantive  that  are  followed  only  by  a  prepositional  infinitive.  At  other  places  he  gives  clear 
examples  of  a  noun  followed  by  the  simple  infinitive,  as  is  evident  from  my  citations. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


263 


airpai  afleitan  frawaurhtins  =  otl  i£ovcriav  fya  6  vlo$  tov  avdp<i)7rov  e^rt  Trj<s  y rjs 

apapTLas;1  L.  10.19:  atgaf  izwis  waldufni  trudan  ufar  waurme  jah  skaurpjono 
=  8i8(opL  vpiv  TYjv  i£ov(TLav  tov  Trareiv  iiravoi  ocfrecv v  Kal  (TKopirloiv  ;  2  Philip.  1.23:  panuh 

lustu  habans  andletnan  jah  mip  Xristau  wisan  =  hnxrOvplav  eU  to  dva- 
Xvo-aL  Kal  ow  Xp«rTc3  cirai ; 3 —  (b)  L.  1.57:  Aileisabaip  usfullnoda  mel  du  bairan 
=  6  xpovo<s  tov  T€Keiv  j 4  L.  2.6:  dagos  du  bairan  —  rjpepaL  TOV  T€KtLV  J  4  L.  5.17:  jah 
mahts  fraujins  was  du  hailjan  ins  =  Kal  8vvapi<s  wplov  gfc  to  lao-Oai  a vtovs  ; 5  Mk. 
3.15:  waldufni  du  hailjan  sauhtins  jah  uswairpan  unhulpons  =  j^ovo-tav  Oepaireveiv 
ras  vocrovs  Kal  iK/SaWeiv  to,  Sacpovia I 5  L.  14.28:  niu  frumist  gasitands  rahneip 


manwipo,  habaiu  du  ustiuhanf  =  d  Ta  Trpos  a7rapTLo-p6v  (in  which  the  noun  is  to 

be  supplied).6  It  is  worth  noting  that  usually,  when  the  infinitive  stands  in 
a  genitival  relation  to  the  noun,  it  translates  an  articular  infinitive  in  the 
genitive,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon  it  translates  a  Latin  gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  geni¬ 
tive:  see  Chapter  XIV,  p.  220  above. 

Concerning  the  infinitive  with  nouns  in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  Messrs. 
Falk  and  Torp,  l.  c.,  p.  203,  make  this  interesting  statement:  “  Skj0nt  infiniti- 
ven  egentlig  er  et  substantiv,  kan  den  dog  oprindelig  ikke,  saaledes  som  andre 
substantiver,  direkte  forbindes  med  et  substantiv  som  styret  af  dette.  I  old- 
norsk  heder  ‘lyst  til  at  reise’  ikke  hugr  (at)  fara,  men  farar  hugr.  Heller  ikke 
som  forklarende  tillseg  (i  lighed  med  den  definitive  genitiv)  kunde  infinitiv 
oprindelig  forbindes  med  et  substantiv  (som  i  vort  ‘  kunsten  at  skrive’)*  F0rst 
naar  substantivet  i  forbindelse  med  hafa  og  vera  kommer  til  at  danne  et  ver- 
balt  udtryk,  kan  infinitiv  tilf0ies,  som  til  de  i  §  125  nsevnte  verber,  med  hvilke 
saadanne  substantiviske  udsagn  blir  synonyme.  Som  ved  disse  verber  kunde 
at  mangle  eller  staa,  alt  efter  den  oprindelige  opfatning  af  infinitiven  som  objekt 
eller  som  maalet  for  hanlingen;  dog  udelades  at  i  oldnorsk  kun  i  det  poetiske 
sprog:  hafa  hug  hjorum  at  breg&a;  sina  tal&i  litla  fysi  (soil,  vera)  at  roa  lengra 
(=  sag<5i  sik  littfysa );  mal  er  at  ri&a  ( =nu  skal  rift  a).”  To  these  examples  I  add 
two  others,  from  Nygaard,  l.  c.,  p.  224:  Am.  63:  tom  lezt  at  eiga  tebja  vel  gartSa; 
—  Laxd.  161.5:  gefr  rum  at  sitja  hja  ser.  See,  too,  Lund,  l.  c.,  pp.  375  ff. 

Dr.  Denecke,  l.  c.,  pp.  21-22,  cites  only  three  examples  of  a  noun  modified 
by  an  uninflected  infinitive  in  Old  High  German:  Tatian  179.1:  inti  giwalt  gab 
imo  tuom  tuon  =  et  potestatem  dedit  ei  et  judicium  facere; 7  ib.  210.35:  ih  haben 
toufi  gitoufit  werdan  =  baptismum  habeo  baptizari; 8  B.  R.  125.2:  kecaugrot  wesan 
(trotz  lat.  Gerd.)  =  sit  necessitas  vacandi .8  On  the  other  hand,  he  gives,  on 
pp.  69-70,  numerous  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive,  of  which  I  quote 
only  a  few:  Denkm.  lxvi.  1 :  gewalt  have  sachun  sinu  ce  gevene  =  potestatem  habet 
res  suas  dare;  Ev.  Matth.  1.18:  habet  gawalt  za  forlazanne  suntea  =  habet  potes¬ 
tatem  dimittendi  peccata;  Tatian  232.17:  thorph  coufta  ih  inti  notthurft  haben 
ih  uzziganganne  inti  gisehen  iz  =  villam  emi,  et  necesse  habeo  exire  et  videre 
illam;  ib.  72.31:  zit  zi  beranne  =  tempus  parturiendi;  ib.  143.3:  habe  orun  zi 
horenne  =  habet  aurem  audiendi.  Erdmann,1  O.,  1.  c.,  p.  213,  gives  some  exam¬ 
ples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  Otfrid. 


1  From  Kohler,2  A.,  1.  c.,  p.  426.  2  Ibidem,  p.  426.  s  Ibidem,  p.  437. 

*  Ibidem,  p.  460.  6  Ibidem,  p.  426.  6  Ibidem,  p.  427. 

7  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  69,  comments:  “  1  mal  reiner  Inf.,  .  .  .  wo  wahrscheinlich  das  lat.  doppelte  et  die  Ver- 
anlassung  war,  dass  die  Abhangigkeit  des  Inf.  von  dem  Subst.  dem  Uebers.  nicht  klar  wurde.” 

8  Denecke,  l.  c.,  p.  22,  thinks  that  the  uninflected  infinitive  here  is  due  to  the  fact  that  a  Latin  passive  in¬ 
finitive  is  translated. 


264  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES. 


It  seems  probable  that  the  inflected  infinitive  after  nouns  was  native  to 
Old  High  German,  corresponding  as  it  does  to  various  Latin  idioms.  But  it 
is  noteworthy  that  the  inflected  infinitive  with  genitival  force  corresponds  often, 
as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  to  a  Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive.  As  to  the  uninflected  in¬ 
finitive,  as  stated  above,  Denecke  holds  that  sometimes,  as  in  Tatian  179.1, 
the  lack  of  inflection  is  due  to  a  misunderstanding  of  the  Latin  et  ...  et; 
sometimes,  as  in  Tatian  210.35,  to  the  fact  that  a  passive  infinitive  is  being 
translated.  On  p.  69  he  thus  comments  on  the  interchange  of  inflected  and  un¬ 
inflected  infinitive  seen  in  Tatian  232.17  above  quoted:  “  Wechsel  der  Construc¬ 
tion  wohl  nur  aus  nachlassiger  Anlehnung  an  den  lat.  Text.”  He  then  cites 
other  examples  of  this  interchange  of  the  two  infinitives  after  nouns,  and  adds : 
“  Ueberhaupt  diirfte  Nachlassigkeit  wohl  in  alien  den  Fallen  anzunehmen  sein, 
wo  aus  der  Construction  mit  zi ,  ohne  dass  ein  Wechsel  in  der  lat.  Construction 
vorliegt,  zum  einfachen  Inf.  libergegangen  wird.”  It  is  more  probable,  I  think, 
that  the  lack  of  inflection  in  the  first  and  in  the  third  examples  is  due  to  the  sep¬ 
aration  of  the  infinitive  in  the  Old  High  German  from  its  noun,  —  a  principle 
that  we  found  applicable  in  Anglo-Saxon.  Concerning  the  passive  infinitive 
Denecke  is  doubtless  correct,  for  we  found  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  infinitive 
part  of  the  compound  passive  infinitive  is  never  inflected. 

Rare,  too,  is  the  uninflected  infinitive  in  Old  Saxon.  Pratje,  l.  c.,  p.  70, 
cites  two  examples:  Hel.  4289:  huan  ist  thin  eft  uuan  cuman;  ib.  5825:  ik  uuet 
that  is  iu  ist  niud  sehan  an  theson  stene  innan;  but,  in  the  second,  the  infinitive 
may  be  subjective1  or  a  predicate  nominative  instead  of  a  modifier  of  the  noun, 
niud.  On  pages  73-74  he  cites  several  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive,  of 
which  I  quote  only  two:  Hel.  2228:  that  ik  giuuald  hebbiu  sundea  te  fargibanne 
endi  oc  seokan  man  te  gihelianne ;  ib.  2377:  uuas  im  tharf  mikil  te  gihoreanne 
hebancuninges  uuarfastun  uuord. 

In  all  probability,  then,  the  inflected  infinitive  with  nouns  was  an  idiom 
native  to  the  Germanic  languages  in  general.  But  when  the  to  ( zu )  infinitive 
is  distinctly  genitival  in  function,  it  seems  to  have  been  due  in  part  to  foreign 
influence:  to  the  articular  (genitive)  or  the  prepositional  infinitive  in  Greek 
and  to  the  genitive  of  the  gerund  or  gerundive  in  Latin.  Outside  of  Gothic  and 
Old  Norse,  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  found  only  sporadically  with  nouns, 
and  is  usually  appreciably  separated  from  the  noun  it  modifies. 

NOTES. 

1.  The  Historical  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages.  —  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  p.  99,  gives 
no  example  of  the  historical  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages,  but  his  editors,  Messrs. 
Roethe  and  Schroeder,  give  what  they  conceive  to  be  examples  from  Swedish  and  from  Anglo- 
Saxon.  The  alleged  examples  from  Anglo-Saxon  have  been  quoted  and  commented  upon  in 
the  “Introduction,”  p.  6.  Dr.  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,1  l.  c.,  p.  134,  declares  that  the 
idiom  does  not  occur  in  Hartmann  von  Aue. 

2.  The  Imperative  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages.  —  Grimm,  l.  c.,  IV,  pp.  92-93, 
gives  examples  of  the  imperative  infinitive  in  Gothic  and  in  High  German,  the  former  in  im¬ 
itation  of  the  Greek:  L.  9.3:  ni  J>an  tweihnos  paidos  haban  =  ^re  dva  dvo  xirQms  ?xeLl' ;  — 

HMS.  3.321a:  damite  niht  gahen;  Dioclet.  3586:  mich  baz  verstan;  —  Lessing  1.279:  nicht 
gehen!  Dr.  Monsterberg-Miinckenau,1 1.  c.,  p.  134,  says  the  construction  does  not  occur  in 
Hartmann  von  Aue,  but  does  occur  in  Berthold  von  Regensburg;  and  he  refers  to  H.  Roet- 
teken,  l.  c.,  §  211. 


1  See  p.  232  above. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
RESULTS. 


I  briefly  sum  up  what  seem  to  me  to  be  the  results  of  this  investigation, 
first,  concerning  the  active  infinitive  and,  secondly,  concerning  the  passive 
infinitive :  — 


I.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  In  respect  of  the  Form,  the  Anglo-Saxon  has  two  active  infinitives: 
(1)  the  uninflected,  ending  in  - an ,  with  phonetic  variants,  which  in  origin  is  the 
petrified  nominative-accusative  case  of  a  neuter  noun  of  action;  and  (2)  the 
inflected,  made  up  of  the  preposition  to  plus  the  dative  case  of  the  uninflected 
infinitive,  ending  in  -enne  (- anne ),  with  phonetic  variants.  Occasionally,  how-, 
ever,  we  have  a  compromise  between  these  two,  as  in  to  singan  or  in  singenne 
without  to,  both  of  which  forms  are  counted  as  inflected  in  this  investigation. 
And  very  rarely,  in  Late  West  Saxon,  we  have  the  infinitive  in  -enne  preceded 
by  for  to,  as  in  for  to  hauene . 

2.  As  to  the  Voice  of  these  two  infinitives,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  unin¬ 
flected  infinitive  is  habitually  active  in  sense  as  in  form  in  each  of  its  various 
uses,  after  verbs  of  commanding,  of  causing,  and  of  sense  perception  as  well  as 
in  other  uses.  The  inflected  infinitive,  also,  is  usually  active  in  sense  except 
when  used  predicatively  with  beon  ( wesan )  to  denote  necessity  or  obligation,  in 
which  use  it  is  normally  passive,  though  occasionally  active.  Probably,  too, 
the  adjectivized  inflected  infinitive  with  nouns,  a  construction  that  may  be  con¬ 
sidered  an  abridgment  of  the  infinitive  of  necessity  with  beon  (wesan),  is  also 
passive  in  sense.  Possibly,  but  not  probably,  the  inflected  infinitive  is  occasion¬ 
ally  passive  in  sense  when  used  to  denote  purpose,  and  when  used  with  adjec¬ 
tives.  But  the  Anglo-Saxons  at  the  outset  had  little  feeling  for  a  true  passive 
infinitive,  and  very  slowly  acquired  it  through  the  Latin :  see  the  section  below 
on  the  passive  infinitive. 

3.  In  keeping  with  its  origin,  the  infinitive  is  of  dual  Nature,  partaking,  at 
one  and  the  same  time,  of  the  nature  both  of  the  noun  and  of  the  verb.  But, 
despite  this  fact,  one  of  these  two  tendencies,  the  substantival  and  the  verbal, 
usually  predominates;  and  from  this  standpoint  we  may  roughly  divide  all 
infinitives  into  two  big  classes,  (1)  substantival  and  (2)  verbal  (or  predicative). 
More  generally  useful,  however,  is  the  classification  according  to  the  dominant 
Function  of  the  infinitive;  according  to  which  an  infinitive  is  substantival, 
predicative,  adverbial,  or  adjectival. 

4.  The  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  are  fourfold:  — 

(1)  Substantival,  subdivided  into: 

(a)  Subjective,  oftenest  with  the  infinitive  inflected,  but  often  uninflected. 

265 


266 


RESULTS. 


(b)  Objective,  oftenest  with  the  infinitive  uninflected,  but  often  inflected. 

(c)  Other  substantival  uses: 

(aa)  As  a  predicate  nominative,  infrequent,  oftener  with  the  infinitive 
inflected. 

(bb)  As  an  appositive,  infrequent,  oftener  with  the  infinitive  uninflected. 

(cc)  As  the  object  of  a  preposition:  the  examples  cited  are  all  very  doubtful. 

(2)  Predicative  (or  more  verbal),  in  which  we  have  the  infinitive: 

(a)  As  the  predicative  complement  after: 

(aa)  Auxiliary  verbs,  with  the  infinitive  normally  uninflected,  but  sporad¬ 
ically  inflected. 

(bb)  Verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest,  with  the  infinitive  invariably  uninflected. 

(cc)  The  adhortative  (w)uton,  with  the  infinitive  invariably  uninflected. 

(dd)  Beon  (Wesan)  to  denote  habitually  necessity,  but  occasionally  futurity 
and  purpose.  In  each  of  these  three  uses  the  infinitive  is  habitually  inflected 
except  occasionally  in  the  first. 

(b)  As  the  quasi-predicate  of: 

(aa)  An  accusative  subject  after  certain  groups  of  verbs  ( (1)  commanding, 
(2)  causing  and  permitting,  (3)  sense  perception;  less  frequently:  (4)  mental 
perception;  very  rarely:  (5)  declaring  and  (6)  other  verbs),  with  the  infinitive 
habitually  uninflected,  but  occasionally  inflected.  The  accusative-with-infini- 
tive  construction  is  much  more  frequent  in  objective  than  in  subjective  clauses. 

(bb)  A  dative  subject  apparently  but  not  really,  with  the  infinitive  sometimes 
uninflected  and  sometimes  inflected. 

(3)  Adverbial,  subdivided  into: 

(a)  Final,  frequent,  with  the  infinitive  both  uninflected  and  inflected. 

(b)  Causal,  rare,  oftener  with  the  infinitive  inflected. 

(c)  Specificatory :  with  verbs,  rare,  always  with  the  infinitive  inflected;  with 
adjectives,  frequent,  with  the  infinitive  habitually  inflected,  but  sporadically 
uninflected. 

(d)  Consecutive,  with  adjectives  and  with  verbs,  with  the  infinitive  habitu¬ 
ally,  if  not  exclusively,  inflected. 

(e)  Absolute,  with  the  infinitive  habitually  inflected,  but  sporadically 
uninflected. 

(4)  Adjectival,  to  limit  a  noun  or  a  pronoun,  in  which  use  we  have  habitu¬ 
ally  the  inflected  infinitive,  but  sporadically  the  uninflected  infinitive.  In  a 
few  of  these  examples  the  inflected  infinitive  is  almost  a  pure  adjective;  and  in 
a  few  others  it  closely  approximates  a  Latin  gerundive. 

5.  The  Differentiation  between  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected 
Infinitive  seems  to  rest  upon  this  general  principle,  though  not  without  a  few 
apparent,  if  not  real,  exceptions:  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  used  normally,  in 
substantival  uses,  as  a  nominative  or  an  accusative  of  a  verbal  noun;  in  predica¬ 
tive  and  in  adverbial  uses,  as  an  accusative;  the  inflected  infinitive  is  used  nor¬ 
mally,  in  substantival  (objective),  in  predicative,  in  adverbial,  and  in  adjectival 
uses,  to  represent  a  case  other  than  the  nominative  or  the  accusative,  what  for 
lack  of  a  better  term  I  have  designated  an  “  indirect  case,”  which  corresponds 
oftenest,  as  would  be  expected  from  its  composition,  to  the  dative  case,  but  also 
to  the  genitive  case  and  to  the  instrumental  case.  And,  owing  to  the  influence 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


267 


of  neighboring  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases,  we  have,  from  the  outset,  the 
inflected  infinitive  as  subject  oftener  than  the  uninflected.  In  accordance  with 
this  general  principle  we  find  that:  — 

(1)  Normally  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  subject  of  a  few  finite  verbs. 

#  Q>)  The  direct  object  of  most  verbs  governing  an  accusative  of  the  direct 
object. 

(c)  The  appositive  to  a  noun  or  a  pronoun. 

(d)  Purpose  after  a  few  verbs  of  motion,  of  rest,  of  commanding  and 
requesting. 

( e )  The  predicative  complement  of  (aa)  the  auxiliary  verbs  (except  agan, 
which  not  infrequently  has  the  inflected  infinitive)  and  of  ( bb )  verbs  of  motion 
and  of  rest,  as  in  com  fleogan  and  uton  gangan. 

(/)  The  quasi-predicate  of  (aa)  an  accusative  subject. 

(2)  Normally  the  Inflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  subject  of  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases,  especially  when  in 
proximity  thereto. 

(b)  The  “  indirect  case  ”  object  of  verbs  governing  a  noun  object  in  the 
genitive,  or  the  dative,  or  the  instrumental. 

(c)  The  predicate  nominative  after  certain  datival  verb  phrases. 

(d)  The  predicative  complement  of  beon  ( wesan )  to  denote  necessity  or 
obligation. 

(e)  The  “  indirect  case  ”  adverbial  modifier  of  (aa)  verbs,  to  express  (a) 
purpose,  (js)  result,  (y)  absolute  relationship ;  and  of  (bb)  adjectives,  to  express 
(a)  specification,  (/S)  result. 

(/)  The  “  indirect  case  ”  phrasal,  adjectival  modifier  of  nouns  or  pronouns, 
in  which  construction  the  infinitive  usually  represents  a  genitive  or  a  dative 
case,  but  occasionally  an  instrumental  case. 

(3)  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infinitive  are  each  used  to 
denote : 

(a)  The  object  with  a  number  of  verbs  of  double  regimen. 

(b)  The  adverbial  (final)  modifier  of  certain  verbs  (1)  of  motion  and  rest 
and  (2)  of  giving,  the  uninflected  infinitive  in  (1)  representing  the  earlier  (poet¬ 
ical)  usage. 

(4)  Datival  verbs  or  verbal  phrases  at  times  attract  what  would  normally 
be  an  uninflected  infinitive  into  an  inflected  infinitive,  especially  if  in  proximity 
to  the  infinitive. 

(5)  The  presence  of  gerund  or  of  gerundive  in  the  Latin  original  (whether 
with  or  without  a  preposition)  tends  to  the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon;  as  does,  also,  the  presence  of  the  Latin  future  participle. 

(6)  Analogy  at  times  upsets  original  conditions. 

(7)  Naturally,  in  Late  West  Saxon  the  distinction  between  the  two  infini¬ 
tives  is  less  strictly  observed  than  in  Early  West  Saxon;  and,  in  keeping  with 
the  analytic  trend  of  the  English  language,  the  inflected  infinitive  gains  upon 
the  uninflected  infinitive. 

(8)  Sporadically  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  subject  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  inflected  infinitive. 


268 


RESULTS. 


( b )  The  object  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  inflected  infinitive. 

(c)  The  predicate  nominative  where  we  should  expect  the  inflected  infinitive, 
as  in  the  later  members  of  a  series  of  co-ordinated  (inflected)  infinitives. 

( d )  The  predicative  complement  to  beon  ( wesan )  to  denote  necessity  or 
obligation. 

(e)  The  quasi-predicate  to  a  dative  subject,  apparently  but  not  really. 

(/)  Purpose  where  we  should  expect  the  inflected  infinitive,  especially  in 
the  later  members  of  a  series  of  co-ordinated  (inflected)  infinitives. 

(g)  Specification  with  adjectives. 

(h)  Cause  with  verbs. 

(i)  The  absolute  relationship  with  verbs. 

( j )  The  adjectival  complement  of  a  noun  or  a  pronoun. 

(9)  Sporadically  the  Inflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  subject  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  uninflected  infinitive. 

( b )  The  object  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  uninflected  infinitive. 

(c)  An  appositive  to  a  noun  or  a  pronoun,  when  in  proximity  to  some  word 
usually  followed  by  the  inflected  infinitive. 

(d)  Possibly,  though  not  probably,  the  object  of  a  preposition. 

(e)  The  predicative  complement  of  ( aa )  auxiliary  verbs  (except  agan,  which 
not  infrequently  has  the  inflected  infinitive)  and  of  (bb)  beon  (wesan)  to  express 
futurity  or  purpose. 

(/)  The  quasi-predicate  of  (aa)  an  accusative  subject;  and  of  (bb)  a  dative 
subject,  apparently  but  not  really. 

(g)  Purpose  where  we  should  expect  an  uninflected  infinitive,  as  in  a  series 
of  co-ordinated  (uninflected)  infinitives. 

(h)  Cause  with  verbs. 

(i)  Specification  with  verbs. 

6.  As  to  the  Position  of  the  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pre-position  is  the 
commoner  (1)  with  beon  (wesan)  when  denoting  necessity  and  active  in  sense; 
(2)  in  the  absolute  use;  and  (3)  in  dependent  clauses.  In  other  uses,  post-posi¬ 
tion  is  the  commoner.  At  times,  the  position  of  the  infinitive  in  the  Latin 
original  is  a  determining  factor;  oftener,  as  already  indicated,  the  subordinate 
nature  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  clause  is  a  determining  factor;  but  not  infrequently 
each  of  these  factors  is  ignored.  At  times,  the  position  of  the  infinitive  seems 
to  be  determined  by  the  exigencies  of  the  meter;  at  any  rate,  pre-position  is 
relatively  more  frequent  in  the  poetry  than  in  the  prose.  As  stated  in  4,  prox¬ 
imity  to  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases  is  favorable  to  attraction,  and  tends 
to  cause  the  infinitive  to  be  inflected. 

7.  As  to  Origin,  the  active  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  in  some  uses 
(A)  native  and  in  others  (B)  foreign  (Latin). 

A.  NATIVE. 

(1)  In  the  following  uses  the  infinitive  appears  to  be  a  native  English 
idiom:  — - 

I.  SUBSTANTIVAL: 

(a)  Subjective,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  active  verbs. 

(b)  Objective  with  active  verbs,  as  indicated  below: 


THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


269 


Group  of  Verbs: 


F ollowed  by  Uninfl.  Followed  by  Infl.  Inf. 
Inf.  Only:  Only: 


Followed  by  Uninfl. 
and  Infl.  Inf.: 


( aa )  Commanding:  • 

(bb)  Causing  and 
Permitting: 

(cc)  Sense  Percep¬ 
tion: 

(dd)  Mental  Per¬ 
ception  : 

(ee)  Beginning, 
Delaying,  Ceasing: 

(jf)  Inclination 
and  Will: 

(gg)  Other  Verbs: 


hatan.1 
|  Icetan.2 

(  gehieran,  geseon,  hie- 
\  ran,  ofseon ,  seon. 

In  the  main :  gefrig- 
■  nan,  gehogian,  hogian, 
K  tweogan  [tweon]  (?). 


'  In  part :  behealdanf 
onmedan. 


■  gedihtan. 

|  lief  an,  lofian. 


See  the  long  list  on 
1  p.  187. 


In  the  main:  see 
•  the  list  on  pp.  37  and 
.  188. 

habban  in  part. 


r  bebeodan,  beodan,  be- 
•  werian,  biddan,  for - 
L  beodan,  gehatan. 
aliefan,  geSafian, 
sellan. 


'  In  the  main:  see 

■  the  list  on  pp.  44 
.  and  189. 

'  fon3  forlcetan,  and 
•  the  compounds  of 
L  ginnan ,  in  the  main. 
In  the  main:  see 

■  the  list  on  pp.  190- 
>  192. 


(c)  Predicate  nominative,  in  part,  normally  inflected. 

(d)  Appositive,  in  part,  normally  uninflected. 


H.  PREDICATIVE  (OR  MORE  VERBAL): 

(a)  With  auxiliary  verbs,  uninflected  save  in  a  few  sporadic  cases. 

( b )  With  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest,  uninflected. 

(c)  With  ( w)uton ,  in  the  main,  uninflected. 

(d)  With  accusative  subject,  as  object,  uninflected  save  in  a  few  sporadic 

instances,  after  (aa)  verbs  of  commanding:  bebeodan,  biddan,  hatan;  (bb)  verbs 
of  causing  and  permitting:  Icetan  and  its  compounds,  alcetan  and  forlcetan ;  (cc) 
verbs  of  sense  perception:  gehieran,  geseon,  hieran,  ofseon,  seon;  and  (dd)  verbs 
of  mental  perception:  afindan,  findan,  gefrignan,  gehyhtan,  gemetan,  gemittan, 
gewitan,  onfindan,  witan.  * 

(e)  With  accusative  subject,  as  object,  inflected,  after  this  verb  of  mental 
perception,  tcecan.  [The  inflected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  is  found 
once  each  after  findan  and  gereccan,  in  iElfric.] 

(/)  With  apparent  but  not  real  dative  subject,  uninflected  and  inflected. 

HI.  ADVERBIAL: 

(a)  With  Verbs: 

(aa)  Final,  uninflected,  after  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest. 

(bb)  Absolute,  inflected;  possibly,  also,  the  sporadic  uninflected  infinitive. 

(cc)  Causal,  uninflected  and  inflected,  in  part. 

(dd)  Consecutive,  inflected,  in  the  main,  with  both  active  and  passive  verbs. 

(b)  With  Adjectives: 

(aa)  Specificatory,  normally  inflected,  except  when  the  infinitive  is  clearly 
genitival  in  function: 

(bb)  Consecutive,  habitually  inflected. 


1  Indeterminable:  abiddan.  2  Indeterminable:  don,  forgiefan. 

3  Indeterminable:  ablinnan,  geswican.  4  Indeterminable:  cunnian,  gegiernian. 


270 


RESULTS. 


IV.  ADJECTIVAL: 

(a)  With  noun  or  pronoun,  habitually  inflected,  except,  possibly,  when  the 
inflected  infinitive  is  equivalent  to  a  genitive  phrase  or  when  the  infinitive  is 
used  strictly  as  a  Latin  gerundive  (see  Chapter  XIII,  Note  2,  p.  182). 

(2)  The  grounds  of  the  foregoing  statement  as  to  which  uses  of  the  infini¬ 
tive  are  native  to  Anglo-Saxon  are  briefly  these:  (1)  that  these  uses  are,  in 
general,  found  in  the  poems  and  in  the  more  original  prose ;  (2)  that,  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  translation  from  the  Latin,  no  dominant  influence  of  the  original  can  be 
demonstrated;  and  (3)  that  what  we  know  of  these  uses  in  the  kindred  Germanic 
languages  tends  to  support  the  theory  that  these  uses  are  native  in  Anglo- 
Saxon. 

B.  FOREIGN  (LATIN). 

(3)  In  the  following  uses,  on  the  other  hand,  the  infinitive  appears  to  be 
borrowed  from  the  Latin :  — 


I.  SUBSTANTIVAL: 


(a)  Subjective,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  passive  verbs. 

( b )  Objective,  with  active  verbs,  as  indicated  below: 


Group  of  Verbs: 

(aa)  Commanding: 

( bb )  Causing  and 
Permitting : 

( cc )  Sense  Percep¬ 
tion: 

(dd)  Mental  Per¬ 
ception: 

(ee)  Beginning, 
Delaying,  Ceasing: 

(ff)  Inclination 
and  Will: 

( gg )  Other  Verbs: 


Followed  by  Uninfl. 
Inf.  Only: 


|  In  part :  geteon. 

blinnan ,  forieldan, 
ginnan. 

k 

r 

In  part :  forefon,  ge- 
■  eacSmodigan,  gets yrs- 
tigan ,  lystan,  wunian. 


Followed  by  Infl.  Inf.  Followed  by  Uninfl . 
Only:  and  Infl.  Inf.: 


{  { 

|  j 

1  \  leornian;  see  p.  189. 

'  In  the  main:  see  r  fon,  forlcetan,  and 
■  the  list  on  pp.  37  and  J  the  compounds  of 
187.  (  ginnan ,  only  in  part. 

r  r  In  part  only:  ge- 

,  earnian,  gemedemian , 
gewunian;  see  pp. 
190-192. 

habban  in  part. 


(c)  Objective,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  passive  verbs. 

( d )  Predicate  nominative,  in  part,  normally  inflected. 

(e)  Appositive,  in  part,  normally  uninflected. 


H.  PREDICATIVE  (OR  MORE  VERBAL): 

(а)  With  ( w)uton ,  in  part,  uninflected. 

(б)  With  accusative  subject,  as  object,  uninflected  except  sporadically,  after 
(aa)  verbs  of  commanding :  forbeodan;  (bb)  verbs  of  causing  and  permitting : 
biegan  [began],  don,  gedon,  geSafian,  qetSolian,  geunnan,  niedan;  (cc)  verbs  of 
sense  perception:1  gefelan,  gehawian ,  sceawian;  (dd)  verbs  of  mental  percep¬ 
tion:2  ceteawan,  eowan,  gecytSan,  gehatan,  geliefan,  gemunan,  getriewan,  Iceran, 

1  The  origin  is  indeterminable  after  behealdan. 

2  The  origin  is  indeterminable  after  geacsian  and  taligan;  and  after  habban  and  todcelan,  of  “  other  verbs.” 


THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


271 


ongietan,  tellan,  wenan;  and  (ee)  verbs  of  declaring:  cwedan,  foresecgan,  ondettan , 
secgan. 

( c )  With  accusative  subject,  as  object,  inflected,  after  (act)  verbs  of  causing 
and  permitting:  don( ?);  ( bb )  verbs  of  mental  perception:  Iceran;  ( cc )  verbs  of 
declaring :  foresecgan(?) ;  and  (dd)  in  L.  1.73:  hyne  us  to  syllane  bone  ab. 

(d)  With  accusative  subject,  as  subject,  uninflected  except  sporadically, 
with  both  active  and  passive  verbs. 

(e)  With  beon  ( wesan ),  inflected  except  sporadically,  to  denote  necessity  or 
obligation  (in  both  passive  and  active  senses) ;  to  denote  futurity;  and,  probably, 
to  denote  purpose. 

III.  ADVERBIAL: 

(a)  With  Verbs: 

(aa)  Final,  inflected,  after  verbs  of  whatever  kind,  both  active  and  passive. 

(bb)  Final,  uninflected,  after  verbs  ( 1 )  of  commanding  and  requesting  and 
(2)  of  giving. 

(cc)  Causal,  uninflected  and  inflected,  in  part. 

(dd)  Specificatory,  always  inflected. 

(ee)  Consecutive,  inflected,  in  part,  with  both  active  and  passive  verbs. 

(b)  With  Adjectives: 

(aa)  Specificatory,  inflected,  when  the  infinitive  is  clearly  genitival  in 
function. 

IV.  ADJECTIVAL: 

(a)  With  noun  or  pronoun,  habitually  inflected,  when  the  infinitive  is  equiv¬ 
alent  to  a  genitive  phrase,  and  when  the  infinitive  is  strictly  equivalent  to  a 
Latin  gerundive  (see  Chapter  XIII,  Note  2,  p.  182). 

(4)  The  grounds  of  the  foregoing  statement  as  to  which  uses  of  the  infinitive 
in  Anglo-Saxon  are  of  foreign  (Latin)  origin  are  briefly  these:  (1)  that  these 
uses  are,  in  general,  not  found  in  the  poetry  except  in  poems  known  to  be  based 
on  Latin  originals,  and  in  these  only  sparingly;  (2)  that  they  are  found  very 
rarely  in  the  more  original  prose;  (3)  that,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  from 
the  Latin,  the  dominant  influence  of  the  original  is  demonstrated;  and  (4)  that 
what  we  know  of  these  uses  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages  tends  to  support 
the  theory  that  these  uses  in  Anglo-Saxon  are  borrowed  from  the  Latin. 

(5)  Ultimately,  in  Anglo-Saxon  as  in  the  Germanic  languages  in  general, 
the  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  with  auxiliaries  was  objective;  and  the 
predicative  use  with  (w)uton,  with  other  verbs  of  motion,  and  with  beon 
(wesan)  was  final. 


H.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

8.  Anglo-Saxon  has  a  compound  passive  infinitive,  made  up  usually  of  the 
present  active  infinitive,  beon  (occasionally  wesan  or  weorSan),  plus  the  past 
participle.  The  strictly  infinitive  part  of  the  compound  is  uninflected;  the  par¬ 
ticiple  part  is  sometimes  inflected,  sometimes  not. 

9.  This  infinitive  is  passive  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form. 

10.  Though  far  less  frequently  used  than  is  the  active  infinitive,  the  passive 
infinitive  is  found,  in  Anglo-Saxon,  in  the  following  uses :  — 


272 


RESULTS. 


(1)  Substantival: 

(а)  Subjective  occasionally. 

(б)  Objective  occasionally. 

(2)  Predicative  (or  More  Verbal) : 

(a)  With  auxiliary  verbs  frequently. 

(b)  With  ( w)uton  occasionally. 

(c)  With  accusative  subject,  the  phrase  being  the  object  of  an  active  transi¬ 
tive  verb,  not  infrequently. 

(< d )  With  accusative  subject,  the  phrase  being  the  subject  of  an  active  verb 
occasionally  and  of  a  passive  verb  once. 

(3)  Adverbial: 

(a)  With  an  adjective  once. 

11.  In  each  of  its  uses,  the  Anglo-Saxon  passive  infinitive  is  of  Latin  origin. 
The  grounds  of  this  statement  are  these:  (1)  that  these  uses  are,  in  general, 
unknown  in  the  poetry  except  in  the  poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin  orig¬ 
inals,  and  are  rare  even  in  these;  (2)  that  they  are  rare  in  the  more  original 
prose;  (3)  that,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  translations  from  the  Latin,  the  dominant 
influence  of  the  original  is  demonstrated;  and  (4)  that  what  we  know  of  these 
constructions  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages  tends  to  support  the  theory 
that  these  uses  in  Anglo-Saxon  are  borrowed  from  the  Latin. 

m.  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE. 

12.  In  course  of  time  there  were  developed  some  Substitutes  for  the 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(1)  Gradually  the  nominative  of  the  present  participle  came  to  be  substi¬ 
tuted  for  the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  (and  occasionally  of 
rest),  com  fleogan  becoming  com  fleogende.  Despite  the  encroachment  of  the 
present  participle,  the  predicative  infinitive,  contrary  to  the  usual  statement, 
survived  into  Late  West  Saxon  times,  and  is  occasionally  found  in  AClfric. 

(2)  Gradually  the  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  participle  came  to  be 
used  side  by  side  with  the  predicate  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  after 
verbs  of  sense  perception,  etc. 

(3)  The  substitution  of  the  predicate  nominative  of  the  present  participle  for 
the  predicative  infinitive  after  verbs  of  motion  and  of  rest  seems  to  have  been 
due  to  these  causes:  the  appositive  use  of  the  participle,  especially  of  words 
denoting  motion,  with  verbs  of  motion;  the  predicative  use  of  the  participle 
in  the  present  and  past  periphrastic  tenses;  and  the  superior  clarity,  in  such 
locutions,  of  the  participle  over  the  infinitive. 

(4)  The  substitution  of  the  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  participle 
for  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  was  due  to  Latin  influence. 

IV.  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC 

LANGUAGES. 

13.  Despite  the  incompleteness  of  my  statistics  concerning  the  Infinitive 
in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages,  they  seem  to  make  probable  the  following 
conclusions: — 


THE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES.  273 


(1)  The  Uses  of  the  Infinitive,  active  and  passive,  are  substantially  the 
same  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  though,  naturally, 
with  some  variations  in  the  several  languages,  as  indicated  in  the  discussion 
thereof. 

(2)  The  Differentiation  between  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected 
Infinitive  rests  upon  the  same  general  principles  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(3)  The  Voice  of  the  two  infinitives  active  in  form,  in  the  High  Germanic 
languages,  tallies  substantially  with  that  of  these  two  forms  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(4)  In  the  main,  the  Origin  of  the  Constructions  of  the  Infinitive  is  in  sub¬ 
stantial  agreement  with  that  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(5)  The  same  Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive  are  found  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(6)  The  substitution  of  the  predicate  nominative  of  the  present  participle 
for  the  predicative  infinitive  was  probably  due  to  the  same  general  causes  as 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  but  the  statistics  available  on  this  point  are  too  meager  for  a 
confident  conclusion. 

(7)  The  substitution  of  the  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  participle 
for  the  predicative  infinitive  in  the  High  Germanic  languages  was  due  to  Latin 
influence.  In  Gothic,  owing  to  the  closeness  of  the  translation,  the  predicative 
participle  was  from  the  outset  more  common  than  the  predicative  infinitive 
after  verbs  of  sense  perception. 


' 


. 

- 

. 

• 

••  '  :  , . 


■  . 

.  ‘ 


Appendix  A. 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

Except  in  Sections  VI  and  VII,  the  initial  verb  in  the  sections  below  is,  not  the  infinitive, 
but  the  finite  verb  of  the  passage  in  question  cited  in  the  infinitive  form  and  given  in  alpha¬ 
betic  sequence.  Under  each  word  are  given  all 1  the  occurrences,  first,  of  the  uninflected  infini¬ 
tive  (=  U.)  and,  secondly,  of  the  inflected  infinitive  (=1.),  first  in  the  prose  works  and  then  in 
the  poems,  cited  in  each  case  in  the  approximate  chronological  order,  except  that  the  Minor 
Prose  Works  and  the  Minor  Poems  are  given,  each,  in  alphabetic  sequence.  In  Mlf.  Horn ., 
in  Chron.,  and  in  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.,  the  superior  letters  (t,  m,  and  b )  refer  respectively  to 
the  top,  the  middle,  and  the  bottom  of  the  page;  while  the  superior  figures  distinguish  the 
several  examples.  In  other  texts,  the  superior  letters  distinguish  the  several  examples  within 
the  same  lines  or  verse,  or  larger  whole  (as  in  the  Latin  of  Wcerf.).  The  totals  for  each  use 
are  given  at  the  beginning  of  the  chapter  in  which  the  particular  use  is  discussed  and 
in  the  Synoptic  Tables  of  Appendix  C.  The  abbreviations  for  the  texts  are  explained  in 
the  “  Bibliography.”  For  convenience,  I  have  not  distinguished  S'  and  p,  but  have  uni¬ 
formly  used  A.  As  a  rule,  contractions  in  the  texts  have  been  expanded. 

/.  The  Subjective  Infinitive . 

A  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  inflected. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

alefan :  see  aliefan. 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  be  allowable:  U.  (10):  Bede  (4):  74.15  =  53.29;  74. 18a’ b  =  53.32a*  b;  78.17  = 
55.28 .—Gosp.  (6):  Mk.  (3):  3.4b- c;  10.2;  —  L.  (3):  6.9a- b*  c.  —  I.  (3):  Pr.  Gu.  (1): 
xx.85.  —  Mk.  (2):  3.4a;  12.14. 
alyfan :  see  aliefan. 
anhagian :  see  onhagian. 

atSreotan,  weary:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Oros.  (1):  42.13  =  43.12. 

becuman,  happen:  U.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Chad ,  Anhang  (1):  11.  —  I.  (0). 

behofian,  behoove:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  Solil.  (1) :  27.12. 

beon,  be:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  20.23. 

beon  +  an  adjective  (occasionally  an  adverb  or  a  noun) :  — 

—  aeSryt,  troublesome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  2m. 

—  arwiertSlicost  [-y— ],  honorable:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  401.16  =  320.6  (or  with 

adjective?). 

—  betere,  better:  U.  (1):  Mk.  (1):  9.47  =  9.46.  —  I.  (6):  Greg.  (1):  457.21  =  390.13.  —Solil. 

(1) :  36.8  =  0.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (1) :  3.406.  —  Mat.  (1) :  18.9.  —  Gen.  (1) :  660.  — ■ 
Ps.  (1):  83.10. 

— betst,  best:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Solil.  (2):  3.6,  7. 

— -deoplic,  difficult:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  386*  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  deorwierSe  [— u— ],  precious:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  582b2. 

—  dyslic,  foolish:  U.  (0). — I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXVI.  325. 

—  earfeS(e) :  see  earfoS(e). 

—  earfoS(e)  [-fetS(e)],  difficult:  U.  (0).  — I.  (9):  Boeth.  (1):  127.22b  =  108.13  (or  with  ad¬ 

jective?).—^.  (1):  51.5  =  28.3.  —  Oros.  (1):  212.30  =  0.  —  Chron.  (1):  170b,  1050 
D.  —  Laws  (1):  455,  Gerefa ,  c.  18.  —  Bened.  (1):  67.1  =  126.10.  —Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 
466b.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (1):  8.15.— Gu.  (1):  1039. 

—  earfoSlic,  difficult:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  118.7  =  101.30  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  earfoSre,  more  difficult:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Greg.  (2) :  453.12  =  384.5;  455.6  =  386.11. 


1  Except  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs,  the  full  tabulation  of  which  seemed  unnecessary. 

275 


276 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


beon  earmlic,  distressing:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  151.22b. 

—  eaSe  [e?Se,  ieSe],  easy:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (5):  Boeth.  (1):  145.5  =  0.  —  Chron.  (1):  239ra, 

1104  Ea.  —  Bened.  (1):  124.12  =  190.2.  —  Beow.  (1):  1003  (or  with  adjective?).  —  Ps. 
(1):  76.16. 

—  eaSelicor,  easier ,  more  easily:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  236* 2,3  (or  predicative 

with  beon f). 

—  eaSelicre,  easier:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  19.24. 

—  eaSere  [e?5re,  ie?Sre],  easier:  U.  (0).  — I.  (5):  Boeth.  (1):  81.13  =  0. — Greg.  (2):  203.17,  18 

=  152.14.  —  Mk.  (1):  10.25.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  280. 

—  efneSe,  equally  easy:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Met.  (1):  20.168. 

— egeslicost,  most  terrible:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  297.12  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  etSe :  see  ea&e. 

—  etSre:  see  ea&(e)re. 

—  feor,  far:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1922(?).  (Cf.  And.  424.) 

—  fulfremedlic,  'perfect:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  394* 2. 

— gecopust,  most  fit:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  275.18  =  208.11. 

—  gecynde,  natural:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Boeth.  (2):  57.21  =  0;  133.9  =  112.136. 

—  gedwolsum,  misleading:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Pref.  to  Gen.  24.15. 

—  gelimplicor,  more  suitably:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  216b. 

—  genoh,  enough:  U.  (0).  — I.  (4):  Bede  (2):  350.33  =  263.30;  366.2  =  271.10  (or  with  ad¬ 

jective?).  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (2) :  II.  444b  *• 2. 

—  geomorlic,  sad:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  Beow.  (1) :  2445. 

—  gewunelic,  customary:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (2):  274.186;  XXXVI.  100. 

—  god,  good:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (13) :  Bede  (2) :  2.10a- b  =  0.  —  Greg.  (3) :  151.8b  =  108.18a;  151.9a  = 

108. 18b;  151.9b  =  108.18 °.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  564*.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  2.18a.  — 
Mat.  (1):  17.4a.  —  Lcece.  (1):  28.41.  —  Ps.  (4):  117.8a-  b,  9s-  b. 

—  hefig,  heavy,  unpleasant:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  127.22a  =  108.13.  —  Wcerf.  289.6  = 

349  C1.  —  Mart.  (1):  172.4  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  hefi(g)tyme,  troublesome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  324b  (or  with  adjective?).  — 

Wulf.  (1):  304. 15b. 

—  ieSe  [ySe] :  see  ea&e. 

—  ieSre :  see  ea3{e)re. 

—  lang  f-o-],  long:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (14 ):  Solil.  (1):  10.7.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  266.18  =  325  A;  303.1  = 

365  B1;  339.11  =  409  B2.  —  Wulf.  (8):  7.12;  206.29a;  211.24a*  b;  217.11a;  220.6;  283.15; 
306.17.  —  Beow.  (1):  2093.  —  Rid.  (1):  40.22. 

—  langsum  [-0-],  long ,  tedious:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (9):  Oros.  (1):  208.21  =  209.21.  —  Chron.  (1): 

189m,  1058  D.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (4) :  I.  526*;  II.  328b  2,  476*,  578b.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXV. 
82;  XXXV.  219;  XXXVI.  85. 

—  langsumlic  [-o-],  long,  tedious:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  362bl* 2. 

—  latS,  loathsome:  U.  (0).— I.  (6):  Oros.  (1):  122.16  =  0.  —  Chron.  (2):  173m,  1048  Eb; 

181m,  1052  Dd.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (1):  2.8.  —  Wulf.  (2):  257.13;  304.15a. 

—  leng,  longer:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Oros.  (1):  82.33  =  0. 

—  leofost  [-ast],  dearest:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  78,  /Elfred,  c.  43. 

—  leofre,  dearer:  U.  (0).  — I.  (6):  Greg.  (2):  217.12a-b  =  164.7,  9.  — Oros.  (2):  44.14a>  b  = 

0.  —  Chr.  (1) :  597.  —  El.  (1) :  607. 

—  long  1 

—  longsum  r  :  see  lang,  etc. 

—  longsumlic  J 

—  lustbaerre,  more  pleasant:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  303.6  =  230.9. 

• —  manfullic,  sinful:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (1) :  2.73  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  min,  mine:  U.  (0).  —I.  (2):  Wcerf.  (1):  231.17  =  281  D1.  —  Mk.  (1):  10.40. 

—  nyttre,  more  useful:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Boeth.  (2):  139.29,  30  =  121.9.  — Greg.  (1):  275.12  = 

208.7. 

—  nyttwierSe  [-y-],  useful:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  89.6  =  58.28. 

—  nyttwyrSe :  see  nyttwier&e. 

—  pleolic,  dangerous:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  /Elf.  Hept.  (1) :  Pref.  to  Gen.  22.9  (or  with  adjective?) 

—  riht  [-y-],  right,  proper:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (7):  Bede  (2):  268.4  =  210.6;  398.18  =  289.11. — 

Boeth.  (1):  30.10  =  0 .—Greg.  (1):  283.7=  214.5.  —  Laws  (1):  48,  /Elfred,  c.  1,  §  2\  — 
Minor  Prose  (2):  Alex.  (1):  695;  —  Chad  (1):  157. 

—  rihtlic,  right,  proper:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  283.28. 


THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


277 


beonrihtre,  better:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  39.9. 

—  ryht:  see  riht. 

—  sar,  grievous:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  And.  (1):  1689  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  scandlic  [-0-],  disgraceful:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Oros.  (1):  48.4  =  49.4. 

—  sceamu,  shame:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  216b,  1085  Eg. 

—  scondlic :  see  scandlic. 

—  sel,  better:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Bened.  (2):  10.3a*  b  =  16.13a- b. 

—  selest  [-ost],  best:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Bened.  (1):  15.19  =  26.20.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  205.27.  — 

Beow.  (1):  174  (or  with  adjective?).  —  Prayers  (1):  IV.  11. 

—  selre,  better:  U.  (2) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXV.  144b.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1) :  Napier's  Ad. 

to  Th.  (1):  101.322*1.-1.  (2 ):Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  486b 3.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  144a. 

—  softe,  soft:  U.  (l):Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  164*.  — I.  (0). 

—  sorhlic,  grievous:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  151. 22a;  241.21a,b. 

—  strang  [-o-],  distressing:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  225.13. 

—  strong :  see  strang. 

—  sweotol,  clear:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  36.16  =  41.25  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  treowlicre,  safer:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Cato  (2) :  63a>  b. 

—  unacumendiic,  intolerable:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  956. 

—  unalefedlic :  see  unaliefedlic. 

—  unaliefedlic  [-e-,  -y-],  unlawful:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3) :  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  16.14a.  —  Wcerf.  (2) :  334.22, 

23  =  401  D  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  unalyfedlic :  see  unaliefedlic. 

—  unaraefnedlic,  intolerable:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  133. 

—  uneacSe :  see  unie&e. 

—  ungeliefedlic,  incredible:  U.  (0).  — I.  (4):  Oros.  (4):  74.7  =  75.8;  134.15  =  135.13;  238.2  = 

0;  240.16  =  0. 

—  uniefte  [uneaSe],  difficult,  grievous:  U.  (0).  — I.  (4):  Greg.  (1)  355.21  =  276.1.  — Oros.  (1): 

52.8  -  53.4.  —  Wcerf.  (1)  :  112.17  =  B.  142  D.  —  And.  (1):  206. 

—  unriht,  wrong:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  308.18  =  372  C1  (or  with  adjective?). 

— -  waclic,  mean:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  400m. 

—  weorc,  hardship:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Ju.  (1):  569  (or  with  noun?). 

—  weorce,  grievous:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Beow.  (1):  1419.  —  And.  (1):  1659  (or  with  adjective?). 

—  wundorlic,  wonderful:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  206. 29b;  217.11b  (or  each  with  adjec¬ 

tive?). 

—  wynsumere,  winsomer:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (1):  1.275. 
dafenian,  befitting:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  32.17  =  0. 

derian,  annoy:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1  ):Greg.  (1):  237.11  -  178.25. 
fremian:  s eefremman. 

fremman  [fremian],  advance,  help:  U.  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  394m.  —  I.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  19.10. 
gebyrian,  befitting ,  proper:  U.  (7):  Gosp.  (7):  Mat.  (1):  18.33;  —  L.  (6):  11.42b;  12.12; 
15.32a,b;  24.26®* b; — I.  (11):  Laws  (2):  446.  c.  3  (with  gebyriaS  for  gebyraS  by  scri¬ 
bal  error?);  477.  c.  2.  — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  492*.  —  Mlf.  Kept.  (1):  De  N.  T.  20.30.  — 
iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.Gr.  (1):  245.9.  —  Gosp.  (5):  Mat.  (1):  26.54 h;  —  Mk.  (1): 
14.31;—  L.  (2) :  2.49;  11.42a;  —  J.  (1):  9.4.  —  Wulf.  (1):279.4. 
gedaf(e)ni(g)an,  be  fitting,  proper:  U.  (11):  Bede  (2):  74.22  =  54.2;  342.18  =  259.12  (or  pre¬ 
dicative  with  accusative  subject?).  —  Pr.  Gu.  (3):  V.  67,  68,  69. — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 
318m  2.  —  Mlf.  L.S.  (2):  240.31;  XXIII  B.  261.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (2):  Napier's 
Ad.  to  Th.  (2):  102.34* 2>  3.  —  L.  (1):  4.43.  — I.  (18):  Bede  (2):  2.13  =  0;  196.17  = 
156.18.  —  Solil  (2) :  32.16a’b  =  0.  —  Laws  (1) :  248,  VI.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (3) :  1. 124b;  386*  2; 
II.  318m.  —Mlf.  L.  S. (6) :  228.131;  240.30;  314.127;  XXIII  B.  228a-b;  XXX.  124.  — 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  I.  (1):  ZAte.  —  Wulf.  (2):  227.22;  269.24.  —  Minor  Prose  (1): 
Alex.  (1) :  59. 

gelician,  please:  U.  (1):  L.  (1):  12.32.  — I.  (3):  Oros.  (2):  106.23  =  107.24;  250.19  =  0.— 
Chron.  (1):  182*,  1052  Cb  (or  appositive?). 
gelustfullian,  delight:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  360b  3. 
gelystan,  please:  U.  (3):  Lcece.  (3):  69.31a,b,  32.  —  I.  (0). 
genihtsumi(g)an,  suffice:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  90.15  =  158.13. 
gerisan,  befit:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Oros.  (1):  54.30  =  0.  —  .Elfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf. 
Mthelw.  (1) :  2. 

getSyncan,  seem  good:  U.  (1):  L.  (1):  1.3.  —  I.  (0). 


278 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


geweofSan  [-u-],  happen:  U.  (1):  Gen.  (1):  1692.  —  I.  (0). 
gewurSan :  see  geweor&an. 

helpan,  help:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXVI.  183.  —  Lcece.  (1):  41.12. 
lician,  please:  U.  (2):  Bede  (1):  276.12  =  214.31.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  308.32.  —  I.  (4) :  Pr.  Ps. 
(1):  43.5  =  43.4.  —  Laws  (1):  46,  yElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  10.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  308.30.  — 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II.  (1):  18.293. 

lystan,  please:  U.  (61):  Bede  (2):  398. 7a>  b  =  288.26,  27a.  —  Boeth.  (8):  1.11  =  0;  39.21  =  0; 
59.9  =  26.23;  78.32  =  70.93;  88.19  =  76.125;  91.8  =  78.46;  121.12,  20  =  0 .—-Greg.  (1): 
279.6  =  210.15.  —  Oros.  (1):  50.17  =  0.  —  Solil.  (11):  1.6;  14.22;  34.9;  39.1;  42.4a- b, 
7a>  b;  52.4;  64.12;  67.22.  —  Wcerf.  (12):  2.21  =0;  18.2a- b  =  160  C;  34.28  =  172  B2;  60.7 
=  192  B1;  83.20.  =  208  C;  86.14  =  212  A;  177.23  =  B.204  B1;  182.16a*b  =  221  A1- 2; 
209. 23b  =  256  B2;  246.19a  =  301  A1.  —  Bened.  (2)  126.17,  18  =  194.2.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2); 
51.16;  101.20a.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  220 b.  —  Mlf.  L.S.  (1):  356.297.  —  jElfric’s  Minor 
Prose  (8):  Mlf.  Gr.  (8):  211.5,  9,  10a- b,  11,  12a-b;  214.9.  —  Wulf.  (3):  141.8a*b*  c. — 
Lcece.  (1):  49.35.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  629. — Beow.  (1):  1793. — Met.  (6):  9.  19; 
10.20;  19.16,  33,  34,  39.  —  I.  (4):  Oros.  (1):  102.25  =  0.  —  Solil.  (3):  14.23;  59.33a>  b. 
onhagian  [an-],  please:  U.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  289.16  =  218.19.  —  I.  (7):  Greg.  (2):  341.13  = 
264.6;  417.17  =  338.21.  —  Solil.  (2):  26.7;  65.10.  —  Chron.  (1):  175b,  1052  D C.  —  Mlf. 
Horn.  (1):  I.  448* 3.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  4.37. 

sc(e)amian,  shame:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (5):  Chron.  (1):  170m,  1050  D.  —  Mlf.  L.  S .  (4):  200.76; 

202.125;  370.100;  XXIII  B.  327. 
tSyncan,  seem:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1  ):Greg.  (1):  177.19  =  132.17. 
tSyncan  +  an  adjective  (or  occasionally  a  noun) :  — 

—  aetSryt,  troublesome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  374b. 

—  dyselig,  foolish:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  94b  2. 

—  eaSre,  easier:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2)  :  Solil.  (2):  21.24;  22.1. 

— hefigtime,  troublesome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Pref.  to  Gen.  22.5. 

—  lang  [-0-],  long ,  tiresome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  52.17. 

—  langsum  [-0-],  long,  tiresome:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  100.23. 

— leofra,  dearer:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  196.7. 

— ■  sceamu,  shame:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  216b,  1085  Eb. 

—  selest  [-ost],  best:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  El.  (2):  533;  1165  (or  each  with  adjective?). 

—  selle,  better:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Ju.  (1):  408. 

—  sellic  [-y-],  strange:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  564  (or  with  adjective?). — 

Wulf.  (1):  269.26. 

—  syllic :  see  sellic. 

—  wierse  [-y-],  worse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  36.7. 

—  wyrse :  see  wierse. 


2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

alef an :  see  aliefan. 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow:  U.  (5):  Bede  (5):  84.20  =  59.20;  278.10,  11  =216.7,  8;  278.22  = 
216.22;  280.1  =  217.1.  —  I.  (29):  Boeth.  (1)  121.19a  =  103.93a.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  39.21  =  176 
A;  156.3  =  B.  182  B1;  214.8  =  261  A.  — Bened.  (1):  86.6  =  154.7.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1): 
137.15.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (4):  II.  40m,  348b,  484b  2,  520m.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  684.— 
Gosp.  (6):  Mat.  (5):  12.2,  10,  12;  14.4;  19.3;  —  Mk.  (1):  6.18.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S. 
II  (1):  18.258.  — Wulf .  (8):  136.24;  210.17;  227.9,  12a-  b,  13;  285.12, 13.  —  Minor  Prose 
(2):  Nic.  (2):  476.16,  478.1.  —  Gu.  (1):  1223. 
alyfan :  see  aliefan. 

bebeodan,  command:  U.  (2):  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  II.  398bl*2.  —  I.  (3):  Bede  (1):  206.16  = 
161.27.  —  Boeth.  (2):  40.10  =  0;  40.24  =  0. 
bewerian,  prohibit:  U.  (2):  Bede  (2):  76.19  =  54.31;  78.31  =  56.9.  —  I.  (0). 
forgi(e)fan,  give,  grant:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXIX.  134a,  b 
(ge)sellan,  give,  allow:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Gosp.  (2):  Mat.  (1):  13.11;  —  Mk.  (1):  4.11. 
laefan,  leave:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  42.9  =  44.18. 
tSencan,  consider,  +  an  adjective:  — 

—  halwende,  salutary:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  479. 

Syncan,  seem,  consider (l),  +  an  adverb:  — 

—  wiertSlicor  [-U-],  worthily:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  48* 4. 

—  wurSlicor :  see  wier&licor. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


279 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  I,  pp.  26-27. 


II.  The  Objective  Infinitive. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

The  infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  inflected. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

abiddan,  bid,  command:  U.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  422b3.  —  I.  (0). 

ablinnan,  cease,  desist  from:  U.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  39.  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  74*. 
adraedan,  fear:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mk.  (1):  9.32. 
aeteowan,  show:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  169.9. 

aginnan  [-y-],  begin:  U.  (28):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  9.30 .  —  Chron.  (2):  7b,  47  F;  206m,  1070  Ac.  — 
Laws  (2):  310,  II  Cnut,  c.  4;  472,  Gri<5,  c.  21.  — Gosp.  (14):  Mat.  (1):  24.49;  —  Mk.  (3): 
6.7;  14.65a,b;  —  L.  (10):  5.21;  12.45a-b-c;  14.29, 30a-b;  22.23a;  23.2a,  30.  —  Wulf.  (7): 
14.14a* b;  85.1;  88.17,21;  105.18;  216.33.  —  Minor  Prose  (2):  Apol.  (2):  19.28,25.9.— 

I.  (5):  Chron.  (5):  6b,  40  F;  8b,  49  F,  116  F,  137  F;  137m,  1006  Eb. 
agynnan :  see  aginnan. 

alefan :  see  aliefan. 

ali(e)fan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow:  U.  (2) :  Gosp.  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  8.21b;  —  L.  (1) :  9.59.  —  I.  (5) :  Laws  (1) : 
30,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  12b  (or  final?).  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (2):  Deut.  3.25a- b. —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1): 
102.227.  —  Mat.  (1):  8.21a. 

atyfan  }  see  aKWan- 

anbidian,  expect:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  438,  Excommunicatio  VII,  c.  2,  §  3. 
anforlaetan,  abandon:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  337.2  ( syngiende  =  syngienne  f)  =  405  B. 

anginnan  [-y-] :  see  onginnan. 

antSracian,  fear:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  554*. 
aSencan,  intend:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Beow.  (1):  2644. 

bebeodan  [bi-],  command,  order:  U.  (11):  Bede  (3):  36.31a-  b  =  19.31;  388.20  =  283.27. — 
Laws  (1):  46,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  7.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  380b  *•  2.  —  iElfric’s  Minor 
Prose  (2):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (2):  101.314*1- 2.  —  El.  (1):  1018.  —  Ju.  (2):  232;  295. 
—  I.  (16):  Bede  (2):  350.28  =  263.25  (?);  412.1  =  297.30.  —  Oros.  (1):  292.27  =  293.28. 
—  Solil.  (1) :  4.2.  —  Chron.  (1):  206*,  1070  Ab.  —  Laws  (2):  42,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49a;  46, 
iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  9b.  —  Wcerf.  (2) :  9.31  =  0;  23.5  =  0.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2) :  I;  240*;  II. 
316b.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  25.7.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  22.203;  456.243.  —  Wulf.  (2): 
294.28;  296.5. 

beginnan,  begin:  U.  (28):  Chron.  (1):  201m,  1067  D.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (4):  II.  142m,  142b,  196b2, 
302*.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (14):  216.96;  230.186;  242.56;  248.153;  296.200;  298.203;  414.24a- b, 
25,  26;  502.263;  504.296;  538.811;  XXXI.  893.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  De  N.  T.  18.1.  —  L. 
(1):  7.49.  — A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (5):  18.21,  25,  40,  74,  97.  —  Wulf.  (1):  214.24.— 
Minor  Prose  (1) :  Benediktiner-Offizium  (1) :  64.29.  —  Creed  (1) :  37.  —  I.  (57) :  Chron.  (1) : 
243*,  1110  Eb.  —  Bened.  (2):  32.1  =  60.1;  63.2  =  118.10.  —  ^/.  Horn.  (16):  I.  10b,  22b, 
46* 2,  66b  2,  152m,  170*,  258*;  II.  146* 2,  148m,  154m,  158m,  196b,  392*,  412b,  418*,  502b. 
—  Mlf.  L.  S.  (17):  36.184;  264.61;  530.704;  XXV.  419,  609,  664;  XXVI.  215;  XXXI. 
96,  165,  406,  535,  992;  XXXV.  24,  30,  172b;  XXXVII.  34,  114.  —Mlf.  Hept.  (17):  De 
V.  T.  4.8:  De  N.  T.  16.42;  17.13,  16;  17.18;  18.21;  Pref.  to  Gen.  22.33;  Gen.  8.3;  9.20; 

II. 6;  18.27,  31;  Num.  3.10;  Judges  7.19,  22;  10.6;  15.8.  — A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (2): 
7.81;  8.148.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (2):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (2):  102.34* 4,  102.42m. 

behatan,  promise:  U.  (0).  — I.  (7):  Chron.  (3):  226*,  1091  E;  236*,  1100  Eb-  c.  —  Mlf.  Hept. 

(1):  Deut.  10.11  .—Gosp.  (2):  Mat.  (1):  14.7;  —  Mk.  (1):  14.11.—  Wulf.  (1):  172.14. 
behealdan,  take  care:  U.  (1):  Ex.  (1):  110  (?).  —  I.  (0). 

beodan,  command:  U.  (10):  Chron.  (1):  173m,  1048  Ec.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  262*.  —  A. 
S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (2):  15.280b,  281.  —  And.  (6):  780,  781a-b,  782,  783,  784.  — I.  (6): 
Greg.  (1) :  47.13  =  24.24.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  39.7.  —  Laws  (1) :  42,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  3a. 
—  Mlf.  Hept.  (2):  Deut.  32.46a-  b.  —  Wulf.  (1):  231.1. 


280 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


beoti(g)an,  threaten:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Chad  (1):  193. 
bewerian  [bi— ],  prohibit ,  forbid:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  82.24  =  58. 27b. —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  80.7 
=  56.32. 

bibeodan:  see  bebeodan. 

biddan,  request,  demand:  U.  (6):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  182m.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (3): 
15.152°  =  0;  15.288a>  b  =  217.320a*  b.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  23.34a  =  42*.  — 
V ersuchung  (1):  9.  —  I.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  58.27. 
biweri(g)an:  see  bewerian. 

blinnan,  cease:  U.  (7):  Bede  (7):  44.2  =  25.7;  202.21  =  159.21;  338.16,  17a- b  =  256.19,  20; 
474. 9a>  b  =  347.32. —  I.  (0). 

bodian,  preach:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  344b. 

cunnian,  try,  attempt:  U.  (1):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  450b.  —  I.  (0). 

cySan  [+  beodan],  make  known:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  483,  Wilhelm  I,  Prol. 

don,  do,  cause:  U.  (2):  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  214.90.  —  Ps.  (1):  118.25.  —  I.  (0). 

elcian,  delay:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  282*. 

el  dan :  see  ieldan. 

findan,  find,  strive (?):  U.  (1):  El.  1255(?).  — -I.  (1):  Dan.  (1):  544. 
fleon,  shun:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  33.12  =  14.4. 

fon,  undertake,  begin:  U.  (2) :  Wulf.  (2) :  133. 14a- b.  —  I.  (6) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  197.6  =  240  D.  —  AElf.  L. 

S.  (2):  70.345;  XXXIV.  64. — AElf.  Hept.  (2):  Judges  3.6  =  0;  13.1.  —  Wulf.  (1):  105.33. 
forasldan :  see  forieldan. 

forbeodan,  forbid,  prohibit:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  70.8  =  50.34.  —  I.  (18):  Greg.  (1):  369.3 
=  286.5.  —  Laws:  (1):  214  Kronungseid,  Prol. — AElf.  Horn.  (4):  1. 122*,  218b;  II.  308m, 
534b.  —  AElf.  Hept.  (1) :  De  V.  T.  4.43.  —  AElf.  L.  S.  (5) :  XXV.  36,  42(?),  89;  XXXII., 
105,  221.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (3) :  1.213;  3.9;  7.115.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1) :  AElf. 
Gr.  (1):  242.7.—  Wulf.  (2) :  200.3a* b. 

forefon,  presume,  undertake:  U.  (1):  Laws  (1):  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  4,  §  4.  —  I.  (0). 

forgi(e)fan,  grant,  allow:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  486.4  =  360.4  (or  final?).  —  I.  (0). 

forgieman  [-y— ],  neglect:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Laws  (2):  453,  Gerefa,  Inscr.,  c.  3,  §  lc*  d. 

forgiemeleasian  [-y-],  neglect:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  102b. 

forgyfan:  see  forgi(e)fan. 

forgyman :  see  forgieman. 

forgymeleasian :  see  forgiemeleasian. 

forhogian,  despise,  neglect:  U.  (2):  Bede  (1):  464.10  =  329.29.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  34.6  =  172  A. 

—  I.  (3) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  180.18  =  217  B2.  —  AElf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  376b  3.  —  Clir.  (1) :  1288. 
forhycgan,  despise,  neglect:  U.  (2):  Bede  (2):  76.30a,  33  =  55.9,  12.  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1): 
41.36. 

forieldan  [-ae-],  delay,  defer:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  440.19  =  313.2.  —  I.  (0). 

forlastan,  abandon,  omit:  U.  (1) :  And.  (1) :  802b.  —  I.  (1) :  Greg.  (1) :  393.28  =  310.26. 

forsacan,  refuse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  1345. 

forseon,  despise,  neglect:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Wcerf.  (1):  180.17  =  217  B1.  —  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 

374*.  —  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  290.96.  —  Wulf.  (1):  296.28. 
forwieman,  prevent,  prohibit;  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  AElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  604m  l. —  AElf.  L.  S.  (1): 
380.249. 

gselan,  hinder  from:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  445.30  =  374.14. 
geceosan,  choose:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf .  L.  S.  (1):  200.73. 
gedihtan,  direct,  order:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  10.10. 

gedyrstlaecan,  presume,  dare:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (8):  Bened.  (7):  15.13  =  28.3;  55.10  =  104.2; 
56.18a*  b  =  106.9a-b;  69.19  =  132.5;  86.14  =  154.15;  106.4  =  172.12.  —  AElf.  Horn.  (1): 
II  392* 2. 

geeamian,  deserve,  earn:  U.  (5):  Bede  (2):  350.23  =  263.20;  470.9  =  345.29.  —  AElf.  Horn.  (3): 

I.  446b  2;  II.  598m,  600b.  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  431. 
geeatSmodi(g)an,  deign,  vouchsafe:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  98.28  =  81.30(?).  —  I.  (0). 
gefon,  attempt,  undertake,  begin:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  148. 
gefrignan,  learn  by  inquiry:  U.  (2):  Beow.  (1):  74.  —  And.  (1):  1094.  —  I.  (0). 
gegiemian  [-y-J,  desire:  U.  (1):  AElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  497.  —  I.  (0). 
gegymian :  see  gegiemian. 

gehatan,  order,  promise:  U.  (2):  Bede  (2):  144.27,  28  =  118.11.  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (1):  316.22. 

=  243.6.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  181.26. 
geheran :  see  gehieran. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


281 


gehi(e)ran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear:  U.  (65):  Bede  (1):  330.17  =  252.4.  —  Boeth.  (3):  34.3  =  0;  98.26 
=  84.64;  142.26  =  0.  —  Greg.  (1):  427.17  =  350.22.  —  Sola.  (1):  50.6.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1): 
41.3  =  41.4. —Chron.  (4) :  67b,  855  F;  152m,  1016  Eb;  199*,  1066  E;  247*,  1116  Eb.  —  Wcerf. 
(6):  11.17  =  153  D;  163.15  =  B.  190  B2;  186.1  =  225  C;  190.18  =  232  B;  248.6  =  304 
A;  338. lb  =408  A3.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (16):  15.28;  55.26a’b;  83.7a*b;  103.19;  105.5;  107.30; 
111.17a’ b*  c,  18a;  113.4;  117.2;  137.8;  213.26.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (2) :  II.  106  IV.  2.  —  Mart.  (1) : 

128.23 . —Mf.  Horn.  (3) : 1. 284*;  II.  350*,  460*.—  Mf.  L.S.  (5):  18.131; 286.62;  500.225; 
XXIII  B.  215;  XXXI.  694.  —  Mf.  Hept.  (6) :  Pref.  toGen.  22.10 ;Gen.  41.15;  42.1,  2;  Ex. 
19.13;  Judges ,  Epilogue,  p.  265,  1.  6.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  5.1.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  14.60.  —  L.  (1):  19.48.  —  Wulf.  (7):  237.22;  250.15;  255.5,  6a-b*  c;  306.16. 
—  Lcece.  (1) :  153.9.  —  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Apol.  (1) :  22.31;  Nic.  (1) :  486.1.  —  El.  (1) :  661. 

—  Gu.  (1) :  1095.  —  Ps.  (1) :  131.6.  —  I.  (0). 
gehogian,  think ,  intend:  U.  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1989.  —  I.  (0). 
gehyhtan,  hope:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  164.21  =  138.1. 
gehyran:  see  gehi(e)ran . 

gelefan :  see  geliefan. 

geleornian,  learn:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  404.22  =  292.17.  —  I.  (1):  Bede  210.31  =  164.22. 
geliefan  [-©-,  -y-],  believe,  hope:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  330.25a,b  =  252.13. 
gelyfan :  see  geliefan. 

gemed(e)mian  [gi-],  deign,  vouchsafe:  U.  (5):  Laws  (2):  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  3,  §  2a, 
§4.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  50* 2 .  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXIII  B.  713,  738.  —  I.  (1): 
iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mf.  Mthelw.  (1):  51.  [See  pp.  54-55  above.] 
geman :  see  gieman. 

gemyntan,  intend,  determine:  U.  (5):  Chron.  (2):22b,  616  Fa,b. —  Mf.  L.  S.  (2):  154.127b; 
502.255.  —  Ex.  (1):  199.  —  I.  (7):  Mf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  414*;  II.  578*  \  —  Mf.  L.S.  (3): 
154.127a;  212.51;  XXV.  769 .  —  Mf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  24.11.  —  Wulf.  (1):  277.26. 
geseon,  see:  U.  (20) :  Greg.  (1) :  49.25  =  26.28.  —  Oros.  (1) :  138.26  =  0.  —  Wcerf.  (2) :  99.9  =  B. 
130  A2;  273.20  =  33  A K  —  Mart.  (1):  148.3.—^/.  Horn.  (6):  I.  146*  II.  184m, 
186*,  346* 4.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  112.399;  250.204.  —  L.  (1):  12.55. —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L. 
S.  II  (2):  16.82;  18.84.  —  Lcece.  (1):  97.34.  —  Beow.  (2):  231;  1024.  —  Rid.  (1):  57.12. 

—  I.  (0). 

gestihhian  [-styohhian],  determine,  decide:  U.  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  218.9  =  168.2.  — •  I.  (1) :  Solil. 
(1):  38.1  =0. 

gestyohhian :  see  gestihhian. 

geswican,  stop,  cease  from:  U.  (2) :  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXIII.  206.  —  L.  (1) :  5.4.  —  I.  (9) :  Mf. 
Horn.  (5) :  I.  46*,  596^ 3;  II.  126b,  156*,  206*.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXXI.  497,  1049;  XXXII. 
246,  — *  Minor  Prose  (1):  Neot  (1):  64. 
geswutelian  [-sweot-],  show,  explain:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  3.7. 

geteohhian,  think,  determine:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (12):  Boeth.  (4):  117.21  =  0;  127.27  =  0;  139. 29a 
=  121.10;  143.23  =  0.  —  Greg.  (3):  251.24  =  190.22;  419.13  =  340.23;  445.7  =  372.19.  — 
Solil.  (1):  37.5.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  10.3.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  54.26  =  188  B2.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  I. 
198b.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  677. 
geteon,  determine:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  332.9  =  253.1.  —  I.  (0). 
getilian,  strive  for,  attempt:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  35.17. 

getSafian,  allow,  permit:  U.  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  606.  —  I.  (3):  Bede  (1):  276.31  = 

215.24.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  4b,  604m  2. 

getSencan,  think,  strive:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mf.  Hept.  (1):  Job,  XII  (=  6.27). — Minor  Prose  (1): 
Alex.  (1):  11. 

geSristlaecan  [-y-],  presume,  undertake:  U.  (5) :  Laws  (1) :  46,  AClfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  9C.  — 
Wcerf.  (1) :  207.24  =  253  A.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXIII  B.  277, 645,  745.  —  I.  (6) :  Laws  (2) : 
414,  Judicium  Dei  VII,  c.  13  A1* 2.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  721.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  11.122.  —  Wulf.  (2):  34.14,  15. 
geSrystlaecan:  see  ge&ristlcecan. 

geSyrsti(g)an,  presume,  undertake:  U.  (2):  Bede  (2):  70.16  =  51.8;  78.33a  =  56.10a.  —  I.  (0). 
gewil(l)nian,  desire:  U.  (7):  Wcerf.  (1):  208.14  =  253  C2.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  608*;  II. 
588* 2.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  187.—  Gosp.  (3):  Mat.  (1):  13.17b;  —  L.  (2):  15.16; 
22.15.  —  I.  (15) :  Chron.  (1) :  219m,  1086  Eb.  —  Laws  (1) :  45,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  3b.  — 
Mf.  Horn.  (7):  I.  550*,  552*,  556*,  596*,  612m;  II.  154b  2,  588*.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (4):  196.22; 
XXIII  B.  183,  358;  XXXVI.  159.  —  Mat.  (1):  13. 17a.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1): 
18.17. 


282 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


gewunian,  use,  be  wont:  U.  (31)  :  Bede  (16):  62.4  =  47.13;  172.16  =  142.19;  188.30  =  152.11; 
266.12  =  209.14;  272. 8a- b  =  212.19a*b;  336.23a*  b  =  255.26;  342.5  =  258.29;  364.3,  4  = 
270. 5a’ b;  368.32  =  273.17;  386.29  =  283.2;  442.19a*b  =  314.6;  442.21  =  314.9.  —  Laws 
(2):  38,  ACIfred,  Intr.,  c.  30;  410,  Jud.  Dei  IV,  c.  3,  §  5.  —  Wcerf.  (9):  4.19  =  152  A; 
181.3,  4  =  217  C5;  183.4  =  221  B;  185.24  =  225  B2;  201.15  =  245  B1;  206.16  =  252  B2; 

207.4  =  252  C4;  242.9  =  296  C1.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (4):  XXIII  B.  164a’ b,  165;  XXXIII. 
177.  — I.  (8):  Greg .  (1):  273.17  =  206.14.  —  Oros.  (1):  34.5  =  35.3.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  161.19 
=  B.  188  C.;  163.37  =  B.  190  B5;  289.10  =  349  C2:  no  Latin.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII 
B.  368.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  22.4.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.45. 
gieman  [-e-,  -y-],  care:  U.  (4):  Bede  (4):  364.1  =  0;  412.26  =  298.25;  442.2,  3  =  313.19,  20. 

—  I.  (3):  Bede  (2):  208.16  =  162.28;  362.10  =  269.16.  —  Beow.  (1):  2452. 
giernan  [-y-j,  desire,  yearn  for:  U.  (0). — I.  (4):  Bede  (1):  480.11  =  351.21.  —  Bl.  Horn .  (1): 

53.25.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (2):  I.  7;  II.  93. 
ginnan,  begin:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  60.23  =  46.32.  —  I.  (0). 
gyman :  see  gieman. 
gyrnan :  see  giernan. 

habban,  have:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (7):  Boeth.  (1):  52.27  =  52.10.  —  Laws  (1):  106,  Ine,  c.  42. — 
/Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  78m.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (2):  Ex.  16.23;  Judges  3.20a.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  15.149.  —  Mat.  (1):  20.22. 


hatan,  command:  U.  (1124):  Bede  (66):  36.3a- b  =  19.6;  38.5  =  20.3;  40.18  =  21.21;  44.8  = 
25.10;  46. 5a*  b  =  27.19;  50.26  =  31.5;  58.19  =  0;  88.28  =  0;  90.20  =  70.20;  104.4a-  b  =  84.23; 
104.22a*  b  =  85.18;  104.26,  27  =  85.26;  110.12  =  90.12;  114.12  =  92.16;  116.7,  8  =  93.12,  13; 
116.17  =  93.24;  126.25  =  107.30;  136.12  =  112.25;  140.22  =  115.16;  166.6,  7  =  138.20;  166.28 
=  139.16;  168. 12a’  b  =  140.4,  5;  172.7,  8  =  142.7,  8;  188.21a>b  =  152.1;  194.1,  29  =  154.20, 
155.27;  196.13  =  156.14;  238.27  =  180.4;  254.5  =  202.11;  308.14  =  237.26;  326.20a  =  250.12a; 
344.20  =  0;  344.21,  22  =  260.17a’ b;  344.34  =  260.29;  366.28  =  272.4;  388.21  =  283.29;  388.25a>  b 
=  283. 32a>  b;  388.27  =  284.2;  388.33  =  284.10;  406.5  =  293.3;  416.28a-  b  =  300.23,  24;  418.17, 
18  =  301.12,  13;  440.2a  =  312.16b;  456.5  =  325.2;  458.8  =  326.2;  460.5a’ b  =  326.27,  28;  460.30 
=  0;  470. 19a>  b*  c  =  346. 6a>  b>  c;  470.21  =  346.8.  —  Boeth.  (12):  3.3  =  0;  7.11  =  0;  37.8a’  b 
=  41.35;  39.19  =  43.2a;  39.22  =  43.2b;  66.32,  67.1  =  61.30;  99.8  =  0;  144.30a  -b>  c  =  0 .—Greg. 
(3):  3.1  =  0;  3.2  =  0;  9.14  =  0;  — Oros.  (81):  1.19  =  0;  3.18  =  0;  5.25  =  0;  44.8  =  45.6;  44.13 
=  0;  52.24a-  b  =  53.19;  54.31,  32  =  0;  68.10,  11,  12  =  69.8,  9;  76.31,  32  =  77.19,  20;  80.26  =  0; 


84.4  =  83.34;  96.18  =  0;  108.12  =  0;  114.33  =  0;  120.33  =  121.26;  122.1  =  121.27;  126.21 
=  127.23;  128.16  =  129.15;  130.17  =  131.15;  132.25  =  133.20;  148.24  =  0;  150.11  =  151.5; 

156.7  =  157.3;  164.32,  33  =  165.27;  168.27  =  169.25;  174.15,  16a- b  =  175.12;  186.19a’b 
=  187.15;  196.31  =  0;  198.30a-b  =  199.30;  202.23a’b  =  203.11;  212.10a’b  =  213.15,  16;  218.12 
=  219.12;  218. 32a>  b  =  219.31,  32;  224.15,  16  =  225.14;  228.8a>  b  =  229.7;  242.17,  18  =  243.16; 
242.23  =  0;  246.1  =  245.32;  246.23  =  247.26;  246.24a- b  =  247.28;  246.32  =  0;  250.13  =  0; 

256.4  =  257.2;  258.3  =  259.2;  260.20  =  261.19;  260.23  =  261.22;  260.30  =  261.29;  264.22 
=  265.20;  266.14  =  267.13;  268.22  =  269.19;  268.28  =  269.29;  270.8  =  271.8;  270.13  =  271.13; 

274.4  =  275.3;  282.16  =  0;  282.32  =  283.30;  284.7a’ b  =  285.7;  286.30  =  0;  288.12  =  289.8; 

290.4  =  0;  290. 5a>  b  =  291.2;  290.30  =  291.28;  290.31  =  0.  —  Chron.  (58):  12*,  449  Ab-  c;  25m, 
626  Ea’ b;  26m,  643  A;  28b,  650  E;  30*,  656  Ec;  39m,  685  E;  54m,  792  A;  90™,  897  Aa;  90b,  897  Ab; 
91m,  897  Ac;  92*,  901  A;  94*,  905  A;  96m,  913  A;  100m,  919  A;  101*,  921  Aa-  b-  c;  103b,  922  Aa; 
104*,  922  Ab-  c;  104*,  923  Aa-  b-  c;  104m,  924  Aa-  b-  c;  112b,  952  Da-  b;  119*,  969  E;  121m,  975  Ea; 
127m,  992  E;  127b,  993  E;  128b,  995  Fd;  135*,  1002  E;  136m,  1006  Ea;  139m,  1009  Eb;  145*, 
1014  Ea;  145b,  1014  Ec;  146*,  1015  Ea’b;  155*,  1017  E;  164b,  1046  Ca;  190b,  1065  Ca;  229m, 
1094  Ec;  231*,  1095  Ea;  231m,  1095  Eb;  231b,  1095  Ec-  d-  e;  231b,  1095  E1,  g;  232*,  1095  Eh- l; 
232m,  1096  Ea* b-  c.  —  Laws  (2):  46,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  9a;  182,  VI  iEthelstan,  c.  12,  §  1.  — 
Wcerf.  (24):  39.10,  11  =  173  D;  50.29,  30  =  185  A;  51.17,  18  =  185  A2;  60.33a  =  192  B3;  123.19 
=  B.  154  B;  158.16  =  B.  184  C;  159.14  =  186  A2;  182.10  =  220  C;  193.22  =  236  C;  195.17 
=  237  C2;  198.7,  8,  9  =  241  O  2> 3;  201.19  =  245  B2;  201.25,  26  =  245  B4’ 5;  202.1  =  245  B6; 

202.7  =  245  C1;  202.13  =  245  C2;  240.19  =  293  B2;  318.10  =  384  B.  —  Bened.  (3) :  15.8  =  26.19; 
86.15  =  154.17;  88.18  =  156.20.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (20):  15.21;  95.13;  175.1;  177.2;  177.4a*b;  179.29, 


30;  183.3,  16,  19,  26,  27;  187.12,  15;  189.20,  33,  35;  243.30;  247.27.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (2):  II.  43;  XX. 
9.  —  Mart.  (145):  4.11;  6.11a’  b,  13,  14;  10.5,  16a’  b;  20.1;  22.25,  26a-  b;  24.19,  22,  23,  27;  26.3, 
5,  24;  28.17a>  b,  24,  28,  30;  30.18;  38.1;  42.7;  46.25;  54.2;  56.17;  58.6,  8,  19;  60.8;  64.22,  23,  24a; 
66.10,  lla*b;  68.3;  70.18,  25,  26,  27:  78.25;  80.25;  82.8,  13;  90.13,  16;  92.4,  19,  20a*b;  96.5,  6, 
21,  22;  98.23,  24;  100.23,  24;  106.5fe,  16,  28;  114.10,  24,  26;  118.8,  18,  26;  120.9;  122.23,  24; 
124.3,  4;  130.16;  132.6,  7,  8b;  134.1,  12;  140.5;  142.2,  3;  144.18,  24;  148.7,  15;  150.20;  152.17, 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


283 


21;  154.3,8;  156.1, 12, 13ab,  23;  158.8, 14;  162.6;  166.15s,  17,21;  168.4, 18;  170.27;  172.17;  174.6, 
22;  178.8,  9;  188.15;  194.16;  196.14s* b,  21,  22;  198.24;  200.7,  8,  11;  202.25,  26;  204.23;  208.20; 
210.6,  7;  212.6,  7;  214.7,  8,  9,  14,  30;  216.21a’ b,  22,  25;  218.6,  7,  17,  23 .  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (153): 
I.  32b,  58b  *•  2,  60ra,  66b,  74b  2,  82*,  86b  2* 3,  88*  4-  2,  142*,  152b,  186b,  190*,  208*  f*  2,  210*, 
266b  2,  376*,  380* 2* 3,  382*  2,  416*,  420*,  424*  i* 2,  426*,  426m,  426b  2,  428*  *> 2,  428ra,  428b  2, 
432*  2,  432b  3- 4* 6’ 6,  434m,  442*,  458*,  458m,  464m,  464b,  468b  2,  470*,  478*  *•  2,  484* 2,  508b, 
524b  »• 2,  560b 2,  570*  4* 2,  572m,  574* 2,  588*,  590*,  590b  2,  592b,  594m  b  2. 3>  594b.  IL  2o*  1. 2.  s, 
40*  b  2’ 3* 4* 5* 6,  122b,  144*  b  2,  166*,  166m,  168*,  170b  4,  174b,  178b  3,  186b  b  2. 3>  192t>  19gb  2. 3> 
210m,  252b,  274b  2,  290* 4* 2* 3,  304m,  304b  b  2^  304b  4,  308*,  308b  2* 3* 4,  310*  b  2^  310b  1. 2, 3> 
312*  b  2?  336*,  358*  b  2,  376b  1. 2,  334*  1-  ^  406b  2,  408b  2.  ^  422*,  422m,  422b  2,  424b  2-  3,  434b, 
436m  b  2,  478b,  480ra,  482ra,  484*  b  2, 3>  484b,  486*,  488b  2,  490*,  490b  b  2^  502m,  514b,  572*,  572b. 
—  /Elf.  L.  S.  (276) :  28.74;  30.113;  36.191;  42.298;  46.363,  378;  48.389,  390,  396;  56.94;  58.126; 
62.190,  191,  195,214,215;  68.297;  74.409;  76.438;  86.606;  96.120,  121;  100.178,  181,  182; 
104.243,  249,  251,  263;  106.270;  108.300,  301,  332,  333;  110.334,  353,  363,  364;  112.369,  392, 
393;  114.403,  420;  124.134;  128.183;  140.371,  374,  383;  142.410;  144.422,  423,  424;  146.450, 
455;  154,112;  156.165;  160.206,209,  211;  162.237;  174.82,92;  178.141,  142,  143s- b;  182.218, 
219;  184.244;  186.289;  190.365;  194.418s* b;  196.9;  198.39,  69;  200.92,  101;  202.112,  113,  122, 
123, 128, 129;  204.154, 168, 170;  206.182;  214.81;  216.104, 106, 117, 118, 126;  218.144;  230.169; 
238.280,  291;  240.38;  242.54,  63,  66;  244.99,  111;  246.131;  252.245,  246;  254.260;  278.248; 
308.8;  310.42,  43,  44,  45,  46s* b,  48,  49,  60;  312.83,  84s’ b,  86,  87,  88a’b;  316.131,  152;  388.92; 
390.125;  398.233;  402.317;  404.337,  345,350;  406.365,  369,  377,  378s* b;  410.430;  414.6;  416.33, 
45;  418.74,  82;  422.130;  438.86;  480.135,  136,  137,  142;  484.194,  203;  488.20;  498.178,  179, 
191s-  b;  500.228;  502.264;  504.295;  506.316;  514.444;  534.758,  761;  XXIV.  9,  29s-  b,  40,  41,  47, 
51,  63,  133;  XXV.  24,  115,  116s- b,  117s’ b,  118,  130,  380,  448,  835;  XXVI,  96s* b,  162,  163; 
XXVII.  37,  76;  XXVIII.  26,  98;  XXIX.  200,  211,  230,  231,  237,  239,  241,  245,  249,  252,  253, 

256,  257,  277,  278,  283,  284,  314,  327,  328;  XXX.  294,  296,  378,  409s- b,  414,  416,  421s*  b,  422, 

456,  458;  XXXI.  116,  364,  509,  553,  656,  782,  1176,  1409;  XXXII.  122,  215,  234;  XXXIII. 
41,  208,  264;  XXXIV.  204,  211,  215,  217,  280,  308,  343s*  b;  XXXV.  47,  49,  136,  138,  188,  194, 
195,  225s*  b,  226,  227,  294,  311,  312,  324,  325,  326s’ b,  335,  337;  XXXVI.  117,  119,  210,  360, 
366,  390,  397;  XXXVII.  46,  52,  156,  157 .  —  Mf.  Hept.  (38):  De  V.  T.  8  26;  De  N.  T.  15.19, 
16.16, 16.17,  Gen.  12.18, 20.2,  27.42s,  27.45s,  37.3,  40.19,  40.22,  41.10;  Ex.  2.5,  4.22,  5.1,  8.1,  9.7, 
12.31,  15.25s,  16.33s- b,  19.23s*  b,  32.24,  33.7;  Num.  21.32,  24.10,  25.5,  31.18;  Jos.  2.1,  2.3, 
4.9,  7.2,  8.29,  10.18s* b,  10.27.  — iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (8):  /Elf .  Gr.  (1):  125.7;  Napier’s  Ad. 
to  Th.  (7):  101.318b,  321*1;  102.35bl,  38* 3*4,  41m,  42b.  —  Gosp.  (10);  Mat.  (3):  18.25;  27.58; 
27.64;  —  Mk.  (4):  5.43b;  6.17;  8.7;  10.49;  —  L.  (3):  8.55s;  18.40;  19.15.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L. 
S.  I  (15):  5.132,  157;  7.187;  8.10,  76,  103,  125,  189,  210s* b,  223;  9.153s* b,  154,  341.  —  A.  S. 
Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (27) :  13.102s;  15.14;  15.77s* b  =  210.68;  15.88s*  b  =  210.80;  15.95,  96  =  210.84; 
15.118, 119s*  b  =  211.100s* b;  15.152s* b  =  212.134;  15.153  =  212.135;  15.169  =  212.159;  15.280s 
=  0;  15.282  =  217.312c;  15.287s  =  0;  15.287b  =  217.320;  15.304  =  218.342;  16.26s* b,  230,  236s* b, 

257,  278.  —  Wulf.  (6):  99.8,  25;  148.20,  21;  237.1;  263.2.  —  Lcece.  (1):  88.7.  —  Minor  Prose 
(50):  Alex.  (25):  151(?),  233b,  248,  252,  274,  279s* b,  282,  283,  294,  382,  383,  385,  387,  417, 

457,  460,  495s,  528,  551s*  b*  c,  563,  598(?),  636 ;  —  Apol.  (17):  21.3  =  39b;  21.35s* b  =  40*; 
22.17  =  40b;  26.2s  =  43b;  27.10,  12s,  19,  22  =  44,  45;  28.23,  29.1  =  46*;  32.25,  26  =  49b;  33.5, 
25,  26,  29  =  50;  —  Benediktiner-Offizium  (1):  64.23;  —  Nic.  (7):  472.2,  9,  15;  474.17;  476.24, 
482.19,  514.14.  —  Beow.  (18):  199;  386;  391;  674;  1036;  1054;  1115;  1116s* b;  1807;  1808; 
1920;  2152;  2190;  2337;  2892;  3095;  3110. —Gen.  (8):  960;  1060;  1856;  1859;  1867;  2455; 
2628;  2666.  —  Dan.  (11):  53;  126;  225;  229;  242;  511;  512;  514;  519;  521;  704.  —  Chr.  (2): 
253;  1375.  —  El.  (25):  45s* b;  80;  104;  106;  107;  108;  109;  129;  276;  279;  510;  691;  692;  862; 
864;  876;  1003;  1023;  1025;  1052;  1160;  1174;  1198;  1204.  —  Ju.  (23):  142a*b;  143;  161;  187; 
188;  228s*  b;  231;  254;  265;  303;  309;  333;  532;  575;  577;  579;  580;  584;  603;  604;  613.  —Gu. 
(3):  661;  1344;  1348.  —  And.  (8):  587;  1146;  1229;  1230;  1272;  1390;  1633;  1634.  —Jud.  (1): 
35.  —  Met.  (5):  1.43,  73;  9.9,  24,  30.  —  Ps.  (6):  50.18s* b  (Cot.);  50.21  (Cot.);  54.8;  103.25; 
118.138.  —  Fates  of  Apostles  (2) :  46;  69.  —  Gifts  (1) :  60.  —  H.  L.  (2) :  12;  20.  —  Maldon  (3) : 
30;  102s*  b.—S.  &  S.  (5):  173;  275;  277;  278;  458.  —  W.  C.  (1):  15.  —  I.  (0). 

heran :  see  hieran. 

liieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear:  U.  (26):  Bede  (4):  190.7  =  152.18;  348.26  =  262.20;  426.3  =  305.16; 
430.12  =  307.26.  —  Oros.  (3):  138.18  =  139.18;  156.9  =  0;  286.7  =  287.7 .  —  Chron.  (7): 
30*,  656  Eb;  64b,  851  A;  205*,  1070  Eb*  c;  207b,  1070  E;  245ra,  1114  Ed;  267m,  1140  Ed. 
—  Woerf.  (1):  2. 16  =  0.  —  Minor  Prose  (1  ):Cato,  Zusatze  (1):  53.21. —  Beow.  (4):  38;  273; 
582;  875 .  —  Chr.  (1):  73.  —  El.  (2):  671;  853.  —  And.  (1):  1176.  —  Hoi.  (1):  83.— 
Partridge  (1):  1.  —  I.  (0). 


284 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


higian,  strive  for,  be  intent  on:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Greg.  (1):  105.14  =  72.18.  —  Woerf.  (2): 
178. 3a’ b  =  B.  204  C2. 

hogian  [hohgian],  think,  intend,  determine:  U.  (6):  Solil.  (1):  35.19.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXVI. 

363.  —  Gen .  (3) :  691;  692a- b.  —  Jud.  (1) :  274.  —  I.  (0). 
hohgian :  see  hogian. 
hyran :  see  hieran. 

ieldan  [e-,  y-],  delay:  U.  (0).  — I.  (5):  Bede  (3):  132.16  =  110.24;  430.33a- b  =  308.13a*b.— 
Woerf.  (1):  119.1  =  B.  148  C1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  7.33. 
laeran,  teach:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (2):  258.8  =  204.20;  276.6b  =  214.27b.  —  Boeth.  (1):  79.17 
=  0.  —  Lcece.  (1):  35.10. 

lastau,  permit,  cause:  U.  (121):  Boeth.  (3):  38.12  =  42.53;  133.25  =  113.142;  134.31  = 
114.174.  —  Greg.  (2):  229.1  =  172.16;  349.12  =  270.3.  —Oros.  (3):  258.18, 19  =  0;  296.29 
=  297.27.  —  Chron.  (56):  28m,  648  F;  36b,  675  Ea;  37*,  675  Eb;  115b,  963  Ea;  116*,  963 
Ec;  157b,  1023  Cb;  158m,  1035  C;  159b,  1036  D;  162*,  1040 O  b;  162*,  1041 C;  162b,  1043  C; 
168b,  1049  O  b;  175m,  1052  Db;  176*,  1048  Ee;  178m,  1052  Ca;  184m,  1053  C;  185b,  1055 
Da* b;  186*,  1055Ca;  186m,  1055  Cb;  192m,  1065  Cd;  204b,  1071  D;  209m,  1073  D;  211b,  1076 
D;  212*,  1075  E;  214b,  1079  D;  215b,  1083  Eb;  216*,  1085  Ea’  b;  216m,  1085  Ec*  d;  216b, 
1085  Ee;  220b,  1086  Ed*e  ;  225*,  1087  Ee;  229*,  1094  Ea;  233b,  1097  Eb;  236m,  1100  Ed’ e- 1 ; 
237b,  1102  E;  243b,  1112  Ea>  b;  244*,  1114  Ea;  246b,  1116  Ea;  250*,  1121  E;  251*,  1123  Eb; 
253b,  1124  Ea;  254*,  1124  Eb;  256m,  1126  Ea;  256m,  1126  Eb>  c;  256b,  1127  Ea;  265m,  1137 
Ee.  —  Woerf.  (1) :  341.36  =  416  B.  —  Bened.  (1) :  110.19  =  0.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (4) :  13.9;  33.10; 
33.17a;85.2.  —  Mlf.  Rom.  (3) :  1. 150b,  598m;  II.  488b  4;  —Mlf.  L.  S.  (8) :  106.272;  128.204; 
130.213;  512.417;  530.680;  XXV.  239;  XXXI.  523;  XXXIII.  22.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (3) :  Ex. 
12.23;  Deut.  32.39;  Judges  16.18.  — Mat.  (2):  5.45;  27.26.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I.  (4): 
8.155,  205,  298;  9.137.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  II.  (2):  16.231;  17.29.  —  Wulf.  (10):  23.4; 
45.25;  110.14,  15;  111.1;  125.13;  195.9;  230.19;  271.5,  7.  —  Loece.  (14):  37.36;  47.4;  80.6; 
82.6;  86.27b;  88.28;  105.24;  106.9;  126.13;  138.2,  3a-  b-  c,  4.  — Minor  Prose  (2):  Bene - 
diktiner-Offizium  (1) :  74.6;  —  Chad,  Anhang  (1) :  5.  —  And.  (1) :  397.  —  Ps.  (1) :  103.13. 
—  Whale  (1):  65.  — I.  (0). 
lefan :  see  lief  an. 

leornian,  learn:  U.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  416b.  —  I.  (7):  Bede  (1):  246.7  =  194.29.  —  Greg. 
(2):  441.17  =  368.15;  441.28  =  368.25.  —  ^/.  L.  S.  (2):  132.242;  344.127 b.  —  A.  S. 
Horn.  &  L.S.  I  (2):  1.253b,  256. 

liefan,  allow:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Greg.  (1):  451.29  =  382.10.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  21.22. — 
Mat.  (1):  19.8.  —  Wulf.  (1):  174.7. 

lofian,  praise,  but  here  allow (1):  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  185b,  1054  D. 
lyfan :  see  liefan. 

lystan,  desire:  U.  (1):  Woerf.  (1):  45.22  =  180  B1.  —  I.  (0). 
murnan,  care  for,  lament:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  474,  Judex,  c.  3. 

mynnan,  direct  one's  course  to,  intend:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Gu.  (1):  1062.  —  And.  (1):  295. 
myntan,  think,  intend:  U.  (17):  Bede  (1):  392.20  =  286.1.  —  Woerf.  (3):  12.11  =  15  A2;  123.1 
=  B.  154  A;  254.35  =  312  A1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (4):  223.7,  11,  16;  225.12.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (3):  13.57,  167,251.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  334.  —  Beow.  (3):  713; 

763;  764.  —  Chr.  (1):  1058.  —  Met.  (1):  26.72.  — I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  265m,  1137  Ef. 

nytan :  see  witan. 

oferhogian,  despise:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Laws  (2):  453,  Gerefa,  Inscr.,  c.  3,  §  la>  b. 
ofseon,  see:  U.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  184b.  — I.  (0). 

ondraedan,  fear:  U.  (3) :  Bede  (2) :  72.9b  =  52.2;  326.15  =  250.8.— Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXIII  B.  552. 
—  I.  (8) :  Greg.  (1) :  49.18  =  26.23.  —  Solil.  (1) :  43.3.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  104b.  —  Mat. 
(2):  1.20;  2.22.  —  Wulf.  (2):  248.14;  286.27.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1):  500.15m. 
onfon,  undertake,  begin:  U.  (0). — I.  (5):  Bede  (2):  334.4,  5  =  254.3.  —  Woerf.  (1):  75.33  = 
204  A.  —  Bened.  (1):  14.17  =  26.1.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  10.550. 
ongietan,  understand:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  801. 

onginnan  [an-,  -y-],  begin ,  attempt:  U.  (977):  Bede  (121):  24.23  =  0;  28.17  =  12.10;  34.19 
=  18.18;  40.19  =  21.22;  44.10a-  b*  c  =  25.25;  48.23  =  29.22;  48.27  =  29.31;  52.17a-  b  =  32.5; 
54.9  =  33.8;  56.1  =  42.24;  56.2a* b  =  42.25;  56.16  =  43.9;  62.6a-  b-  c* d,  7a-b  =  47.14a’b>  c,  15a- b-  c; 
62.11  =  47.19;  62.14a- b  =  47.23b;  88.2  =  61.13;  98.16,  17  =  81.16;  106.19  =  86.29;  106.25 
=  87.6;  106.27a* b  =  87.8;  112.4  =  91.8;  118.10  =  94.26;  122.30a-  b  =  99.22a’ b;  122.33  =  99.25; 
138. 25a* b  =  114.13;  148.30  =  125.22;  154.34  =  129.11;  172.31  =  143.6;  174.12  =143.19;  176.3 
=  144.9;  178. 19a>  b  =  145.31a’  b;  178.28,  30  =  146.8,  9;  180.3a’  b  =  146.17a’  b;  180.16a* b  =  147.3; 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


285 


180.29  =  147.17;  182.8  =  147.27;  182.30  =  148.24;  184.24,  25a-b  =  149.23s- b;  184.27  =  149.24; 
190.14,  15  =  152.28;  198.4,  5  =  157.5,  6;  200.12  =  158.13;  210.21  =  164.11;  242.25  =  193.3; 
246.22,  23,  24  =  195.18,  19,  21;  250.10,  lla-  b  =  199.19s-  b;  256.24  =  203.30;  258.26  =  205.13; 
276.6a  =  214.27a;  284.2s’ b  =  219.22;  286.12  =  221.9;  286.22  =  221.21;  286.23  =  221.22;  288.10 
=  222.12;  290.14  =  223.19;  294.26  =  226.8;  296.18  -  226.33;  318.12  =  244.5;  326.10  =  250.3; 
326. 20b*  c  =  250. 12b;  328.4,  5  =  250.27s- b;  342.12  =  259.5;  344.30s-  b  =  260.25;  352.21 
=  264.18;  354.33,  356.1  =  265.29,  30;  358.13  =  267.11s;  362.29  =  269.33;  390.9  =  284.18; 
394.1  =  286.15;  400.1  =  289.23;  400.16  =  290.7;  402.20b-  c  =  291.9;  406.29  =  295.4;  414.3 
=  299.3;  426.2  =  305.14;  426.8b  =  305.22a;  428.24  =  307.6;  428.29  =  307.11;  430.11  =  307.25; 
438.4  =  311.17;  442.27  =  314.14;  444.5s-  b  =  314.20;  450.30s-  b  =  323.4s- b;  454.4  =  324.3; 

454.15  =  324.15;  462.17  =  329.4;  466.22  =  331.34.  —  Boeth.  (80):  3.6  =  0;  3.22  =  0;  7.17s’  b 
=  0;  8.5  =  0;  9.9,  10  =  6.48;  9.16  =  0;  9.19  =  0;  9.29  =  0;  14.5  =  22.55;  19.14  =  0;  21.1  =  0; 
25.9  =  34.65;  26.22  =  0;  27.15  =  0;  33.21  =  0;  34.11  =  40.30;  39.16  =  0;  41.8  =  0;  45.5  =  46.65; 
45.10a’  b  =  46.70;  46.2a  =  0;  47.4  =  0;  48.22  =  0;  51.27  =  0;  52.16  =  51.2;  57.2  =  0;  57.12,  13 
=  55.13,  14;  58.5  =  0;  60.27  =  0;  61.2  =  0;  61.23  =  0;  64.24  =  0;  65.2  =  0;  67.26  =  0;  68.7 
=  0;  69.17  =  0;  70.2  =  0;  71.4  =  0;  71.10  =  0;  73.22  =  0;  74.16  =  0;  79.8  =  70.100;  82.19  =  0; 
89.5  =  0;  91.2  =  78.39;  94.26  =  0;  94.29  =  81.3;  101.19  =  0;  101.26  =  0;  102.11,  12  =  0; 
102. 15a’  b  =  0;  102.18  =  0;  102.25  =  0;  102.26  =  87.33;  102.28s- b  =  0;  104.31  =  89.34;  105.4 
=  0;  107. 16b  =  0;  111.11  =  0;  112.3  =  0;  112.13  =  0;  115.11  =  0;  116.8  =  0;  116.13  =  0;  124.2 
=  0;  125.31  =  0;  126.25  =  0;  127.2  =  107.5;  127.33  =  108.20;  135.23  =  0;  137.14  =  0;  141.10 
=  0;  147.2  =  0.  —  Greg.  (15):  7.18  =  0;  25.20  =  6.9;  67.3,  4a  =  40.25,  26;  197.10  =  146.31; 

213.8  =  160.2;  225.25,  227.1  =  170.25;  227.11a-b  =  172.3;  333.1  =  256.17;  341.4s-  b  =  262.26; 

445.27  =  374.12;  447.4  =  374.22.  —  Oros.  (29):  1.3  =  0;  5.12  =  0;  28.27  =  29.26;  52.3  =  0; 
56.32a* b  =  59.1;  60.18  =  61.19;  60.30,  31  =  0;  62.2  =  63.4;  74.9  =  75.9;  94.34  =  0;  106.6  =  0; 

110.6  =  111.6;  116.28  =  0;  124.30  =  125.27;  142.1  =  141.33;  144.30  =  145.30;  160.9s- b  =  0; 
164.25  =  0;  182.7  =  183.6;  204.24  =  205.24;  218.14  =  219.15;  222.25  =  223.26;  232.17  =  233.17; 

252.11  =  0;  262.16  =  263.17;  288.1  =  0 .  —  Solil  (1):  10.6.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (2):  3.4  =  3.6;  31.3.  — 
Chron.  (6) :  20“,  597  A;  28m,  654  A;  38m,  685  A;  130b,  995  Fh;  135m,  1003  E;  175*,  1052  Da.  ■— 
Laws  (1):  306, 1  Cnut,  c.  26,  §  1.  —  Wcerf.  (225):  2.20a’ b  =  0;  7.34  =  153  A1;  11.14  =  153  C2; 
11.27a>  b  =  156  A1;  14.14  =  157  B;  14.27,  28,  15.1  =  157  O  2;  16.15  =  160  A;  17.27  =4 160  B1; 
27.3  =  165  C2;  28.30s’ b  =  168  B;  31.13  =  169  A;  32.18  =  169  B2;  36.18,  19,  20  =  173  A1’2; 

37.6  =  173  A5;  38.4  =  173  B;  38.12  =  173  C2;  42.28  =  177  A2;  47.3,  4  =  180  O 2;  53.24  =  188  A; 
58.21,  22  =  189  O  4;  58.33  =  189  C5;  64.2,  3  =  193  C1;  64.23,  24a’ b  =  193  C2,  D1;  64.34,  65.1 
=  196  A1*2;  65.10  =  196  A3;  68.27  =  197  B2;  69.1  =  197  B3;  69.18  =  197  C;  72.29  =  201  A; 
73.21  =  201  B1;  73.25  =  201  B2;  74.4  =  201  B4;  75.6  =  201  C;  84.10  =  209  A4;  84.18  =  209  A5; 

88.27  =  212  C2;  89.3,  4  =  212  C4;  89.18  =  213  A;  97.10  =  B.  128  A;  99.7  =  B.  130  A1;  100.19a’ b 
=  B.  132  B1;  102.4  =  B.  132  C;  104.11  =  B.  136  A;  104.27a’ b  =  B.  136  A2;  104.29  =  B.  136  A3; 
106.33  =  B.  138  A;  111.2b,  3a  =  B.  140  O  3;  111.7  =  B.  140  C5;  111.20  =  B.  142  A;  113.11 
=  B.  144  A3;  114.8  =  B.  144  C3;  115.33  =  B.  146  B;  117.13,  14  =  B.  148  A1-2;  118.28,  29 
=  B.  148  B3- 4;  123.31a’  b  =  B.  154  O3;  126.8,  9  =  B.  156  C;  130.4s*  b  =  B.  160  A1’2;  130.28 
=  B.  160  C1;  143.10  =  B.  170  C;  144.5,  6  =  B.  172  A1’2;  144.13s’ b  =  B.  172  A3’4;  145.17s’ b 
=  B.  172  C2’3;  156.15,  16  =  B.  182  O2;  163.19  =  B.  190  B2;  164.2s’ b  =  B.  190  B6;  164.14 
=  B.  190  C1;  164.18  =  B.  190  C4;  165.17  =  B.  192  B1;  165.20s-  b  =  B.  192  B2;  168.9s* b  =  B. 
194  D,  196  A1;  168.22  =  B.  196  A2;  181.1,  2,  3  =  217  O 3>  4;  183.11s’ b,  12s- b  =  221  O  2- 3; 
184.5  =  224  B3;  184.11  =  224  B4;  184.16  =  224  C1;  184.18  =  224  C2;  185.2  =  225  A2;  185.7s’  b 
=  225  A3’ 4;  187.22  =  228  C;  188.24  =  229  B2;  189.9  =  229  C;  192.22  =  233  D;  195.4  =  237  B3; 
200.12,  13  =  244  C2’ 3;  200.20s’  b  =  244  D;  200.27  =  245  A1;  200.29s- b  =  245  A2;  206.28 
=  252  C2;  207.3  =  252  C3;  207.6  =  252  C5;  207.10  =  252  C6;  211.12  =  257  B1;  211.15  =  257  B2; 

211.16  =  257  C1;  213.22  =  260  D;  214.17  =  261  B;  216.14s’  b  =  264  B1*  2;  216.21s-  b,  22  =  264 
O  2>  3;  219.6  =  268  A1;  219.10s-  b  =  268  A3;  221.23  =  269  D1;  221.26,  27  =  272  A1’2;  222.22, 
28  =  272  B3,  C2;  224.25  =  273  C2;  228.18  =  280  B1;  229.1  =  280  B2;  229.20  =  281  A;  232.14 
=  284  B;  234.12  =  285  C1;  237.2  =  289  A2;  237.23s- b,  24  =  289  C1-2;  238.4,  5  =  289  C3- 4; 

240.12  =  293  B1;  242.14  =  296  C2;  243.4  =  297  A1;  244.8  =  297  C2;  245.6  =  300  B2;  250.28 
=  308  A2;  251.18  =  308  B;  255.1  =  312  B1’2;  255.11  =  312  B3;  266.28  =  325  B;  276.23s- b 
=  337  A1-2;  278.8s’  b  =  340  A1-2;  278.11  =  340  A3;  279.9  =  340  C;  282.3  =  341  D;  285.9 
=  345  C;  286.22,  23  =  348  B2- 3;  288.13s’  b  =  349  A2- 3;  289.15s’  b  =  349  C4;  290.7  =?  349  D2; 

290.9  =  352  A1;  292.14  =  353  A;  293.11  =  353  C;  298.18  =  360  C;  298.29  =  360  D;  299.4 
=  361  A;  308.20  =  372  C2;  308.22  =  372  C3;  309.1  =  372  C4;  312.3,  4  =  376  C1-2;  314.8  =  380 
A2;  317.2  =  381  C1;  320.12  =  385  B;  321.27  =  388  B2;  322.4  =  388  B3;  324.20  =  392  A1;  324.22, 
23s’ b  =  392  A3-4;  325.2  =  392  A8;  325.7  =  392  B1;  325.8s’ b  =  392  B2’3;  325.29  =  392  C2; 


286 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


325.30,  31a* b’  c-  d  =  392  O 4-  5* 6>  7;  326.12b,  13  =  393  A2;  331.5  =  397  D;  341.31  =  416  A; 
342.9a-  b  =  416  C1;  343.34  =  417  C3;  344.23a  =  420  B1;  345.18,  19a’  b  =  421  A3’ 4;  345.20s’  b 
=  421  A6.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (24):  55.10a*b;  105.6;  113.15,  31a-b-c;  143.8;  149.29,  33;  151.1,  4; 
157.18;  165.22;  187.28;  199.19a;  201.22;  221.6,  8,  12a- b,  18;  229.22;  239.19.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (10) :  II. 
100, 105;  III.  17,  34;  IV.  27,  34;  XIV.  16;  XVII.  13;  XX.  33,  45.  —  Mart.  (21) :  10.24;  26.23; 
34.12;  70.16,  24;  80.22;  82.5;  88.7;  92.27;  98.13;  106.4a,  25;  120.11;  140.22;  152.27,  28;  154.15; 
170.6;  178.15;  206.22;  214.6.  —  ^/.  Horn.  (32):  I.  48*,  50*,  62b,  380m,  414*  2* 3* 4- 5,  428*  2, 
534b;  II.  8*,  32b  2,  130m  2,  138b,  140ra,  170b,  294b,  296* 2,  298b,  300m  3,  300b,  414b,  472b,  488b  8, 
494mi- 2,  494b,  496*,  502b  2,  514b  2,  518*  *.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (47):  32.118;  34.153;  118.48,  49,  51; 
124.118;  252.247;  426.199;  488.27;  520.546;  XXIII  B.  65,  190,  234,  243,  249,  265,  275,  322, 
323a’b,  326,  402,  405,  407,  410,  411,  420,  427,  428a*  b,  508,  532,  615,  687a*  b,  723,  736,  748, 
767,  777;  XXVIII.  92;  XXXI.  157,  1365;  XXXIII.  178,  202,  239,  311.  —  ^/.  Hept.  (2): 
Gen.  4.26;  Deut.  3.23a.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102. 35b  2. — 
Gosp.  (55):  Mat.  (12):  4.2,  17a-b;  11.7a,  20;  12.1;  16.21a;  20.11;  22.15;  26.37a’b;  27.3;  —  Mk. 
(27) :  1.45a>  b;  2.23;  4.1;  5.18,  20;  6.2,  34;  8.11,  31a,  32;  10.32,  47a* b;  11.15;  12.1 ;  13.5;  14.19a-  b, 
33a>  b,  69,  71a’ b,  72;  15.8,  18;  —  L.  (16) :  3.8;  4.21 ;  7.15,  38;  11.38a’ b,  53a-  b,  54;  13.26;  14.18; 
15.24,  28;  19.37,  45;  20.9.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (17):  10.62,  100,  159,  566,  567;  13.102b, 
103,  113,  259;  18.152,  160,  225,  271,  311,  330,  331,  345.  —  Wulf.  (23):  9.5a*b;  44.26,  27; 
141. 3a* b,  20;  191.9;  206.19;  210.15;  213.11, 13;  217.29;  222.2;  236.2,  3; 237.20;  250.17;  255.9; 
262.11,  12;  277. 18a* b.  —  Lcece.  (3):  14.27;  60.31;  63.36.  —  Minor  Prose  (14):  Alex.  (5):  535, 
536,  640,  641,  728;  —  Apol.  (6):  23.35  =  42*;  27.12b,  14,  28  =  45;  31.28a*  b  =  48b;  —  Chad. 

(1) :  1;—  Neot  (2):  58,  59.  —  Beow.  (19):  101;  244;  872;  873;  874;  1607;  1985;  2045;  2046; 
2112;  2211;  2312;  2313;  2702;  2713a* b;  2791;  2879;  3144.  —  Gen.  (58):  21;  30;  31a*  b;  77;  259; 
262;  275;  294;  298;  408;  442;  495;  590;  592;  649;  650;  706;  717;  863;  966;  995;  1057;  1118; 
1132;  1171;  1228;  1239;  1249;  1302;  1316;  1355;  1413;  1498;  1556;  1557;  1594;  1681;  1823; 
1880a’ b;  1881a>  b;  1899;  2238;  2241;  2282;  2405;  2635;  2716;  2750;  2811;  2846;  2860;  2866; 
2887;  290 la* b.  —  Ex.  (1):  584.  —  Dan.  (7):  49;  170;  190;  468;  539;  599;  750.  —  Chr.  (2): 
1363;  1414.  —  El.  (21):  157;  199;  226;  287;  303;  306;  311;  385;  559;  560;  570;  697;  828;  849; 
900;  1067;  1093;  1148;  1156;  1163;  1205.—  Ju.  (14):  27;  270;  271;  291;  298;  346;  537a’b; 
538;  595;  630;  631;  638a  b.  —  Gu.  (16):  73;  261;  533;  542;  699;  975;  983;  1035;  1083;  1088; 
1089a,b;  1119;  1130;  1175;  1214.— And.  (20) :  13;  353;  428;  450;  469;  671;  764;  850;  1022;  1127; 
1128;  1170;  1315;  1342;  1419;  1556;  1607;  1608;  1698a- b.  —  Met.  (12):  1.60;  7.1;  8.3;  13.29a*b; 
14.12;  25.50,  69;  26.73,  80,  84;  28.77.  —  Ps.  (25):  68.27;  75.5;  76.1,  6,  9,  10;  77.2,  11;  97.8a; 
101.6;  104.21,  24;  105.12,  14,  17a-b,  27a*b;  106.36;  118.145,  148,  161;  128.2;  138.16;  146.7.  — 
Rid.  (5):  10.4;  23.8;  29.11;  32.9;  55.10.  —Jud.  (6):  42;  81;  270a*b;  271;  281.  —  Ph.  (3):  188; 
189;  225.  —  Cal.  (1):  73.  —  Charms  (2):  VI.  13,  14.  —  Doomsday  (1):  97.  —  D.  R.  (6):  20; 
27;  65;  67;  73;  116.  —  Fallen  Angels  (2) :  78;  248.  —  F.  I.  (4) :  33;  44;  60;  76.  —  Gnomic  Say¬ 
ings  (1):  52.  —  Har.  (2):  279;  280.  —  Hoi.  (2):  2;  36.  —  H.  L.  (1):  25 .  —  Maldon  (8):  12; 
17;  86;  90;  91;  228;  261;  265.  —  Pharao  (1):  3.  —  Prayers  (1):  III.  16. — S.  &  S.  (1):  451. — 
Song  of  Runes  (2):  92a>  b.  —  V ersuchung  (2):  67a* b.  —  Wald.  A  (1):  27.  —  W.  C.  (1):  11.  — 
I.  (37) :  Boeth.  (1) :  127.23  =  108.16.  —  Greg.  (1) :  423.8  =  344.29.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  48.7.  —  Chron. 

(2) :  30*,  656  Ea;  147*,  1016  Ea.  —  Bened.  (1):  62.5  =  116.9.  —  AElf.  Horn.  (13):  I.  50m;  140m, 
150*,  314*,  448b;  II.  78b,  128b,  160*,  178b4,  486b  2,  488b  3,  488b  7.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (4) :  228.154; 
328.112;  538.820;  XXVI.  45.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (3):  Jos.  3.7,  16;  Judges  13.5.  —  Allfric’s  Minor 
Prose  (5) :  Mlf.  Gr.  (3):  212.3,  4,  7;  —  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (2):  102.31b,  37b  2.  —  A.  S.  Horn. 
&  L.  S.  II  (2):  12.143,  146.  —  Wulf.  (3):  195.1;  199.8;  200.1.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1): 
476.25. 


ongynnan :  see  onginnan. 

onmedan,  presume,  undertake:  U.  (1):  Rid.  (1):  56.16.  —  I.  (0). 

onscunian,  shun,  fear:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  346* 3.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  Ex.  8.26. 
reccan,  care  (for):  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Laws  (1) :  40,  ASlfred,  Intr.,  c.  40.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  440.122. 
secan,  seek:  U.  (5 ):Bl.  Horn.  (1):  167.2.  —  Gosp.  (2):  Mat.  (1):  12.46;  — L.  (1):  20.19.  —  Wald . 
A.  (2):  18;  20.  — I.  (11):  Pr.  Ps.  (2):  34.4;  36.32.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  2.15 .—Gosp. 
(8):  L.  (1):  6.19;  —  J.  (7):  5.18;  7.19,  20,  25,  30;  8.37,  40. 
sellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  grant,  allow:  U.  (1):  Beow.  (1):  3056.  —  I.  (1):  Schopf.  (1):  30. 
seon,  see:  U.  (2):  Rid.  (2):  14.1;  53.1.  —  I.  (0). 
siellan :  see  sellan. 

sirwan,  plot:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  31.34  =  48b  2. 
smeagan  [smean],  think  upon,  meditate:  TJ.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Greg.  (1):  55.22  =  32.10.  —  Pr.  Ps. 
(1):  18.12  =  0.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  146*. 


THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


287 


smean :  see  smeagan. 

swerian,  swear:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Chron.  (2):  268m,  1140  Ef*  e. 
syllan :  see  sellan. 

tacan,  take:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  263m,  1135  E. 

taecan,  teach ,  direct:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Greg.  (1) :  165.10  =  120.12.  —  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  216b. 
tellan,  account ,  consider:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  158b. 
teohhian:  see  tih(h)ian. 
teolian :  see  tilian. 

teon,  accuse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  102,  Ine  B,  c.  30. 

tih(h)ian  [tioh(h)-,  teoh(h)-],  think,  determine:  U.  (0). — I.  (8):  Boeth.  (3):  51.6  =  51.15b; 
116.12  =  0;  143.19  =  0 .  —  Greg.  (3):  305.4  =  232.12;  305.5  =  232.13;  445.8  =  372.20.  — 
Solil.  (1):  36.12  =  0.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  39.16  =  39.15. 
tiohhian:  see  tih(h)ian. 

tilian  [teolian],  strive  after ,  attempt:  U.  (8):  Bede  (1):  230.26  =  175.23.  — Greg.  (1):  233.22  = 
176.20.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  25.5.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2) :  165.3P-  b.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXIII  B.  403a. 
—  Met.  (2):  10.22;  11.79.  —  I.  (28):  Bede  (4):  210.32  =  164.23;  372.12  =  275.2;  372.14  = 
275.4;  486.13  =  8.17.  —  Boeth.  (5):  23.1b  =  32.22;  31.16  =  37.60;  43.15  =  45.33;  133.14  = 
0;  135.5  =  114.180.  — Greg.  (11):  61.18  =  36.20;  273.3a  =  206.2;  363.1  =  280.19;  363.10  = 
282.1;  393.26  =  310.24;  419.24  =  342.8;  423.2,  3  =  344.26;  453.23  =  384.18;  453.26  =  384.21; 
463.5  =  398.11.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (4):  25.3;  34.14a’b;  48.12.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  219.18.  —  Mart. 
(1):  104.11.  —  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  686.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  131. 
tweogan  [tweon],  doubt:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  308.26  =  238.7.  —  I.  (0). 

?Seahti(g)an  [smeagan  and  — ],  think  upon,  meditate:  U.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  55.22  =  32.10.  — I.  (0). 
ftencan,  think:  U.  (92):  Bede  (2):  36.8  =  19.11;  456.2  =  324.32.  —  Boeth.  (3):  93.31  =  80.99; 
93.32  =  80.100;  103.20  =  0.  —Greg.  (2):  55.12  =  32.2;  343.21  =  266.1.  —  Oros.  (17):  44.32 
=  45.30;  54.21  =  55.18;  78.30  =  79.26;  132.12  =  0;  150.12  =  151.7;  182.25  =  183.23;  200.17 
=  201.9;  212.3  =  213.5;  230.2  =  0;  236.12  =  0;  242.6  =  0;  258.15  =  259.14;  258.29  =  0;  282.9b 
=  283.8;  286.6  =  0;  292.3  =  293.2;  292.29  =  293.29.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  239.6  =  292.  B2.  — 
Bened.  (1):  23.3  =  46.4.  —  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  1059.  —JElf.  Hept.  (1  ):Gen.  48.17b. 
—  L.  (1):  1.1.  —  Minor  Prose  (2):  Benediktiner-Offizium  (1):  62.24;  —  Cato  (1):  46. — 
Beow.  (8):  355;  448;  541;  739;  800;  801;  964;  1535.  — Gen.  (5) :  401;  1274;  1275;  2437;  2891. 
—  Ex.  (1):  51.  — Ju.  (1) :  637.  —  El.  (1):296.  —  Gu.  (4):  260;  274;  277;  298.  —  And.  (5): 
150;  151;  152;  213;  693.  —  Met.  (1):  1.12.  — Ps.  (17):  61.4;  63.3;  88.22,  30;  93.20a-b; 
102.13;  107.8;  118.91,  107,  109;  131.15;  141.3;  149.7a- b,  8a-  b.  —  Jud.  (2):  59;  208.— 
Charms  (2) :  V.  C.  16,  17.  —  D.  R.  (1) :  121.  —  Fallen  Angels  (5) :  183;  184;  208;  209;  364. 
—  Gnomic  Sayings  (1):  116  (Exeter).  —  L.  P.  (1):  II.  25.  —  Maldon  (3):  258;  316;  319. 
—  Seaf.  (1) :  52.  —  Wald.  B.  (2):  5;  7.  — I.  (SI):  Boeth.  (1):  53.11  =  0  .—Greg.  (3):  11.14 
=  32.6;  433. 31b  =  360.1;  447.17  =  376.5 .  —  Oros.  (5):  56.22  =  0;  212.29  =  0;  282.9a  = 
283.8;  292.28b  =  293.29;  296.4  =  297.6.  —  Sold.  (1):  42.23  =  0.  —  Chron.  (5):  190b,  1065 
Cb;  222b,  1087  Ea;  224m,  1087  Ec;  229b,1094Ed;  233m,  1097  Ea.  — Laws  (1):206,  IV 
Edgar,  c.  1,  §  2.  —  Wcerf.  (3) :  119.9  =  B.  148  C3;  252.4  =  308  C;  253.7  =  309  A2.  —  Mlf. 
Horn.  (1):  II.  454b  2.  —  JElf.  Hept.  (5):  Gen.  27.41,  42b;  37.18,  21;  48.17a.  —  A.  S. 
Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (2):  1.261;  5.30.  —  Ps.  (1):  118.59.  —  Charms  (6):  V.  C.  4a-b-c’d, 
5a*  b. 

underfon,  undertake:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (6):  Greg.  (4):  77.4  =  50.6;  161.12  =  116.25;  293.3a’ b  = 
220.26.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  113.22  =  B.  144  C;  325.10  =  392  B4  (or  final?), 
understandan  [-o— ],  understand:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  19.19. 
wandian,  hesitate,  be  neglectful:  U.  (0).  — I.  (6):  Chron.  (1):  178*,  1052  Eb.  —  Laws  (1):  138, 
I  Eadweard,  Prol.  —  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  554* 2.  —  JElf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXXI.  699,  1036.  — 
Wulf.  (1):  191.6. 

warenian,  shun:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  474.20  =  348.9. 
weddian,  contract,  agree:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  L.  (1):  22.5. 

wenan,  hope,  expect:  U.  (3):  Beow.  (1):  934.  —  Met.  (1):  1.83.  —  Ps.  (1):  123.4.  —  I.  (1): 
Chron.  (1):  267b,  1140  Ee. 

wi(e)rnan,  desist  from:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  381.6  =  296.9. 

wil(l)nian,  desire:  U.  (45):  Bede  (14):  182.17  =  148.9;  208.9  =  162.20;  218.6  =  167.31;  234.P 
=  176.29;  274.3  =  213.21;  294.23  =  226.6;  324.10  =  246.33;  358.12  =  267.9;  404.20  = 
292.15 ;  406. 14  =  294. 10a;  418.28  =  301. 26 ;420.5a-b  =  302.2a-b;  456.8  =  325.5;  —  Boeth.  (9): 
5.1  =  0;  14.19  =  23.22;  31.24  =  38.66;  52.19  =  52.5;  52.20  =  0;  118.10  =  0;  118.11, 12  =  0; 
135.24  =  115.2. — Greg.  (14):  11.13  =  32.5;  17.19  =  246.11;  27.5  =  6.13;  43.1  =  20.25;  49.16 


288 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


=  26.21;  55.14  =  32.5;  63.20  =  38.15;  101.22a’b  =  70.10;  129.5  =  90.15;  143.6  =  102.12; 
147.22  =  106.21;  149.7  =  108.1;  241.3  =  182.5.  —  Solil.  (1):  13.1.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (2):  13.9  = 
13.4;  14.6  =  14.5.  —  JElf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  432bl>  *.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXIII.  142.  —  L. 
(1) : 23.8.  — •  Met.  (1): 29.3.  — I.  {IQ): Bede  (1):  68.13  =  50.12.  —  Booth.  (26):  41.4,  5  =  0; 
42.12  =  44.20;  46.2b  =  46.1;  53.10  =  0;  53.12  =  0;  55.23  =  53.52;  56.4  =  53.58b;  56.19  = 
54.67;  56.20  =  54.68;  92.17  =  79.70;  93.27  =  80.96;  93.29  =  0;  94.7  =  80.106;  103.15a* b  = 
0;  106.25  =  91.26;  106.31  =  91.32;  107.16a  =  0;  108.5  =  0;  110.29a’b,  30  =  95.130;  124.11 
=  105.6;  133.15  =  0;  133.17  =  0.  —  Greg.  (18):  11.11  =  28.23;  25.9  =  4.8;  53.3  =  28.23; 
55.18  =  32.7;  93.26  =  64.12;  145.12  =  104.17;  203.8b  =  152.6;  247.15  =  186.27;  249.20a- b 
=  188.25;  327.25  =  252.29;  333.6  =  256.21;  371.21  =  288.19;  383.29  =  298.28;  399.3  - 
316.20;  453. 32a* b  =  384.30;  463.36  =  400.18.  —  Oros.  (1):  54.16  =  55.16.  —  Solil.  (19): 
2.22;  31.25;  32.20;  35.6;  37.1;  41.3;  46.7,  18,  19;  49.9;  50.3;  56.5;  57.2;  59.35;  63.15,  18, 
26;  67.4,  11.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  40,  Intr.  =  0.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXIII  B.  223a>  b;  XXXIII. 
253.  —  Mat.  (1):  20.28a.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  13.241.  —  Minor  Prose  (4):  Alex. 
(3) :  107,  231,  409;  —  Cato  (1) :  25.  —  Met.  (1) :  19.44. 
witan  [nytan],  know  [know  not]:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (7) :  Oros.  (1) :  220.9  =  0.  —  Chron.  (1) :  224m,  1087 
Ed.  —  Laws  (2) :  166,  V  iEthelstan,  Prol.,  3;  180,  VI  iEthelstan,  c.  8,  §  8.  —  Mlf.  Horn. 

(I) :  II.  506b.  —  Gen.  (1):  243.  —  Ju.  (1):  557. 
wi<5cwet5an,  refuse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  516b. 
wiSsacan,  refuse:  U.  (0):  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  383.19  =  298.17. 
wunian,  use ,  be  wont:  U.  (1):  Bede  (1):  230.23  =  175.19.  —  I.  (0). 
yldan :  see  ieldan. 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  II,  pp.  59-60. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb, 
aginnan  [-y-],  begin  (1):  L.  (1):  12.45d. 

geeamian,  earn ,  merit  (2):  Bede  (2):  372.34  =  275.21;  406.16  =  294.10b. 
gewilnian,  desire ,  wish  (2) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  204.4  =  249  A1.  —  Mat.  (1) :  20.28b. 
habban,  have  (1):  L.  (1):  12.50. 

onginnan  [-y-],  begin  (15) :  Bede  (3) :  88.3  =  61.14;  128.12  =  108.18a;  358.14  =  267.11b.  —  Wcerf. 

(II) :  48.6  =  181  B;  74.3  =  201  B3;  160.12  =  B.  186  C2;  175.16  =  B.  202  A1;  201.6  = 
245  A4;  206.14  =  252  B1;  206.24  =  252  B3;  222.13  =  272  Bl;  222.27  =  272  C1;  223.7  =  272 
C3;  284.23  =  345  B.  —  Mk.  (1) :  13.4. 

wil(l)nian,  desire ,  wish  (2):  Bede  (1):  234.1b  =  176.30.  —  Gre^.  (1):  302.18  =  230.1. 
witan,  know  (1):  Bede  (1):  402.24  =  291.13. 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  II,  p.  72. 

III.  Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  III,  pp.  73-78. 

IV.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

A  few  illustrative  examples  of  the  uninflected  predicative  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs 
are  given  in  Chapter  IV,  p.  80;  and  the  examples  of  the  inflected  predicative  infinitive  are 
given  in  full  in  the  same  chapter,  pp.  80-82. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  The  Infinitive  Made  Up  of  “  Beon  ”  +  a  Past  Participle. 

cunnan,  know  (1):  Greg.  (1):  113.22  =  78.26. 

dear(r),  dare  (2):  Wcerf.  (2):  132.17  =  B.  162  A3;  232.7  =  284  A. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS.  289 


gedafenian,  befitting  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  743. 

gewunian,  be  wont  (4):  Bede  (3):  172.28  =  143.3;  270.33  =  212.9;  474.14  =  348.4.  —  Wcerf.  (1): 

183.17  =  224  A. 

magan,  may,  can  (269):  Bede  (36):  20.14  =  243.2;  44.34  =  27.12;  50.7  =  30.14;  68.2  =  50.2; 

76.2  =  54.17;  76.26  =  55.4;  78.8  =  55.20;  80.28  =  57.18;  90.23  =  70.22;  92.6  =  71.13;  92.11 
=  71.19;  114.5,  6  =  92.9,  10;  120.23  =  98.10;  186.25  =  151.3;  230.11  =  175.5;  250.12  =  199.20; 

254.21  =  202.28;  254.32  =  203.5;  288.18  =  222.20;  296.30  =  227.15;  300.28,  29  =  230.6,  7b; 
308.12  =  237.25;  320.26  =  245.19;  328.30  =  251.17;  328.34  =  251 .19;  334.18b  -  254.21;  336.20 
=  255.22;  350.17  =  263.14;  366.18  =  271.26;  388.19  =  283.26;  400.26  =  290.16;  428.18 
=  306.31;  442.4  =  313.21;  472.10  =  346.31.  —  Boeth.  (3):  15.17  =  0;  38.10  =  42.51;  100.31 
=  85.96.  —  Greg.  (6):  85.20  =  56.27;  87.20  =  58.18;  147.14  =  106.13;  153.23  =  112.2;  225.22 
=  170.21;  393.10  =  310.11.  —  Oros.  (1):  238.4  =  0.  —  Chron.  (1):  229t,  1094  Eb.  —  Wcerf. 
(103):  13.7,  8  =  156  C2;  40.17  =  176  B;  54.30  =  188  B3;  55.2  =  188  B4;  60.20  =  192  B2; 
60.33b  =  192  B4;  65.19  =  196  B;  78.1  =  204  C;  84.2  =  209  A2;  90.23  =  213  B2;  90.26  =  213  C1; 

91.1  =  213  C2;  100.21  =  B.  132  B2;  111.2a  =  B.  140  C1;  118.25  =  B.  148  B2;  123.4  =  B.  154  A2; 
129.5  =  B.  158  D1;  131.27  =  B.  160  D;  134.28  =  B.  164  A;  139.24  =  B.  166  D1;  139.26  =  B. 
166  D2;  145.11  =  B.  172  C1;  163.13  =  B.  190  B1;  164.16a’ b  =  B.  190  O 3;  174.8,  9  =  B.  200  B; 

177.8  =  B.  204  A1;  184.3  =  224  B2;  191.18  =  233  A;  195.5  =  237  B4;  210.21  =  257  A;  213.1 
=  260  B1;  213.8  =  260  C1;  219.9  =  268  A2;  220.25  =  269  A3;  223.25  =  273  A;  226.14  =  276  C; 

231.22  =  284  A;  238.8  =  289  D;  239.27b  =  292  C3;  247.10  =  301  C;  256.23  =  313  C;  263.8 
=  321  A3;  264.7  =  321  B;  268.12  =  328  B;  269.15a-b,  16a  =  329  A1' 2- 3;  270.12  =  329  B2; 

270.17  =  329  B3;  290.18  =  352  A2;  291.21  =  352  C2;  294.26  =  356  C1;  295.10  =  356  D;  295.16 
=  357  A1;  301.24  =  364  C1;  303.8  =  365  B3;  303.22  =  365  D;  304.1,  3  =  368  A1' 2;  304.26a*  b 
=  368  B1* 2;  312.6  =  376  C3;  313.22  =  377  B;  314.19  =  380  B1;  314.28  =  380  B3;  315.1b  =  380  B6; 
315.19  =  380  D;  318.5  =  384  A1;  319.7  =  384  C;  320.17  =  385  B2;  321.15  =  388  B1;  321.23 
=  388  B2;  322.14  =  388  C1;  322.25a  =  388  D1;  323.6  =  389  A1;  323.12  =  389  B1;  326.12a  =  393 
A1;  327.12  =  393  C2;  327.14  =  393  C3;  328.9  =  396  A2;  328.10,  11  =  396  B1;  328.13  =  396  B2; 
330.14  =  396  B3;  333.12  =  401  A1;  336.5  =  404  C4;  336.6  =  404  C6;  339.13b,  14b  =  412  A1; 
340. 27a  =  413  A1;  340.27b,  28  =  413A3;  341.1  =  413  B;  344.2a*b  =  417  C4;  344.15  =  420  A3; 
344.23b  =  420  B2;  345.17a  =  421  A2;  348.31  =  428  A1;  348.33  =  428  A2;  348.34  =  428  A3.  — 
Boned.  (4):  5.16  =  10.26;  18.19  =  36.8;  65.1  =  122.14;  136.27  =  0 .  —  Bl.  Horn.  (6):  19.22; 
69. 7b,  8;  73.15b;  111.1;  161.20.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  V.  266.  —  Mart.  (4):  74.13,  14;  110.21;  176.25. 

—  Mf.  Horn.  (44) :  I.  26m,  48b,  94b,  130b,  176t,  236*,  280*,  282m,  286*,  286b,  292b  2,  314b,  320b, 

342*,  346b,  500*,  544*  2,  552m,  582  b  3,  588b  3,  594*  2;  II.  28*,  48*,  120*,  204b,  234*,  236m,  268*, 

284b,  336m,  344b  3,  362*,  366b,  388*  2>  3,  406b,  410b,  428* 2,  560m,  562b  2,  576ra,  590b,  606b.  — 
Mf.  L.  S.  (15):  22.207;  98.137;  174.85;  196.31;  198.68;  202.119;  214.71;  282.287;  286.44; 
524.604;  XXIII  B.  722;  XXXI.  735,  736,  1213;  XXXV.  10.  —  Mf.  Kept.  (2) :  Deut.  3.23b;  — 
Lev.  10.8.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (17):  Mf.  Gr.  (15):  5.12,  12.17,  99.2,  107.10;  130.2,  4; 
223.2,  242.11,  246.4a,  250.17,  257.17,  267.15,  273.9,  278.1,  280.1;  —  ^/.  Int.  (2):  160;  336.  — 
Gosp.  (11):  Mat.  (4):  5.14;  26.9a>b,  54 a;  — M/c.  (3):  10.38;  14.5a* b;  —  L.  (1):  8.43;  —  J.  (3): 
3.4a>  b;  10.35.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1) :  8.72,  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (3) :  10.207;  11.54; 
13.236.  —  Wulf.  (1):  96.8.  —  Lcece.  (4):  48.5;  52.15;  56.30;  83.40.  —  Minor  Prose  (6):  Alex. 
(3) :  34,  55a>  b;  —  Apol.  (1) :  23.32;  —  Neot  (2) :  9a; b. 

mot,  may,  must  (24):  Bede  (7):  70.2  =  50.28b;  72.11  =  52.6;  74.16  =  53.30;  182.31  =  148.26; 

290.2  =  223.7;  290.24  =  223.28;  374.3  =  275.23.  —  Boeth.  (1):  121. 19b  =  103.93b.  —  Greg.  (1): 

171.18  =  126.13.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  35.19  =  172  B3;  112.25  =  B.144  A1;  276.9  =  336  C2.  —  Bl.  Horn. 
(1) :  185.4.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (6) :  I.  56*,  292b,  414b  2,  546b;  II.  46b,  602*.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  270.142. 

—  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mf.  Gr.  (1):  246.4b.  —  Wulf.  (3):  32.9,  10;  228.22. 
nyllan :  see  willan. 

sculan,  shall  (275):  Bede  (37):  18.16  =  219.10;  44.28a’ b  =  27.5;  68.28  =  50.28a;  74.1a*b 
=  53.4;  74.11  =  53.26;  74.23  =  54.7;  76.5  =  54.19;  78.2  =  55.15;  78.7  =  55.19;  78.29  =  56.6; 
80.21  =  57.13;  80.26a'b  =  57.17;  84.9;  =  59.10;  96.28,  29  =  80.18,  19;  110.32a>b  =  90.34a-b; 
156.10  =  129.23;  190.16  =  152.29;  194.30  =  155.28;  230.9  =  175.3;  246.8  =  194.30;  270.8 
=  211.14;  288.22  =  222.24;  308.20  =  238.2;  350.15  =  263.12;  354.30a* b  =  265.26;  374.8 
=  275.30;  380.4  =  278.23;  396.20  =  288.9;  396.28b  =  288.16b;  442.23  =  314.12;  468.22  =  333.2. 

—  Boeth.  (3):  36.32  =  41.34;  43.27  =  45.40;  95.15  =  81.12.  —Greg.  (25):  77.6  =  250.8;  77.9a-  b 
=  50.11;  77.11  =  50.13;  81.20,  21  =  54.14;  83.8  =  54.28;  83.22,  24  =  56.10;  91.17  =  62.5;  93.4 
=  62.17;  93.7  =  62.20;  107.10  =  74.6;  117.20  =  82.10;  137.13  =  98.14;  161.24,  25  =  118.11; 

169.1  =  124.3;  171.15  =  126.10;  251.1  =  190.1;  253.18  =  192.8;  305.9  =  232.17;  308.4  =  236.14; 

329.9  =  254.10;  395.22  =  312.29.  —  Oros.  (3):  20.33  =  0;  148.23  =  0;  206.4  =  207.2.  —  Pr.  Ps. 


290 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


(5):  22.  Intr.;  26.  Intr.;  26.2;  28.  Intr.;  29.  Intr.  —  Chron.  (4):  129b,  995  Fe;  145*,  1014  Eb; 
181b,  1051  F;  261*,  1130  E.  —  Laws  (3):  106,  Ine,  c.  40;  448,  Rectitudines,  c.  5,  §  3;  449, 
Rectitudines,  c.  6,  §  3.  —  Wcerf.  (43):  13.6  =  156  C1;  33.14  =  169  C;  38.10  =  173  C1;  46.4 
=  180  B3;  54.18  =  188  B1;  55.28  =  188  C1;  55.34  =  188  C2;  118.12  =  B.  148  B;  123.30  =  B.  154 
C1;  181.7  =  220  A2;  184.27  =  225  A1;  208.12  =  253  C1;  213.4  =  260  B2;  220.20  =  269  A; 
225. 2a>  b  =  273  C3;  227.27  =  277  D2;  239.3  =  292  B1;  245.5  =  300  B1;  253.9  =  309  A3;  259.4 
=  317  A;  267.22  =  325  D;  282.5  =  344  A;  288.19  =  349  B1;  294.143*  b  =  356  B;  297.16  =  360  A3; 
302.15  =  365  A2;  310.4  =  373  B;  314.6  =  380  A1;  314.23  =  380  B2;  314.29  =  380  B4;  315.1a 
=  380  B5;  316.17  -  381  B;  317.12  =  381  C2;  324.21  =  392  A2;  331.22  =  400  A;  335.11  =  404  B; 
336.33  =  405  B1;  337.16  =  405  C1;  338.40,  41  =  409  A;  339.13a,  14a  =  412  A1.  —  Bened.  (12): 
6.21  =  72.17;  6.22  =  74.10;  6.23  =  76.1;  31.11  =  58.15;  39.13  =  72.17;  40.3  =  74.10;  40.18 
=  76.1;  43.20  -  80.24;  43.25  =  82.2;  112.22a-b  =  180.2;  127.4  =  194.11.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (25): 
5.17,  23;  9.3,  6,  8;  19.14;  21.20;  33.23a-b;  69.7a,  19a’b;  71.16,  17,  20;  73.16;  85.17;  95.20; 
101. 20b;  163.11;  183.20;  189.27;  191.5,  6,  7.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  XX.  28.  —  Mart.  (7):  24.8;  80.15; 
96.27;  112.16;  176.23a’b;  220.1  .  —  Mf.  Horn.  (39):  I.  24b-  88b,  96m,  124b  2,  152*,  152b  2,  172*, 
180m,  188b,  202bl-  2,  204*,  204b,  214b,  236b,  248b,  262*,  266*,  322*,  428b,  594*  \  596b  2,  604* 5 ; 
II.  12b,  18b,  38b  3,  48b  2,  130m,  200*,  212* 2,  278*,  338b  3,  422b,  424m,  464b,  532* 2.  —  Mf. 
L.  S.  (14):  30.82;  46.372;  176.120a’b;  204.156;  368.74;  512.428;  XXIV.  120;  XXX.  20,  21, 
198;  XXXI.  667,  1160;  XXXIV.  98.  —  Mf.  Heyt.  (3):  De  V.  T.  4.29;  Gen.  27.45b;  Lev.  6.21. 
—  ASlfric's  Minor  Prose  (6):  Mf.  Gr.  (3):  255.12,  14a;  279.8;—  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (3): 
101.315b,  102. 29b  2.  —  Gosy.  (3) :  Mat.  (1) :  3.14;  —  Mk.  (1) :  2.22;  —  L.  (1) :  22.37.  —  A.  S. 

Horn.  &L.S.I  (2):  9.408,  409.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (8):  10.560;  11.99a’b;  12.100,  142; 
13.109,  143;  18.266.  —  Wulf.  (16):  96.5,  6,  17;  135.21;  141.2;  192.17;  194.6;  196.16;  218.15; 
241.3;  248.16;  261.11a’b;  291.16;  295.15;  300.17.  —  Lcece.  (5):  58.21;  60.38;  61.18;  89.12; 
127.8.  —  Minor  Prose  (10) :  Alex.  (1) :  658;  —  Neot  (3) :  6,  7,  146;  —  Nic.  (6) :  474.5,  500.23, 
504.8;  510.8,  10a’  b.  —  Chr.  (1) :  213. 

tSurfan,  need  (9):  Greg.  (2):  83.16  =  56.3;  413.16  =  334.8.  —  Wcerf.  (4):  222.15  =  272  B2; 
269. 16b  =  329  A4;  336.28  =  405  A;  345.17b  =  421  A2.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  135.25.  —  Mf. 
Horn.  (1):  II.  48 h.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  176.130. 
weorSan,  become  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  217.9. 

willan  [nyllan],  wish  [not],  will  [not]  (53):  Bede  (4):  112.12  =  91.16;  112.18  =  91.22;  308.3  = 
237.16;  366.5  =  271.12.  —  Boeth.  (2):  36.2  =  41.17;  51.8  =  51.15a.  —  Greg.  (1):  135.26 
=  96.29.  —  Oros.  (1):  128.5  =  129.3.  —  Wcerf.  (6):  83.2  =  208  B2;  88.34  =  212  C3;  110.14 
=  B.  140  B;  243.22  =  297  B;  279.3  =  340  B1;  279.4  =  340j  B2.  —  Bened.  (2):  112.14  = 
178.16;  112.16  =  178.20.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  33.13;  217.14.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  XX.  65 .  —  Mf. 
Horn.  (16) :  I.  32*  3>  34*,  62*,  80b,  84b  2,  196*,  480*,  484*,  522b  2,  598*,  604b;  II.  38b,  40b, 
506*,  512b.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (2):  444.58;  XXXII.  88.  —  .Elfric’s  Minor  Prose  (5):  Mf.  Gr. 
(5):  119.3;  143.19,  20;  144.5,  6.  —  Gosy.  (5):  Mat.  (3):  2.18;  16.21b;  19.21;  —  Mk.  (1): 
12.38b;  —  L.  (1):  7.6.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (3) :  16.200;  18.134,  297.  —  Wulf.  (3): 
105.32;  194.3;  277.3. 

wunian,  be  accustomed  (1):  Bede  (2):  340.7®:^  =  257.10a’ b. 

2.  The  Infinitive  Made  Up  of  “  WeortSan  ”  +  a  Past  Participle. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  IV,  pp.  84  ff. 

3.  The  Infinitive  Made  Up  of  “  Wesan  ”  +  a  Past  Participle. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  IV,  pp.  84  ff. 


V.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest.1 

Only  the  uninflected  infinitive,  active,  is  found. 

•  1.  Verbs  of  Motion. 

becuman  [bi— ],  come  (4): 

—  blican,  shine  (1):  And.  (1):  789. 

—  hlynnan,  resound  (1):  Beow.  (1):  2553. 

—  rinnan,  run  (1):  Chr.  (1):  1114. 


1  In  this  section,  besides  the  finite  verb  Cthe  initial  word)  I  cite  the  infinitive,  also. 


PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION  AND  REST.  291 


becuman  sneowan,  hasten  (1):  And.  (1):  1668. 
bicuman :  see  becuman. 
cuman,  come  (70): 

—  astigan,  descend  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  15.329. 

—  blican,  shine,  beam  (4) :  Chr.  (1) :  903.  —  Ju.  (1) :  564.  —  And.  (1) :  838.  —  Ph.  (1) :  95. 

—  drifan  [— y-],  drive  (1):  Bede  (1):  400.28  =  290.19. 

—  dryfan :  see  drifan. 

—  faran,  go  (3):  Beow.  (2):  2915;  2945.  —  And.  (1):  1279. 

—  feran,  go  (5) :  Gen.  (2) :  852;  2759.  —  Dan.  (1) :  698.  —  Jud.  (1) :  12.  —  Fallen  Angels  (1) : 

110. 

—  fleogan,  fly  (7)  :  Pr.Gu.  (1):  X.  5.— Mart.  (2):  26.10;  200.12.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1): 

15.292  =  217.326.  —  Gen.  (1):  1479.  —  Ps.  (1):  104.35.  —  Charms  (1):  IV.  53. 

—  gan  [gangan,  gongan],  go,  walk  (16):  Boeth.  (1):  8.16  =  4.2.  —  Mart.  (1):  90.14.  —  A.  S. 

Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  15.178=0.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  29.10.  —  Beow. 
(6):  324;  711;  1163;  1642;  1644  (or  final,  as  Shearin,  l.  c.,  p.  237,  holds?);  1974.  —  Dan. 
(1):  737.  —  Ps.  (1):  104.30.  —  Rid.  (2):  55.1;  86.1.  —  Charms  (2):  VI.  9,  15. 

—  gengan  [geongan],  go  (2):  And.  (2):  1095;  1311. 

—  geongan :  see  gengan. 

—  glidan,  glide  (1):  Ph.  (1):  102. 

—  hweorfan  [-u-],  wander,  go  (1):  Dan.  (1):  110. 

—  hwurfan :  see  hweorfan. 

—  ieman  [yman],  run  (3):  Pr.Gu.  (1):  1.26.  —  Mart.  (1):  182.4.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI. 

1039. 

—  liSan,  go  by  water,  sail  (4):  And.  (1):  256.  —  Met.  (1):  26.60.  —  Rid.  (1):  34.1. — 

Gnomic  Sayings  (1) :  109. 

—  lixan,  shine,  glisten  (2):  Ph.  (1):  94.  —  Ps.  (1):  76.15. 

—  ridan,  ride  (1) :  Rid.  (1) :  23.2. 

—  sc(e)acan,  shake,  move  quickly  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1803. 

—  scinan  [-y-],  shine  (2):  Chr.  (1):  901. — Gu.  (1):  1257. 

—  scritSan,  glide,  go  (3):  Beow.  (2):  650;  703.  —  Cal.  (1):  77. 

—  scynan :  see  scinan. 

■ —  sigan,  descend,  go  (1) :  Chr.  (1) :  550. 

—  siSian,  travel,  go  (4):  Beow.  (1):  720. — Gen.  (3):  154;  1577;  1844. 

—  slidan,  slide  (1) :  Pr.  Gu.  (1) :  V.  7. 

—  sneowan,  hasten  (1):  And.  (1):  242. 

—  snican,  creep  (1):  Charms  (1):  IV.  31. 

— -  stigan,  descend  (1):  Dan.  (1):  510. 

— •  swimman  [-y-],  swim  (1) :  Beow.  (1) :  1624. 

—  swymman :  see  swimman. 

—  tSringan,  crowd,  throng  (1) :  Gu.  (1) :  868. 

—  wadan,  advance,  go  (2):  And.  (1):  1271.  —  Schdpf.  (1):  61. 
daelan,  distribute  (1) : 

—  scinan,  shine  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2192  (or  final?), 
fleon,  fly  (1)  : 

—  slincan,  creep  (1):  Doomsday  (1):  240. 
gewitan,  go  (49): 

—  drefan,  stir  up  (water)  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1904  (or  final?). 

—  faran,  go  (3) :  Beow.  (1) :  124.  —  S.  &  S.  (1) :  501b.  —  Schdpf.  (1) :  69. 

—  feran,  go  (12):  Weerf.  (1):  63.28  =  193  B4.  —  Beow.  (2):  27;  301.  —  Gen.  (5) :  1211;  1731; 

1779;  2398;  2849.  —  And.  (1):  786;  —  Rid.  (2):  30.11;  40.6.  —  W.  C.  (1):  9a. 

—  ferian,  carry  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2154  (or  final?). 

—  fleogan,  fly  (2) :  Gen.  (1) :  1471.  —  Ph.  (1) :  163. 

—  gan  [gangan,  gongan],  go,  walk  (13) :  Weerf.  (2) :  84.20  =  209  A6;  84.25  =  209  A.7  —  Gen.  (6) : 

858;  1050;  1345;  1487;  2574;  2592.  —  Az.  (1):  180.  —  Chr.  (1):  533 .  —  And.  (2):  238; 
1059. —  Finns.  (1):  45. 

—  glidan,  glide  (2):  And.  (2):  1248;  1304. 

—  leegan  lastas,  travel  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2850. 

—  ridan,  ride  (2):  Beow.  (2):  234;  855. 

—  sc(e)acan,  shake,  move  quickly  (3):  Gen.  (1):  135.  —  And.  (1):  1594.  — Jud.  (1):  291. 

—  scritSan,  glide,  go  (2):  Beow.  (1):  2569.  —  And.  (1):  1457. 


292 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


gewitan  scyndan,  hasten  (2):  Beow.  (1):  2570.  —  Doomsday  (1):  238. 

—  siSian,  travel,  go  (3):  Gen.  (2):  2018;  2161.  —  Dan.  (1):  632. 

—  Sringan,  throng  (1) :  Rid.  (1) :  4.61. 

—  wadan,  go  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2886. 


2.  Verbs  of  Rest. 

licgan,  He  (1)  * 

—  slapan,  sleep  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  512.417. 
standan,  stand  (3) : 

—  geomrian,  mourn  (1):  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  V.  274b. 

—  reotan,  weep  (1):  And.  (1):  1712. 

—  wepan,  weep  (1) :  Pr.  Gu.  (1) :  V.  274a. 


VI.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  “  ( W)uton 

Only  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  found. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

acerran :  see  acierran. 

acierran  [-e-],  turn,  go  (1):  Fallen  Angels  (1):  217. 
acraeftan,  devise  (1):  Oros.  (1):  82.1  =  0. 

acsian  [ahsian],  ask  (3):  Bened.  (1):  3.13  =  6.16. — Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  SIS11.  —  Wulf.  (1) : 
150.14°. 

acwellan,  kill  (1) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  149.34b. 
adon,  destroy  (1) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  95.27a. 

adylgian  [-i-j,  destroy  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.106°. 
aelan,  b urn  (1):  Mlj.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  11. 3b. 
aendian :  see  endian. 

afierran  [-y-],  remove  (1) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  95.28. 
agan,  own’f  1):  Fallen  Angels  (1):  253. 

agifan  [-y— ],  give  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  103.5  =  87.42.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.151. 

ahebban,  raise,  lift  (1):  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  124m5. 

ahieldan  [-y-],  bend,  incline  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.150. 

ahsian :  see  acsian. 

alesan :  see  aliesan. 

aliesan  [-e-,  -y-],  release  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119.9;  209.6. 

alysan :  see  aliesan. 

andbidian,  expect,  wait  for  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  9.219. 

andettan,  coyifess  (3):  Laws  (1):  298,  I  Cnut,  c.  18,  §  1.  —  Wulf.  (2):  115.12;  150.9. 

arisan,  arise  (2) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  149. 34a.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  534.747. 

ascunian,  shun  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  115. llb;  145. 33b;  188.15. 

asendan,  send  (1) :  Minor  Prose  (1) :  Nic.  488.32. 

asettan,  set  aside  (1) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  125.6. 

aspendan,  spend  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  52.51. 

astandan,  stand  up  (1):  Bened.  (1):  2.4  =  4.9. 

awendan,  turn  (3):  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  124 hl.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (2):  260.362;  XXVIII.  174. 
aweorpan  [-worp-,  -wurp-,  -wyrp-],  throwaway ,  reject  (7):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  2.3b.  —  Laws  (1):269, 
IX  iEthelred,  Expla.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (3) :  I.  602t  2,  604* *•  3.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1) : 
11.112.  —  Wulf.  (1):  272.29b. 
aworpan 
awurpan 
axian :  see  acsian. 

bebyrian,  bury  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119.11;  209.8. 
began :  see  biegan . 

begitan,  get,  acquire  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  85b. 
behawian,  look  carefully  (1):  Bened.  (1):  40.21.  =  76.4. 

behealdan,  behold,  consider  (3) :  Mf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  160b  3;  II.  240*.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  18.123. 
belucan,  lock  up  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  70.328. 

beon,  be  (22):  Laws  (1):  300, 1  Cnut,  c.  20b.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (3):  95.26,  28b;  131.1.  —  Mf.  Horn. 


see  aweorpan. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “  (w)lTTON.” 


293 


(7):  I.  414b;  II.  22b  %  36ra,  50t,  292b  %  328%  408b. —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.105.— 
Wulf.  (10):  109.12;  112.1;  119.3,  4,  12b;  129.10b;  145.33c;  182.2b;  209.1;  268.30b. 
beorgan  [beorhgan],  preserve,  protect  (8):  Wulf.  (7):  94.11a;  144.25;  145.17;  166.2;  167.7; 

178.6b;  188. 12a.  —  Chr.  (1):  771. 
beorhgan:  see  beorgan. 

besceawian,  consider  (2):  Bened.  (1):  45.9  =  84.10.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  84* 2. 
betan,  amend  (5) :  Laws  (1) :  298,  I  Cnut,  c.  18,  §  ld.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  125.4.  —  Wulf.  (3) : 
115. 13a;  166. 5a;  303.5. 

bidan,  abide,  await  (1):  Bede  (1):  348.16  =  262.9. 

biddan,  ask,  pray  (37):  Bede  (2):98.27a  =  81.29a;  154.30  =  129.8.  — Solil.  (1):  64.27.  —  Laws 
(1):  246,  V iEthelred,  c.  35°.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (5):  125.5;  159.32;  205.29;  209.26;  211.7.  —Mlf. 
Horn.  (15):  I.  158b  2>  3,  204b  2,  364*,  434b,  500b,  556m,  562*,  564m,  598b;  II.  302b,  380m  2, 
444b  3,  498m,  518b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  80.516;  390.107;  XXVI.  20.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S. 
II  (2):  10.700;  11.114b.  —  Wulf.  (6):  80.6;  115.7;  142.13;  175.2;  299.17b;  306.7.  —  Minor 
Prose  (1):  Neot  (1):  217.  —  Chr.  (1):  774. 
began :  see  biegan. 

biegan  [-e-],  bend  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  154.29  =  129.6. 
blissian,  rejoice  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  292b  2. 

bringan,  bring  (2):  Bede  (1):  234.30b  =  177.26.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  116b  3. 

brucan,  enjoy  (2):  Oros.  (1):  86.1  =  85.33.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  618b  *. 

bugan,  bow  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  52.52.  —  Wulf.  (1):  272. 26a. 

cestian  [ciest-,  cyst-],  put  in  coffin  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119.10;  209. 7b. 

cierran  [-y-],  turn  (1) :  Wulf.  (1) :  265.4% 

ciestian :  see  cestian. 

cigean,  call  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  247. 3a. 

claensian,  cleanse,  purify  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  144.23;  167.4. 

clipian  )  , 

cUpigan  )  :  366  dmn,m- 

clypian  [clip-,  -igan],  cry  out  (4):  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  452b;  II.  84* 3 .  — Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  242.81; 
XXV.  349. 


cuman,  come  (6):  Greg.  (1):  415.6  =  336.4.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1  ):Gen.  11.7.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S. 

II  (1):  11.114a.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1):  494.8b.  —  Ps.  (2):  73.8a;  82.4. 
cunnian,  try  (2):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  450m.  —  Ps.  (1):  70.10. 
cweman,  please  (2):  Laws  (1):  368,  II  Cnut,  c.  84,  §  3.  —  Ps.  (1):  94. la. 
cwe?5an,  say,  speak  (3):  Bened.  (1):' 31.16  =  58.20.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  247.3b.  ■ —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  16.153b. 
cyrran :  see  cierran. 
cystian :  see  cestian. 

cy?San,  make  known  (1) :  Fallen  Angels  (1) :  298. 
dselan,  deal  out ,  distribute  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  241.22. 

don,  do,  make,  cause  (47):  Boeth.  (1):  75.16a  =  68.22.  —  Laws  (3):  268,  VIII  iEthelred,  c.  43a; 
300, 1  Cnut,  c.  20%  354,  II  Cnut,  c.  68a.  —  Bened.  (2) :  21.9  =  42.7 ;  40.4  =  0.  —  Bl.  Horn. 
(2) :  205.28;  241.21  h.—Mlf.  Horn.  (4) :  I.  180b  2;  II.  52b,  100b  2. — Mlf.  L.S.  (2) :  362.364; 
XXX.  368.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  37.20%  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  13.199%  — 
Wulf.  (31):  20. la;  28.20a;  29.2b;  38.14a;  40.23;  94.10;  109.5%  11;  112.1%  14;  115.13% 
119.12;  122. 4a;  124.11%  125.17%  127.9%  129.10%  134.24%  136.26%  28a* b;  143.19;  150.10% 
152.2;  166.1,  3;  169.9;  178.6%  182.1%  189.1%  268.30a. 
eamian,  earn,  merit  (2):  Wulf.  (1):  155.30.  —  Partridge  (1):  13b. 

efstan,  hasten  (7):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  109.9 .  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  526b.  —  Wulf.  (4):  40.24% 
75.21;  141.29%  145.7.  —  Beow.  (1):  3101. 
endian  [aendian],  end,  finish  (1):  Solil.  (1):  49.10a. 
etan,  eat  (1):  L.  (1):  15.23a. 

fadian,  arrange  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  143.22;  144.22;  167.3. 
faegnian,  rejoice  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  292b  3. 

faran,  go  (13):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  422 h.—Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXX.  85%  160b. — Mlf.  Hept.  (4 ):Gen. 
33.11;  Ex.  5.8%  14.5%  Num.  13.31a.  —  Gosp.  (4):  Mat.  (1):  26.46;  —  Mk,  (1):  4.35;  — 
L.  (1):  2.15%  —  J.  (1):  11.7.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16. 106a.  —  Minor  Prose 
(1):  Nic.  (1):  488.27% 

feallan,  fall,  bow  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXVI.  19a. 
feligian:  see  folgian. 


294 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


feogan  [feon],  hate  (1):  Partridge  (1):  13a. 
feohtan,  fight  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  661. 
feran,  go  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1380. 
fleon,  fly  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  124m  *. 

folgian  [feligian,  fylian,  fyligean],  follow  (6):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  169.17.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I. 

160b  4.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  lS.2h.  — Wulf.  (3):  143.21°;  146.2°;  166.6b. 
fon,  seize  upon ,  begin  (3):  Solil.  (1):  55.4b.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  114b,  148b. 
forbugan,  avoid,  turn  away  from  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  112.2b;  134.24;  188.14. 
fordrencan,  intoxicate  (1) :  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  Gen.  19.32a. 
forfleon,  avoid  (3) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  602b  x.  —  Wulf.  (2) :  115.8;  145.19. 
forgeofan :  see  forgiefan. 

forgiefan  [-geofan],  give  up  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  13.201b. 
forhradian,  hasten  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  124m4. 

forlaetan,  leave,  forsake  (7):  Solil.  (1):  49.12.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  247.2.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 

380m  3.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (2) :  13.201a;  14.112.  —  Wulf.  (2) :  141.28a;  166.4b. 
forstandan,  oppose,  withstand  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  336* 2. 
frefrian,  comfort  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119. 8a;  209.5. 

fritSian,  protect  (1):  Laws  (1):  280,  I  Cnut,  c.  2b  (uton  to  be  supplied), 
fyligean  }  : 

gan  [gangan],  go  (18):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  247.1.  —  Mart.  (1):  166.3.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  534.748. — 
Mlf.  Hept.  (4):  Gen.  4.8;  Deut.  13. 2a,  6a;  Judges  3.20b.  —  Gosp.  (6):  Mat.  (1):  21.38a; 
—  Mk.  (2) :  6.37b;  14.42;  —  J.  (3) :  11.15, 16a;  14.31.  —  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Nic.  (2) :  494.4, 
8a.  —  Beow.  (1) :  2648.  —  Gen.  (1) :  839.  —  And.  (1) :  1356. 
gangan :  see  gan. 

geagnian  [geahnian],  possess  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  13.31b. 

geahnian :  see  geagnian. 

gearcian,  prepare  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  606b. 

gebeodan,  offer  (1):  Ps.  (1):  94.1°. 

gebeorgan,  protect  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  141.26. 

gebetan,  amend  (1) :  Solil.  (1) :  55. 4a. 

gebiddan,  pray  (3) :  Solil.  (1) :  45.22a.  —  Bl.  Horn.  139.30.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  22b  2. 
geblissian,  rejoice  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1):  496.26. 
gebugan,  turn,  incline  (5):  Wulf.  (5):  112.3a;  129.11b;  155.30a;  166.4a;  268.31. 
geceosan,  choose  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  488.27a. 

geci(e)rran  [-y-],  turn  (4):  Laws  (1):  298,  I  Cnut,  c.  18,  §  la.  — Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  14.4b. 

—  Wulf.  (2):  115.6;  174.29. 
gecnawan,  know  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  189.3. 
gecuman,  come  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  126* 2. 
gecyrran :  see  gecierran. 

gedon,  do,  cause  (3):  Wulf.  (1):  188.13.  —  Gen.  (1):  404b.  —  Ps.  (1):  136.7. 
geeamian,  earn,  merit  (7):  Mlf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  294*,  618b  2;  II.  332*.  —  Wulf.  (4):  76.3; 
112.14;  144.26;  167.8. 

geedlaecan,  repeat  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  380m  4. 
geefenlaecan,  imitate  (2) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  52b,  158b  x. 
gefaran,  go  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  40* b 
gefremman,  assist  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  602b  2. 
gegearwian,  prepare  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  11.107. 
gehealdan,  keep,  preserve  (1) :  Wulf.  (1) :  253.3. 
gehienan  [-y-],  oppress  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  1.10. 

gehieran  [-y-],  hear  (4):  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  83.28;  165.16.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  280*  2;  II.  272b. 
gehyran :  see  gehieran. 
geinseglian,  seal  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  70.329. 
gelaedan,  lead  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1):  494.9a. 
gelaestan,  perform,  pay  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  38.14b;  116.1;  144.21b. 
geliefan  [-y-],  believe  (3):  Solil.  (1):  55 .6.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  134* *,  228b. 
gemunan,  remember  (5):  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  125.3,  7.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  II.  84*,  124m  2.  —  Wulf. 
(1):  283.18. 

geneosian,  visit  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119.9b;  209.7a. 
geniman,  take  (1) :  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  149.34°. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “  (w)UTON.  ” 


295 


geoffrian,  offer  (1):  Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  116b  b 
geomrian,  mourn  (1):  Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  348b  3. 
gereccan,  account ,  consider  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  75.16b  =  68.22. 
gesceawian,  see ,  examine  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  167.4. 
gescieldan  [-y-],  protect  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  145.17. 
gescyldan :  see  gescieldan. 

geseon,  see  (4) :  Elf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  40*  2,  40b.  —  Gosp.  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  27.49;  —  L.  (1) :  2.15b. 
gesettan,  provide  (1) :  /Elf.  Hept.  (1) :  Num.  14.4a. 

geswican,  cease,  desist  from  (10):  Laws  (1):  298,  I  Cnut,  c.  18,  §  lc.  —  Wulf.  (9):  29.4; 

112. 2a;  115. 13b;  129.11a;  130.7;  150.10a;  174.30a;  188.12b;  268.30b. 
ge<5encan  [-tSencean],  think,  consider  (19):  Laws  (1):  146, 1  iEthelstan,  c.  2a.  —  Bl.  Horn.  ^6): 
83.29;  91.13,  18;  97.1;  115.5a,  20.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (2):  13.262;  14.113.  —  Wulf. 
(9):  109.14;  112.6;  135.14,  19;  136.9,  26b;  144.20;  182.2;  272.29b.  —  Har.  (1):  278. 
gebencean :  see  geSencan. 
geSeodan,  attack,  join  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  147.19. 
gewistfullian,  feast  (1) :  L.  (1) :  15.23b. 
gewitnian,  punish  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  124m  3. 
gewrecan,  avenge  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.106b. 

gewyrcan,  make,  do  (3) :  Laws  (1) :  300,  I  Cnut,  c.  20d.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  16*,  288*. 
gi(e)man  [-y-],  take  care  (of),  observe  (2):  Laws  (1):  268,  VIII  iEthelred,  c.  43,  §  lb.  —  Wulf. 
(1):  112.15. 

gladian,  rejoice  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  112.12;  169. 10a. 

griSian,  protect  (1):  Laws  (1):  280,  I  Cnut,  c.  2a  (uton  to  be  supplied), 
gyman:  see  gi(e)man. 

habban,  have  (17) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (2) :  I.  512b  2;  II.  46m.  —  Mat.  (1) :  21.38°.  —  Wulf.  (13) :  28.20b; 
101.23;  112.12b;  122.4b;  124.11b;  125.17b;  127.9b;  137.20;  151.9;  167.5;  282.5;  299.17a; 
306.8.  —  Ps.  (1) :  73.8b. 

halsian,  entreat  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Nic.  (1):  494.9b. 

healdan,  hold  (16):  Boeth.  (1):  138.5  =  118.30.  —  Laws  (4):  181,  VI  ASthelstan,  c.  8,  §  5;  246, 
V  JEthelred,  c.  35a;  268,  VIII  dEthelred,  c.  44,  §  1;  269,  IX  iEthelred,  Expl°.  — /Elf. 
L.S.  (1):  XXXV.  21.— A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  13.199a.  —  Wulf.  (8):  20.2;  29.2a; 
144.24a;  152.3b;  167.5;  169.10a;  189.2;  272.27 b.  —  Ps.  (1):  117.25b. 
hebban,  raise  (1) :  Boeth.  (1) :  146.26  =  0. 

helpan,  help  (8):  Laws  ( 1):  354,  II  Cnut,  c.  68b.  —  Wulf.  (6):  40.24a;  94.11b;  119.5;  129.13; 

155.29;  209.2.  —  Beow.  (1):  2649. 
heran :  see  hieran. 

herian  [herigean],  praise,  honor  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  380m  b  —  Ps.  (1):  94.1b. 
herigean :  see  herian. 

hieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  115.22a. 
hiertan  [-y-],  encourage  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  119. 8b. 
hleotan,  cast  lots  (1):  J.  (1):  19.24. 
hliewan  [-y-],  warm  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119.6a;  209. 3a. 
hlywan :  see  hliewan. 

hogian,  reflect,  consider  (1) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  38b. 

hycgan,  reflect,  consider  (3) :  Har.  (1) :  229. — Predigtbruchstuck  liber  Psalm  28  (1) :  44a.  — Seaf. 

(1) :  117. 

hyhtan,  hope  (1) :  Predigtbruchstuck  liber  Psalm  28  (1) :  44b. 
hyran :  see  hieran. 

iecan  [ecan],  increase  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  75.15  =  68.21. 

lsetan,  allow,  leave  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  88.32a  =  0. — /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  14. 5d.  —  Wulf.  (1): 
145. 33a. 

latian,  delay  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  75.22b. 

libban  [-y-],  live  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  150.13b. 

began,  lie,  recline  (1) :  /Elf.  Hept.  (1) :  Gen.  19.32b. 

Itifian,  love  (22) :  Laws  (2) :  268,  VIII  JEthelred,  c.  43,  §  la;  269,  IX  iEthelred,  Expla.  —  Elf .  Horn. 

(2) :  I.  52b2;  II.  316b3.  —  Wulf.  (17):  20.2b;  29.1;  94.13;  109.6;  115.11a;  124.12;  127.10; 
143.4,20;  145.32 ;  146.2a;  150.13a;  152.3a;  166.6a;  189.1b;  239.6;  272.26 h.—Hymn  (1):3. 

lybban:  see  libban. 

niman,  take  (4) :  Laws  (1) :  268,  VIII  ACthelred,  c.  43b. — Elf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  164* 2. — Elf.  L.  S. 
(1):  XXX.  160a.  —  Wulf.  (1):  174.9. 


296 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


oferhogian,  despise  (1):  Laws  (1):  268,  VIII  iEthelred,  c.  44b. 
oferhycgan,  despise  (1):  Fallen  Angels  (1):  252. 

offrian,  offer  (2):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  116b  2.  — Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  5.8b. 

ofslean,  slay  (5):  Mlf.  Hept  (2):  Gen.  37.20a;  Ex.  U.5c.—Gosp.  (3):  Mat.  (1):  21.38 h;  —  Mk. 

(1):  12.7;  —  L.  (1):  20.14. 
oliccan,  please  (1):  Partridge  (1):  12. 

oncnawan,  know,  understand  (2):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  115. 5.b —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  254b. 
ondrasdan ,  fear  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  136. 28b. 
onettan,  hasten  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  141.293. 
o<5wendan,  take  away  (1):  Gen.  (1):  4Q3a. 

rseran,  raise  (2):  Laws  (1):  300,  I  Cnut,  c.  20c.  —  Wulf.  (1):  119. 14a. 

rihtan,  rectify  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  75.22a. 

rihtl  secan,  correct  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  174.3Qb. 

sceawian,  examine  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  58* x. 

sceofan  [scufan],  shove ,  push  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  300m  2. 

sceotan,  refer  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  338b  2. 

scieldan  [-y— ],  shield,  guard  (3):  Laws  (1):  368,  II  Cnut,  c.  84,  §  3b.  —  Wulf.  (2):  115.10; 
134.19. 

scyldan:  see  scieldan. 

scyndan,  hasten  (1):  Reimlied  (1):  84. 

secan  [secean],  seek  (6):  Laws  (1):  280,  I  Cnut,  c.  2C  (uton  to  be  supplied).  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  10.450.  —  Wulf.  (2):  146.2b;  150.14a.  —  Ps.  (1):  94.2.  —  Whale  (1):  87. 
secean :  see  secan. 

secgan,  say  (4) :  Solil.  (1) :  49.10b.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  115.22b.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  330b. —  Mlf. 

Hept.  (1):  Gen.  37.20c. 
seglian,  sail  (1):  L.  (1):  8.22. 

sellan  [-y-],  give  (5) :  Bede  (1) :  234-.30a  =  177.26.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  Gen.  31.44.  —  A.  S.  Horn. 

&  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.153a.  —  Wulf.  (2):  119.7;  209.4. 
sendan,  send,  put  (2):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  241.20.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  1.22. 
settan,  set  (1):  Ps.  (1):  117. 25a. 
singan,  sing  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  126* 3. 

smeagan  [smeagean],  reflect,  consider  (4):  Laws  (2):  254,  VI  ^Ethelred,  c.  31;  314,  II  Cnut,  c.  8. 

—  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  348b  2.  —  Wulf.  (1):  169.11. 
smeagean :  see  smeagan. 
spirian:  see  spyrian. 

sprecan,  speak  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  216b  2. 
spurian:  see  spyrian. 

spyrian  [-i-,  -a-},  follow  (2):  Solil.  (1):  45.22b.  —  Wulf.  (1):  130.11. 

standan,  stand,  arise  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  126* x. 

staSelian,  establish  (1) :  Chr.  (1) :  864. 

suwian,  be  silent  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  348b  b 

sweitan,  die  (1):  J.  (1):  11.16b. 

syllan :  see  sellan. 

teolian:  see  tilian. 

teon,  draw  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  241.21a. 

tilian  [teolian,  tiligean],  strive,  attempt  (6):  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  111.18b;  129.36.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (2):  13.197,  265.  —  Wulf.  (1):  109.5b.  —  Ps.  (1):  138.17. 
tiligean:  see  tilian. 

timbrian,  build  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  11. 4a. 

tobrecan,  break,  destroy  (1):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  2.3a. 

todaelan,  confound  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  11. 7b. 

toweorpan  [-wurp-,  -wyrp-],  disperse,  destroy  (2):  Ps.  (2):  73.8C;  82. 4b. 

towurpan  1 

towyrpan  )  :  see 

tylian :  see  tilian. 

Sencan,  think  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXVIII.  119.  —  Wulf.  (1):  232.20. 

Seowian,  serve  (2):  Mlf.  Hept.  (2):  Deut.  13.2°,  6b. 

Singian,  intercede  (1) :  Wulf.  (1) :  130.8. 

understandan,  understand  (7):  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  160b  x;  II.  58* 2.  —  Wulf.  (5):  38.8;  112.3b; 
144.24b;  167.6,  11. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “bEON”  (“WESAN”).  297 


upastigan,  ascend  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  300m  l. 
waefan,  clothe  (2):  Wulf.  (2):  119. 6b;  209. 3b. 

warnian,  take  warning ,  beware  of  (4):  Wulf.  (4):  80.4;  130.14;  147.18;  188.11. 
wendan,  wend ,  turn  (3):  Wulf.  (3):  141.27;  142.9;  265. 4a. 
wenian,  accustom ,  train  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  76.1. 
weortSan,  become  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  169. llb. 

weorSian  [wurS-],  honor  (7):  Laws  (2):  268,  VIII  iEthelred,  c.  44a;  269,  IX^Ethelred,  Expla. 
—  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  446 h.—Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  260.363 .  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  11. 4b.  — 
Wulf.  (2):  143. 21a;  272.27a. 

werian,  defend  (2):  Laws  (1):  246,  V  iEthelred,  c.  35b.  —  Widf.  (1):  143. 22b. 
wilnian,  wish ,  desire  (1) :  Chr.  (1) :  773. 
wircean :  see  wyrcean. 

wistfullian,  feast,  delight  (1):  vElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr.  263.16. 

wiSstandan,  withstand  (1) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  604* 4. 

wuldrian,  honor,  glorify  (1):  Hymn  (1):  1. 

wurcaen:  see  wyrcan. 

wurSian :  see  weor<5ian. 

wynsumian,  rejoice  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  91.8. 

wyrcan  [-i-,  -u-,  -cean],  work,  make,  do  (21):  Mlf .  Horn.  (1):  I.  160b  2.  — Mlf.  Hept.  (6) :  Pref. 
to  Gen.  23.25,  26;  —  De  V.  T.  11.41;  —  Gen.  1.26;  2.18b;  11.3a.  —  jElfric’s  Minor  Prose 
(4):  Mlf.  Int.  (4):  163,  169,  170,  173.  —Gosp.  (3):  Mat.  (1):  17.4b;  —  Mk.  (1):  9.5;  —  L. 
(1):  9.33.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  7.322.  —  Wulf.  (6):  41.1;  94.14;  109.7;  119.14b; 
124. 13b;  127.11. 
wyrcean :  see  wyrcan. 


B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VI,  p.  95. 

Note  1.  “  Uie  ”  and  the  Infinitive:  given  in  full  in  Note  4  to  Chapter  VI,  p.  96. 

Note  2.  “  ( W)uton  ”  with  the  Infinitive  to  Be  Supplied:  see  Note  6  to  Chapter  VI,  p.  96. 


VII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  “Beon”  (“ Wesan”). 

A.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  NECESSITY  OR  OBLIGATION. 

I.  The  Infinitive  Passive  in  Sense. 

Sporadically  the  infinitive  is  uninflected,  but  normally  it  is  inflected. 

1.  The  Infinitive  Uninflected. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VII,  p.  98. 

2.  The  Infinitive  Inflected. 

aberan,  bear  with:  P.1  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  108.32a  =  B.  138  C1.  —  I.  (0). 

ademan,  judge:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  430.32a  =  308. 12a.  — -I.  (0). 

adreogan,  tolerate:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  108.32b  =  B.  138  C1.  —  I.  (0). 

agietan,  consider:  P.  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.31.  —  I.  (0). 

ahabban,  abstain:  P.  (0).  — -I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  82.6  =  57.31. 

ahsian,  ask,  inquire:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  22.1  =  44.5.  — I.  (0). 

aleogan,  deny:  P.  (1):  Laws  (1):  46,  Alfred,  c.  I,  §  1.  —  I.  (0). 

aliesan  [-y-j,  redeem:  P.  (2):  Laws  (2):  14,  Wihtraed,  c.  28c;  98,  Ine,  c.  20°.  —  I.  (0). 

alysan :  see  aliesan. 

anlaetan,  continue:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  66.1  =  124.10.  —  I.  (0). 
anscunian :  see  onscunian. 

apinsian,  ponder,  weigh:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  245.9b. 
araefnan,  tolerate:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  72.7  =  51.34.  —  I.  (0). 

araeran,  raise,  erect:  P.  (2):  Bened.  (1):  23.4  =  46.5.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  498*  L  — I.  (0). 


1  Throughout  this  section,  P.  indicates  that  the  subject  is  personal;  I.,  that  the  subject  is  impersonal. 


298 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


areccan,  relate:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  330.  —  I.  (0). 

arian,  honor:  P.  (3):  Boeth.  (2):  72.25  =  0;  72.27a  =  0.  — Wcerf.  (1):  98.27  =  244  A.  —I.  (0). 

arisan,  arise:  P.  (0).' — I.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  32.12  =  60.9. 

arweorSian  [-wurS-],  honor:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  13.25a  =  157  A.1  —  I.  (0). 

arwur<5ian:  see  arweor&ian. 

asmeagan,  consider:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  86.23  =  61.1.  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  245.9a. 

aSwean,  wash:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  84.31  =  59.32.  — I.  (0). 

baSian  [beSian],  bathe:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  62.11.  —  I.  (0). 

bebeorgan,  avoid:  P.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  63.32.  —  I.  (0). 

begangan :  see  began. 

began  [-gangan,  -gongan],  'practise ,  exercise:  P.  (2) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  100b.  —  S.  &  S.  (1) : 
54.— I.  (0). 

beginnan,  begin:  P.  (3):  Bened.  (3):  33.2  =  0;  33.7  =  0;  37.10  =  70.7.  —  I.  (0). 
begongan :  see  began. 

behealdan,  consider:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  75.11  =  142.19.  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  139.4  =  100.1. 
belean,  forbid,  destroy:  P.  (1) :  Greg.  (1) :  203.9  =  152.7.  —  I.  (0). 
bemaenan,  lament:  P.  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.119.  —  I.  (0). 
beran,  bear,  carry:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  84.1  =  209  A1.  — I.  (0). 

besceawian,  consider:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  63.22®.  —  I.  (2):  Bened.  (1):  116.16  =  184.2.  —  Mlf. 

Horn.  (1):  I.  486m. 
besceawigan :  see  besceawian. 

bescerian  [bi-,  -scyrian,  -igan],  deprive:  P.  (2):  Bede  (2):  70.31  =  51.24;  72.6  =  51.33.  — I.  (0). 
bescyrian:  see  bescerian. 

betan,  improve,  correct:  P.  (1) :  Laws  (1) :  474,  Judex,  c.  2a.  —  I.  (1) :  Laws  (1) :  274,  Cnut,  c.  14 
(or  with  adjective?). 
betSian:  see  ba&ian. 

biddan,  pray,  request,  seek:  P.  (2):  Solil.  (1):  30.8  =  0.  —  Bened.  (1):  55.19  =  104.12.  — I.  (0). 
biscergan:  see  bescerian. 

blinnan,  cease:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  178.1  =  B.  204  C1. 

blissian  [-igan],  rejoice:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Greg.  (1):  409.11  =  328.21.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  82*. 
blissigan:  see  blissian. 

bodian,  announce:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  120.3  =  B.  150  A. 
bregan,  terrify:  P.  (2):  Greg.  (2):  181.7  =  134.22;  183.3b  =  136.15.  —  I.  (0). 
celan,  cool:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  25.30a.  —  I.  (0). 

claensian  [-igan],  cleanse:  P.  (4):  Bede  (1):  430.32b  =  308. 12b.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  552*  2. — 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.123.  —  Lcece.  (1):  78.19.  — I.  (0). 
claensigan :  see  clcensian. 

cuman,  come:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  185.19  =  225  B1. 

cwetSan,  say,  call:  P.  (4):  Bede  (1):  370.16  =  274.6.  —  Bened.  (2):  6.25  =  78.4;  41.19  =  78.4. 
—  Wulf.  (1) :  185.7.  —  I.  (4) :  Bede  (2) :  88.23  =  62.1;  334.28  =  254.28.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) : 
228.133.  —  Wulf.  (1):  158.16. 

cytSan,  make  known:  P.  (3):  Greg.  (3):  187.16  =  140.11;  263.9  =  198.12;  287.3  =  216.19.  —  I. 
(17) : Greg.  (17):  189.1  -  140.20;  201.15  =  150.15; 201.18  =  150.18;  201.19  =  150.19;  253.8 
=  192.4;  281.23  =  212.25;  299.2  =  226.4;  299.5  =  226.5;  301.14  =  228.6;  305.13  =  232.21; 
305.15  =  232.23;  305.18  =  232.25;  306.2  =  234.2;  311.14  =  238.27;  315.20  =  242.27; 
349.5  =  268.27;  441.11  =  368.8. 
deman,  judge:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  78.34  =  56.11.  —  I.  (0). 

don,  do:  P.  (26):  Bede  (10):  50.10a  =  30.16;  72.26  =  0;  112.27  =  91.32;  124.20  =  100.12; 
124. 23a  =  100.15  (or  with  adjective?);  128.13  =  108. 18b  (or  with  adjective?);  132.18  = 
110.26  (or  with  adjective?);  162.30  =  137.10;  216.11  =  167.4;  248.5  =  196.7.  —  Chron. 
(1):  215*, 1083  Ea.  —  Laws  (1):  368,  II  Cnut,  c.  84 — Bened.  (2):  15.4  =  26.14;  39.5 
=  72.12.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  199.30.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  314b  2,  502b,  506b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S. 
(1):  XXXVI.  206.  —  Wulf.  (5):51.20a;  57.15;  123.15a;  150.15;  290.4a.  —  Lcece.  (2):  9.27; 
62.21.  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (1):  68.7  =  50.7.  —  Wulf.  (1):  173.4. 
drohtnigan,  pass  life,  live:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  130b. 
eadgian,  bless:  P.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  ll.llb.  —  I.  (0). 

efstan,  hasten:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (1):  98.30  =  81.32.  —  Bened.  (1):  5.8a  =  10.16a. — 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.135.  —  Wulf.  (1):  36.1. 
eri(g)an,  plough:  P.  (0).  — -I.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose:  Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  135.5. 
faestan,  fast:  P.  (1):  Mart.  (1):  72.24.  — I.  (0). 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  aBEON”  (“WESAN”).  299 


findan,  find:  P.  (1) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  8.6  =  153  A2.  —  I.  (0). 
fleogan,  flee:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1) :  9.19.  —  I.  (0). 
fleon,  flee:  P.  (1) :  Lcece.  (1) :  63.31.  —  I.  (0). 
forbeodan,  forbid:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  63.28.  — I.  (0). 

forberan,  bear  with,  tolerate:  P.  (2):  Bede  (1):  70.11  =  51.3.  — Greg.  (1):  153.1  =  110.8.  — I 
(1):  Greg.  (1):  151. 10b  =  108.21. 
forbugan,  avoid:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  234m.  — I.  (0). 
foreseon,  foresee;  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  66.4b  =  49.8b. 
foreswigian:  see  forswigian. 

forgan,  forego:  P.  (11):  Laws  (1):  368,  IlCnut,  c.  84b.  —  Wulf.  (1):  123. 15b.  —  Lcece.  (9):  5.27; 

44.20%  21;  48.44;  50.20%  38;  63.17,  24;  76.35.  —  I.  (0). 
forgiefan  [-y-] ,  forgive:  P.  (1):  Laws  (1):  474,  Judex,  c.  2%  — I.  (0). 
forgietan  [-y-],  forget:  P.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  220m,  1086  Ec.  —  I.  (0). 
f  orgyfan :  see  forgiefan. 
forgytan:  see  forgietan. 

forlaetan,  pass  over:  P.  (15):  Bede  (3):  70.12  =  51.3;  82.21b  =  58.27;  292.14  =  224.20.  —Greg. 
(1):  23.1  =  388.21.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  23.18  =  164.  B2;  67.3  =  196  C2;  109.18  =  B.  140  A1.  — 
Pr.Gu.  (2):  XVII.  1;  XIX.  l.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  463.  —  Wulf.  (3):  51.20% 
57.16%  290.4%  —  Lcece.  (2) :  5.28;  60.12.  —  I.  (0). 
forseon,  despise:  P.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  75.12  =  67.18.  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  56.3  =  53.58a. 

forseon,  foresee,  provide:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  76.24  =  55.1.  —  I.  (0). 

forswigian  [fore-,  -u-,  -y-],  pass  over  in  silence:  P.  (8):  Bede  (4):  96.3  =  79.25;  326.2  = 
249.23;  380.28  =  279.19;  398.14  =  289.6.  —  Wcerf.  (4):  157.2  =  B.  184  A;  248.10  =  304 

B;  301.15  =  364  B;  344.3  =  420  A1.  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  182.9  =  147.30;  308.5  =  237.18. 

forswugian :  see  forswigian. 

forSyldigan,  bear  patiently:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  552b  2.  — I.  (0). 
forwieraan  [-y-],  forbid:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  16.12. 
forwyman:  see  foriviernan. 

frefran,  comfort:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  181.6a  =  134.22.  —  I.  (0). 

fylgan,  follow:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  98.29  =  81.31.  —  I.  (0). 

gan,  go:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Mthelw.  (1):  113. 

gebeodan,  offer:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  130.12  =  200.20.  —  I.  (0). 

gebeoran :  see  geberan. 

geberan  [-beoran],  bring:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  76.25a  =  55.2.  —  I.  (0). 

gebetan,  reform:  P.  (2) :  Bede  (1) :  74.3  =  53.5.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXIII  B.  635.  —  I.  (0). 

gebiddan,  pray:  P.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  197.24a.  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  336.2  =  404  C2. 

gebindan,  bind:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  275.11  =  208.6.  — I.  (0). 

gefaran,  travel:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  5.22  =  12.2.  — I.  (0). 

geferan,  go,  travel:  P.  (0).  — -I.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  603. 

gefremman,  perform,  administer:  P.  (2):  Bede  (2):  76.25b  =  55.2;  86.10b  =  60.8.  —  I.  (0). 

gegearwian,  prepare:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  130.11  =  200.20.  —  I.  (0). 

gehaelan,  heal:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  498t  2.  —  I.  (0). 

gehealdan,  observe:  P.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  102.13.  —  I.  (0). 

p  pliprflti  •  npp  flph  i pvflv) 

gehieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear:  P.  (4):  Greg.  (1):  315.23  =  244.1.  —  ^/.  Horn.  (1):  I.  302%  — 
iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.Gr.  (1):  255.13.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  1.101.  —  I. 
(4):  Wcerf.  (1):  177.9  =  B.  204  A}.  — Greg.  (1):  439.31  =  3QQ.1G.  — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 
518m.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  540.831. 

gehycgan,  think,  consider:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Wcerf.  63.4  =  193  B1;  348.9b  =  425  C. 
gehyran :  see  gehieran. 

gelaestan,  perform,  do:  P.  (1):  Laws  (1):  46,  iElfred,  c.  1,  §  lb  (or  with  adjective?).  — I.  (0). 
gelefan :  see  geliefan. 

geleoran,  depart,  die:  P.  (2):  Bede  (2):  286.29  =  221.30;  318.27  =  244.20.  — -I.  (0). 
geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe:  P.  (5):  Bede  (2):  224.22  =  172.6;  372.27  =  275.16 .  —  Boeth.  (1):84.2 
=  73.32.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  328.6  =  396  A1.  — •  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  100.176.— I.  (21):  Bede  (2): 
228.23  =  174.9;  234.13  =  177.4.  —  Chron.  (1):  158%  1036  C.  —  Wcerf.  (11):  146.2  =  B. 
174  A;  246. 19b  =  301  A2;  275.18  =  336  A2;  288.21  =  349  B2;  288.23  =349  B3;  303.5  =* 
365  B2;  303.17  =  365  C;  327.20  -  393  C4;  328.14  =  396  B3;  332.10  =  400 C1;  333.13  =  401 
A1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (3):  29.15;  31.2;  209.18.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  442b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1): 
XXII  B.  108.— A.  S.  Horn.  L.  S.  II  (1):  11.66  —  Seizure  and  Death  of  Alfred  (1):  13. 


300 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


gelyfan :  see  geliefan. 

geopenian,  reveal:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  104. 
geortriewan  [-y-],  despair  of:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  316.26  =  243.19.  —  I.  (0). 
gerestan,  rest:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  178.2  =  B.  204  C1. 
gerihtan,  correct:  P.  (1):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  634.  — I.  (0). 
geswencan,  mortify:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  408b.  — I.  (0). 
ge?5afian,  allow,  tolerate:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  135.21  =  96.24.  — I.  (0). 

ge'Sencan,  think,  consider:  P.  (7):  Boeth.  (1):  52.2  =  0. — Greg.  (2):  29.6  =  0;  385.24  = 

302.1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (3):  19.31;  27.26;  29.2.  —  Rid.  (1):  42.8.  — I.  (16):  Bede  (l):84.3b 
=  59.5.  —  Boeth.  (1):  76.1  =  0 .—Greg.  (4):  53.17  =  30.15;  59.21a  =  34.27;  119.3  =  82.17; 
302.20  =  230.3.  —  Wcerf.  (6):  239.27a  =  292  C2;  270.11  =  329  B1;  328.26  =  396  C1; 
348.9a  =  425  B;  349.19  =  428  B;  349.27b  =  428  C.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (4):  31.20;  33.25;  35.10; 

39.1. 

gewiscan:  see  gewyscan. 

gewitan,  know:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (3) :  Mlf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  53Sb  2;  II.  556b,  562b. 
gewyscan  [-i-],  wish,  desire:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Bom.  (1):  I.  612b. 

gieman  [-y-],  take  care:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Greg.  (3):  123.24  =  86.17;  455.10  =  386.15;  455.28  = 
388.7. 

gi(e)rnan,  yearn  for:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  90.13  =  77.20. 
gyman :  see  gieman. 

habban,  have,  keep:  P.  (7):  Boeth.  (1):  68.26  =  63.17. — Greg.  (2):  249.7  =  188.11;  351.16  = 
272.4.  — ■  Wcerf.  (1):  8.7  =  153  A3.  — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  2 h.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  270.131. 
—  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  255. 14b.  — I.  (0). 
haldan :  see  healdan. 

halgian  [haligian],  hallow,  consecrate:  P.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  29.5.  —  I.  (0). 
halsian  [heals-],  supplicate:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  45.17  =  84.19.  —  I.  (0). 
healdan  [haldan],  hold,  preserve:  P.  (28):  Bede  (3):  68.15b  =  50.14;  124.23b  =  100.16;  132.19  = 
110.27.  — Greg.  (1):  119.2a  =  82.16.  —  Bened.  (17):  6.16  =  64.10;  6.17  =  66.1;  6.18  = 
68.13;  6.19  =  70.1;  6.20  =  72.9;  7.4  =  90.13;  12.18  =  0;  34.5  =  64.10;  35.1  =  66.1;  36.9  = 

68.13;  37.4  =  70.1;  37.5  =  70.4;  39.2  =  72.9;  48.14  =  90.13;  49.3  =  92.1;  60.11  =  112.14; 

110.5  =  176.11.  —  Mart.  (1):  74.3.  —  TElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Mthelw.  (1):  6.  — 
Wulf.  (3):  270.16;  282.7;  295.7.  —  Losce.  (2):  49.1;  63.18.  —  I.  (0). 
helan,  conceal:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  278.22  =  340  B1.  — I.  (0). 

herian  [herigan],  praise:  P.  (8):  Bede  (1):  78.33b  =  56.10b. —  Boeth.  (2):  32.28  =  39.89; 
69.3  =  0.—  Greg.  (2):  237.7  =  178.22;  353.25  =  274.6.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  63.21a;  223.27.— 
Wulf.  (1):  197. 24b.  —  I.  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  64.19  =  60.44.  —  Greg.  (1):  53.19  =  30.17. 
hiersumian  [-y-],  obey,  serve:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  1.15  =  4.3. 
hogian,  think,  consider:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  558m. 
hopi(g)an,  hope:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Int.  (1):  270. 

hradian,  hasten:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  5.  8a  =  10.16a. 

hycgan,  think,  consider:  P.  (2):  Rid.  (2):  29.12;  32.23.  —  I.  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  IT 
(1):  12.2. 

hyrsumian :  see  hiersumian. 

ieldan  [yldan],  delay:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  350m. 
lacnian,  treat  medically:  P.  (3):  Lcece.  (3):  25.30b;  73.36a;  78.22.  —  I.  (0). 
lasran,  teach:  P.  (9):  Greg.  (9):  25.15  =  6.1;  119.2b  =  82.17;  179.21  =  134.24;  205.21  = 
154.13;  233.23  =  176.21;  277.3  =  208.21;  341.15  =  264.7;  409.24  =  330.3;  441.6  =  368.1. 
—  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  127.25  =  108.15. 
laetan,  let  (blood):  P.  (4):  Lcece.  (4):  26.1;  44.20b;  76.26;  77.3.  —  I.  (0). 
laSian,  invite :  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  263.4  =  321  A1.  —  I.  (0). 

lean,  blame:  P.  (2):  Laws  (1):  254,  VI  ^Ethelred,  c.  29a.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  63.21b,  —  I.  (0). 
libban  [lifigan],  live:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (1):  424.4  =  304.14.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  317.15  = 
381  D. 

liefan  [-y-j,  believe:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  11.12. 
lifigan :  see  libban. 

lufian,  love:  P.  (12):  Bede  (2):  66.24,  25  =  49.29.  —  Boeth.  (2):  108.21  =  0;  113.14  =  97.25.  — 
Greg.  (2):  133.15  =  94.18;  441.15  =  368.12.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  18.9  =  18.11.  —  Laws  (1): 
254,  VI  TEthelred,  c.  29b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  310.38a.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1): 
Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  144.11.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  3.573.  —  Wulf.  (1):  73.8a.  —  I.  (0). 
maersian  [-igan],  glorify,  praise:  P.  (2);  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  161.6a. — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  1.324*. — I,  (0). 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “bEON”  (“WESAN”).  301 


manian  [monian],  admonish:  P.  (243):  Bede  (2):  70.26  =  51.19;  72.4  =  51.31.  — Greg.  (241): 
13.20,  22,  24  =  130.6,  8,  9;  15.1,  3,  5,  7,  9,  11,  14,  16,  18,  20,  22  =  130.10,  11,  12,  13,  14, 
15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20;  17.3,  6,  8,  10,  12,  14,  17,  20,  24  =  130.23,  24,  25,  26,  27,  28,  132.1, 
3,  6;  19.1,  3,  7,  12,  17,  20,  23  =  132.7,  8,  11,  15,  18,  20,  21;  21.1,  4,  7,  11,  15,  18  =  132.23,  25, 
27,  29,  134.1,  3;  177.11  =  132.8;  179.14,  15,  19  =  134.10,  14;  181.3,  5  =  134.20,  21;  187.12, 
14  =  140.8,  9;  189.12,  14  =  142.2,  3;  191.12,  16,  19,  21  =  142.21,  23,  24;  195.15,  25  =  146.13, 
22;  197.4  =  146.26;  201.7,  9,  10,  11,  13  =  150.8,  9,  10,  11,  13;  203.3,  5,  6,  8a  =  152.2,  3,  4, 
5;  205.19  =  154.12;  209.1,  4  =  156.13,  14;  215.3,  5  =  162.2,  3;  220.18  =  166.28;  229.3,  10, 
12,  13  =  172.19,  26,  27,  28;  231.15  =  174.24;  237.4,  6,  14  =  178.20,  21,  23;  247.3,  5,  6,  11, 
14  =  186.17,  18,  19,  24,  27;  251.20  =  190.20;  253.23  =  192.12;  255.13  =  192.25;  257.19  = 
194.19;  261.1  =  196.15;  263.1,  6,  7,  14  =  198.7,  9,  10,  17;  265.14  =  200.10;  271.6,  9  = 

204.12,  13;  273.2  =  206.1;  275.2  =  206.23;  281.16,  18,  19,  21  =  212.20,  21,  22,  23;  287.20, 
22  -  218.5,  6;  289.4  =  218.11;  291.3,  4  =  218.26,  220.2;  299.1,  3  =  226.2,  3;  302.13,  15  = 
228.27,  28;  305.10,  12  =  232.19,  20;  307.4,  7,  19  =  234.21,  24,  236.8;  308.13,  16  =  236.21, 
33;  313.6,  18  =  240.21,  29;  315.8  =  242.15;  319.11,  14,  16  =  246.11,  13,  15;  321.5  =  246.26; 

227.12,  24  =  252.18,  29;  335.1,  5,  9  =  258.13,  16,  19;  337.5  =  260.16;  339.6,  22,  24  =  262.7, 
21;  341.8  =  262.29;  345.4,  6,  7  =  266.8,  9,  10;  349.18  =  270.10;  351.3,  18  =  270.20,  272.6; 
355.8,  11  =  274.14,  16;  357.12,  14,  15  =  276.18,  19,  20;  361.5  =  278.30;  363.8  =  280.27; 
365.1,  5,  7,  13  =  282.16,  18,  20,  26;  369.1,  22,  25  =  286.3,  24,  27;  371.28  =  286.27,  288.7; 

375.12,  17,  21,  22  =  292.2,  5,  7,  8;  383.20,  31,  34  =  298.19,  27,  30;  387.1,  5,  8,  16  =  302.16, 
18,  21,  304.1;  389.28  =  306.16;  393.13,  20,  22,  23  =  310.13,  20,  21,  22;  395.31  =  314.7; 
397.8  =  314.20;  399.36  =  318.23;  401.1  =  318.23;  401.22,  31  =  320.12,  21;  403.7,  10,  11, 
18,  27  =  322.5,  7,  8,  15,  24;  405.7  =  324.10;  407.19,  22,  27  =  326.25,  27,  328.3;  409.22,  28  = 

330.3,  8;  411.20  =  332.4;  413.3,  5,  6,  14,  22,  32  =  332.21,  23,  24,  334.6,  15,  26;  415.8  =  336.6; 

417.3,  31  =  338.8,  340.5;  419.17,  20,  22  =  342.2,  4,  6;  421.24,  36  =  344.13,  23;  423.29  = 
346.23;  427.8,  11,  12,  17,  20  =  350 A3,  16,  18,  23,  25;  429.2,  7,  29,  33  =  352.18,  24,  354.19, 
21;  431.1,  11  =  354.23,  356.4;  433.31a  =  360.1;  435.29  =  362.6;  437.1,  5,  7,  23,  32,  33  = 
362.11, 14, 17,  364.14;  439.7,  9,  17  =  364.21,  366.2;  441.1,  4  =  366.25,  27;  445.4,  26  =  372.17, 
374.11;  447.22,  26,  28,  31  =  376.10,  12,  15,  18;  449.11,  20,  22  =  378.7,  19.  —  I.  (0). 


see  manian. 


mamgan 
manigean 

metan,  measure,  compare:  P.  (3):  Boeth.  (2):  29.4  =  36.28;  72.12  =  0.  — Met.  (1):  21.42  (or 
absolute?).  —  I.  (0). 

midligan,  bridle:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  275.10  =  208.5.  —  I.  (0). 
monian :  see  manian. 

myndgian,  remind:  P.  (1) :  Greg.  (1) :  303.7  =  230.5  —  I.  (0). 

nemnan,  name:  P.  (1):  Bened.  (1):  139.29  =  0.  —  I.  (0). 

niman,  take:  P.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  JElf.  JEthelw.  (1):  5.  — I.  (0). 

oferbugan,  deceive:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  295.21  =  224.2.  — I.  (0). 

offrian  [-igan],  offer:  P.  (1  )\  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  310. 38b.  — I.  (0). 

offrigan :  see  offrian. 

onbeernan,  incite:  P.  (1):  Bede  (1):  74.2  =  53.5.  —  I.  (0). 

ondraedan,  dread,  fear:  P.  (8):  Bede  (1):  86.9  =  60.7.  — -Greg.  (1):  105.25  =  72.26 
(1):  63.14  =  193  B \  —  Mf.  Horn.  (4):  I.  322*  *,  522b  \  592*  h  2 .  —  A.  S. 

L.  S.  II  (1):  18.283.  —  I.  (2):  Greg.  (2):  139.3  =  98.31;  383.26  =  298.24. 
ongeotan :  see  ongietan. 

ongietan  [-eo-,  -i-,  -y-],  understand,  consider:  P.  (5):  Bede  (3):  224.24  =  172.7; 

175.18;  440.30  =  313.16.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  295.22  =  357  A2;  322.25b  =  388  D2. 

Greg.  (1):  377.22  =  294.6.  —  Wcerf.  (5):  66.26  =  196  C1;  245.21  =  300  C1;  270.10  =  329 
B1;  323.7  =  389  A2;  342.18  =  416  C2.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  81.20.  —  Lcece.  (1) :  61.32. 
ongitan :  see  ongietan. 
ongytan :  see  ongietan. 

onherian,  imitate:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  13.25b  =  157  A2.  — I.  (0). 

onscunian  [an-],  shun:  P.  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  41.9  =  44.4.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  65.13.  —  Wulf. 
(1):  242.2.  — I.  (0). 

profian,  assume  to  be:  P.  (2):  Laws  (2):  14,  Wihtraed,  c.  28a;  98,  Ine,  c.  20a.  —  I.  (0). 
raedan,  read:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Chron.  (1):  128b,  995  Fa.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mf.Gr. 
(1):  135.6. 

reccan  [~cean].  give,  direct,  explain:  P.  (2):  Bede  (1):  66.11a  =  49.15.  — Greg.  (1):  265.22  = 
200.16.  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  441.12  =  368.9. 


—  Wcerf. 
Horn.  & 


230.21  = 

-I.  (8): 


302 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


reccean :  see  reccan. 

retan,  cheer:  P.  (2):  Greg.  (2):  181.6b  =  134.23;  181.19  =  136.6.  —I.  (0). 
rihtan,  correct:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  263. 3a  =  320  D.  — I.  (0). 

sceawian,  consider ,  seek:  P.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  122.21  =  B.  152  C2.  — I.  (2):  Wcerf.  (2):  239.26 
=  292  C2;  349. 27a  =  428  C. 

secan  [-cean],  seek:  P.  (6):  Bede  (2):  50. 10b  =  30.17;  78.24  =  56.2.  —  Greg.  (1):  171.8  = 
126.5.  —  Laws  (1) :  320,  II  Cnut,  c.  17,  §  1.  —  Wcerf.  (1) :  91.17a  =  216  A.  —  Mlf.  Horn. 
(1):  I.  120*.  —  I.  (2):  Greg.  (1):  151.11a  =  108.22.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  245.23  =  300  C2. 
secean :  see  secan. 

secgan,  say:  P.  (5):  Boeth.  (1):  41.3  =  0.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  139.32  =  B.  168  A.  —  And.  (1):  1481. 
—  Gu.  (2):  502;  510.  —  I.  (14):  Bede  (3):  208.32  =  163.17;  298.12  =  228.6;  334.30  = 
=  254.31.  —  Boeth.  (1) :  39.10  =  42.63.  —  Greg.  (8) :  215.6  =  162.4;  215.12  =  162.9;  220.24 
168.5;  231.4  =  174.11;  231.10  =  174.18;  233.16  =  176.14;  235.10  =  178.2;  261.3  =  196.16. 
—  Bl.  Horn.  (1) :  63.16.  —  Wulf.  (1):  204.2. 

sellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  give,  distribute:  P.  (9):  Bede  (1):  66. llb  =  49.15.  —  Bened.  (1):  55.18  = 
104.11.  —  Mat.  (2):  17.22;  20.23b.  —  Lcece.  (5):  62.22,  28;  63.33;  64.2;  68.31. —I.  (1):  Lcece. 
(1):  63.22b. 

sendan,  send,  put:  P.  (1):  L.  (1):  6.38.  — I.  (0). 

singan,  sing:  P.  (4):  Greg.  (1):  409.10  =  328.21.  —  Bened.  (3):  6.15  =  62.1;  33.6  =  62.1; 

33.12  =  62.10. 
siellan :  see  sellan. 

slean,  slay:  P.  (2):  Laws  (2):  14,  Wihtrsed,  c.  28b;  98,  Ine,  c.  20b.  — I.  (0). 
smeagan  [-gean],  consider,  weigh:  P.  (6):  Greg.  (1):  153.13  =  110.20.  —  Bened.  (1):  16.9  = 
28.20.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (3) :  1. 254*,  340b;  II.  280m,  —  Wulf.  (1) :  185.6a.  —  I.  (10) :  Bede  (1) : 
84. 3a  =  59.5.  —  Greg.  (1):  59.21b  =  34.27.  —  Bened.  (1):  15.6  =  26.16.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1): 
33.17 .  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (4):  I.  308m,  328b,  342m;  II.  276 m.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  282.284.— 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  12.1. 
smi(e)rwan,  anoint:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  73.36b.  —  I.  (0). 

sorgian,  lament:  P.  (2):  Bede  (1):  86.10a  =  60.8.  —  Wulf.  (1):  185. 6b.  —  I.  (0). 
sparian,  spare:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  141.9  =  100.29.  —  I.  (0). 

sprecan,  speak:  P.  (4):  Bede  (1):  66.8  =  49.14.  — Greg.  (1):  59.7  =  34.17.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  263.6 
=  321  A2.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  19.16.  — I.  (0). 
stillan,  make  calm:  P.  (1)  Lcece.  (1):  54.4.  —  I.  (0). 
swingan,  chastise:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  265.16  =  200.10.  —  I.  (0). 
syllan :  see  sellan. 

taecan,  teach:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  151.12. 

tselan,  blame:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  64.18  =  60.44. 

talian,  consider:  P.  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  56.7  =  54.61.  —  Wulf.  (1):  25.6.  — I.  (0). 

tellan ,  account,  reckon:  P.  (6):  Boeth.  (5):  54.11  =  53.34;  56.66  =  53.60;  56.10  =  54.63; 

110.20  =  95.125;  111.2  =  0.  —  Bened.  (1):  77.5  =  144.23.  —  I.  (0). 
teweorpan  [to-],  cast  aside:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  443.33  =  372.10.  —  I.  (0). 
tilian,  strive:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  349.6  =  428  A4, 
trahtnigan,  expound:  P.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  332*  2.  —  I.  (0). 
trymman,  strengthen:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  203.10  =  152.8.  — I.  (0). 
tweogian,  doubt:  P.  (0).  — -I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  234.12  =  177.4. 
tSafian,  allow:  P.  (1):  Laws  (1):  128,  Alfred  and  Guthrum,  c.  5.  — I.  (0). 
tSencan,  think,  consider:  P.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  16.19  =  26.43.  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (1):  66. 4a  =  49.8a. — 
Greg.  (2):  275.17  =  208.11;  463.32  =  400.14.  —  Laws  (1):  146,  I  iEthelstan,  c.  3. 

Sicgan,  take,  eat:  P.  (7):  Lcece.  (7):  50.20a,  37;  63.27,  34;  74.7;  76.34;  79.17.  —  I.  (0). 
tSrafian,  reprove,  correct:  P.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Greg.  151.12  =  108.23. 

Sreagean,  rebuke:  P.  (4):  Greg.  (3):  157.24  =  114.15;  159.17  =  116.1;  265.15  =  200.10.— 
Wcerf.  (1):  263.3b  =  320  D.  —  I.  (0). 
tSreagian :  see  Sreagean. 

tSreatian  [-gan]:  P.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  183.3a  =  136.15.  — I.  (1  ):Greg.  (1):  151. llb  =  108.22. 
tSreatigan :  see  Sreatian. 

underfon,  receive:  P.  (2):  Bede  (1):  182.25  =  148.19.  —Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  336.222.  —  I.  (0). 
undersecan  [-cean],  investigate:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  209.12  =  156.21. 
understandan,  understand:  P.  (17):  Bened.  (1):  23.7  =  46.9.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (14):  I.  92m, 
262b  2-  %  264b;  II.  80*,  210*,  244m,  270b  2,  362%  554*  %  564%  566m.  —  iElfric’s  Minor 

Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Int.  (1):  17c.  —  Wulf.  (1):  192.21.  —  I.  (9):  Mlf.  Horn.  (5):  I.  132%  492b; 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  “bEON”  (“WESAN”).  303 


II.  204*,  458*,  538m.  —  ASlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (3) :  Mf.  Int.  (3) :  18,  145,  152.  —  Wulf.  (1) : 
113.8. 

wafian,  wonder  at:  P.  (5) :  Wcerf.  (5) :  82.24  =  208  B1;  120.12  =  B.  150  B;  172.22  =  B.  198  C;  187.8 
=  228  B;  240.24  =  293  C2.  —  I.  (0). 
wanian,  reduce:  P.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  153.1.  —  I.  (0). 

warnian,  take  care:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (9):  Laws  (1):  444,  Wifmannes  Beweddung,  c.  9.  —  Bened.  (2): 
25.18  =  50.15;  129.4  =  198.12.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  536*.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (4): 

11.24,  62,  119;  12.90.  —  Wulf.  (1):  147.9. 

wenan,  expect ,  hope:  P.  (2):  Boeth.  (2):  39.9  =  42.62;  148.27  =  0.  —  I.  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  37.30 
=  42.43.  —  Sol-il.  (1):  65.25.  —  Ps.  (1):  77.10. 

weorSian  [wurtS-],  honor:  P.  (10) :  Boeth.  (3) :  72.27°  =  0;  75.13  =  67.18;  75.14  =  0.  —  Greg.  (1) : 
181.20  =  136.6.  —  Oros.  (1):  126.32  =  0.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  161.6b;  197.5a.  —  Mf.  L.  S. 

(1) :  XXXI.  462.  —  Wulf.  (2):  73.8b;  197.24°.  —  I.  (0). 
weotan :  see  witan. 

wieman  [-y-],  forbid:  P.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  100.37. 

wilnian,  wish,  desire:  P.  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  31.3  =  37.53.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  91.17b  =  216  A.  —  I. 

(2) :  Boeth.  (2):  39.11  =  43.64;  110.25  =  95.128. 

witan  [weotan],  know:  P.  (5):  Bede  (1):  76.10  =  54.23.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  329.4  =  396  C2.  —  Bl. 
Horn.  (1):  129.26.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  II  (2):  11.86;  12.140.  — I.  (46 ):Bede  (1):  334.26 
=  254.27.  —  Greg.  (8):  135.15  =  96.13;  151.8a  =  108.18;  157.14  =  114.9;  269.19  =  204.1; 
293.14  =222.4;  306.18  =  234.16;  306.20  =  234.16;  459.6  =  392.4.  —  Laws  (1):  442, 
Wifmannes  Beweddung,  Inscr.,  c.  2.  —  Wcerf.  (6):  281.3  =  341  B1;  291.24  =  352  D; 
323.25  =  389  C;  339.1  =  409  B1;  348.4  =  425  B;  349.18  =  428  B .  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2): 
63.35;  209.19.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (4) :  1. 110*;  II.  292b,  546*,  608b  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (7) :  424.155; 
458.284;  460.307;  466.403;  470.464;  XXV.  812;  XXVII.  143.  —  Mf.  Hept.  (1):  Pref.  to 
Gen.  24.16.  —  ^lfric’s  Minor  Prose  (10) :  Mf.  Gr.  (10) :  18.20;  31.15;  60.2;  75.4;  113.13; 
118.18;  154.1;  179.6,  16;  198.4.  —  A.  S.Hom.  &  L.S.  II  (3):  11.49;  12.21,  33.  —  Wulf. 
(2):  201.23;  218.6.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Neot  (1):  195. 
wiSmeotan :  see  wvSmetan. 

wiSmetan  [-meotan],  compare:  P.  (5):  Bede  (1):  408.5  =  295.24.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (4):  I.  486bl>2, 
596b;  II.  230b.  —  I.  (0). 

wuldrian,  glorify:  P.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  197.5b.  —  I.  (0). 

wundrian  [wynd-],  wonder  at,  admire:  P.  (13):  Bede  (2):  178.11  =  145.23;  188.2  =  151.16.  — 
Boeth.  (2):  72.27b  =  0;  104.4  =  88.12.  —  Oros.  (2):  34.31  =  0;  134.24  =  Q.—Solil.  (1): 

12.24.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  67.31  =  197  A;  90.19  =  213  B1;  240.23  =  293  C1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1): 
33.12.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  II  (1) :  18.322.  —  Minor  Prose  (1) :  Alex.  (1) :  26.  —  I.  (1) : 
Minor  Prose  (1) :  Nic.  (1) :  492.30. 

wyndrian :  see  wundrian. 

wyrcan,  work,  make:  P.  (2):  Lcece.  (2):  5.30;  70.28.  —I.  (0). 
wyman :  see  wieman. 
yldan:  see  ieldan. 

II.  The  Infinitive  Active  in  Sense. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VII,  pp.  102-104. 


B.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  FUTURITY. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VII,  pp.  104-105. 


C.  THE  INFINITIVE  DENOTES  PURPOSE. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VII,  pp.  105-106. 


304 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


VIII.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject. 

AS  OBJECT. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Normally  the  infinitive  is  uninflected,  but  sporadically  it  is  inflected. 

1.  Uninflected. 

seteawan,  show,  demonstrate  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  84.2  =  59.4. 
afindan,  find  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  9.364. 
alaetan,  allow,  permit  (2):  Beow.  (1):  2666.  —  Dan.  (1):  591. 
andettan :  see  ondettan. 

bebeodan  [bi-],  command  (16):  Pr.  Ps.  (2):  41.9a;  43.6.  —  Ex.  (6):  217a,b;  218a,b;  219a,b.  — 
El.  (1):  980.  —  And.  (7):  729;  730;  773;  775a*  b;  777;  779. 
began  [biegan],  urge,  force  (1):  Ps.  (1):  143.14  (?). 
behealdan  [bi-],  behold,  see  (1) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  32m. 
bibeodan :  see  bebeodan. 

biddan,  bid,  request,  command  (12):  Bede  (1):  6.13  =  16.3.  —  Chron.  (1):  173*,  1048  Ea. — 
/Elf.  L.  S.  (3):  76.439,  440;  266.70.  —  Gen.  (1):  2031.  —  Dan.  (2):  359;  542.  —  El.  (1): 
1101.  —  Gu.  (1):  1133.  —  And.  (1):  1614.  —  Maldon  (1):  170. 
bihealdan :  see  behealdan. 
cweSan,  say  (1) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  203.23  =  248  D. 

don,  make,  cause  (14) :  Bede  (1) :  98.27b  =  81.29b.  —  Laws  (1) :  410,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  4, 
§1.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (9):  I.  64m,  468m  2>  3* 4;  II.  216m,  296b,  442b,  600™.  —  Wulf.  (2): 
196.1,  2.  —  Ps.  (1):  103.30. 
eowan,  show  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  200.14  =  244  C4. 

findan,  find,  discover  (10):  Oros.  (1):  128.14  =  129.12.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  452*.  —  L.  (1): 

19.32.  —  Beow.  (5):  119;  1268;  1415;  2271;  3034.  —  Jul.  (1):  364.  —  Jud.  (1):  278. 
forbeodan,  forbid  (1):  Mat.  (1):  19.14. 
foresecgan,  foretell,  predict  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  406.21  =  294.23. 

forlaetan,  allow,  permit  (53):  Bede  (1):  318.4  =  243.28.  — Greg.  (1):  467.11  =  404.1.  — Oros. 
(1):  212.17  =  213.22.  —  Solil.  (3):  5.6;  21.22;  62.27.  —  Chron.  (1):  5*,  Intr.  E.  —  Wcerf. 
(1):  294.5  =  356  A1.  —  BI.  Horn.  (6):  59.29;  75.26;  87.14;  127.22;  227.21;  249.15.— 
Mart.  (1):  156.21.  —/Elf.  Horn.  (4):  II.  192* 2,  194*,  396bl*  2.  —  ^Elf.  L.  S.  (6):  144.429; 
XXIII  B.  389,  703;  XXXI.  1062;  XXXIII.  304;  XXXIV.  355.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (1) :  Judges 
3.21. — AClf.  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102.38*.  —  A.  S.  Horn,.  &  L.  S.  I 
(1):  9.101.  —  Wulf.  (5):  232.17;  254.21;  256.4a’b,  5.  —  Beow.  (1):  3167.—  Gen.  (2): 
1406;  1450.  —  El.  (2):  598;  794.  —  Ju.  (1):  489.—  Gu.  (1):  1148.  — And.  (2):  836; 
1589.  —  Rid.  (2) :  39.4a> b.  —  Ps.  (1) :  124.3.  —  D.  R.  (1) :  62.  —  F.  I.  (1) :  75.  —  Mal¬ 
don  (3) :  150;  156;  322.  —  Prayers  (1) :  IV.  49.  —  S.  &  S.  (1) :  456.  —  Schopf.  (1) :  101. 
geacsian  [geaxian],  learn  by  asking  (4) :  BI.  Horn.  (2) :  109.2a’  b.  —  Wulf.  (2) :  2.2,  5. 
geaxian :  see  geacsian. 

gecy<5an,  make  known  (1) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  137.7  =  B.  166  A. 

gedon,  make,  cause  (2):  BI.  Horn.  (1):  239.16.  — /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXIII.  316. 
gefelan,  feel,  perceive  (2):  Bede  (1):  156.32  =  130.30.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  236.1  =  288  B. 
gefricgan:  see  gefrignan. 

gefrignan  [gefricgan],  learn  by  inquiry,  hear  (41):  Beow.  (9):  1012;  1029;  1970;  2485;  2695; 
2754a.  b;  2773;  2775.  —  Gen.  (5):  1961;  2060;  2242;  2483;  2540.  —  Ex.  (3):  7;  99;  286.  — 
Dan.  (6):  1;  2;  3;  57;  459;  739.  —  Chr.  (1):  79.  —  And.  (1):  1700.  — Rid.  (5):  46.1, 
2a.b.  c.  49  L  _ jU(i .  (4);  g;  9;  247;  249.—  Har.  (1):  161.  —  Fallen  Angels  (1):  226.  — 
Finns.  (2):  40;  41.  —  S.  &  S.  (2):  179;  181.  —  Wids.  (1):  10. 
gehatan,  promise  (4):  Bede  (3):  122.34  =  99.25;  316.29  =  243.22;  394.27  =  287.15.  —  /Elf. 

L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  693. 
gehawian,  see  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  250.26  =  305  C. 
geheran:  see  gehieran. 

gehieran  [-e-,  -y-],  hear  (53):  Bede  (11):  156.21  =  130.19;  174.17  =  143.22;  212.9a’b  = 
164.31;  264.21  =  208.22;  264.28  =  208.29;  322.3  =  245.28;  352.10a*b  =  264.7,  8;  400.18  = 
290.8;  470.17  =  346.3.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  117.22  =  B.  148  A3;  153.22  =  B.  180  B;  329.9  = 
396 D.  —  BI.  Horn.  (4):  15.15;  19.18;  73.36;  75.1.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  XX.  74 .  —  Mlf. 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  305 


Horn.  (4):  I.  142b,  314m,  420m;  II.  518* 3.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXXI.  80,  1397.  —  Mk. 
(1):  14.58.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (3):  10.371;  15.297  =  217.337;  18.381.  —  Minor 
Prose  (5):  Chad  (5):  103;  105;  111;  142;  145.  —  Beow.  (2):  786;  787.  —Gen.  (3): 
508a’ b ;  2409.  —  Chr.  (2) :  797;  798.  —  El.  (2) :  443a- b.  —  Ju.  (2) :  609;  629.  —  Ps.  (1) : 
61.11a.  —  Met.  (2):  9.15;  13.47.  —  Fallen  Angels  (1):  134.  —  Fates  of  Apostles  { 1):  24. 
—  H.  L.  (1):  22.  —  S.  &  S.  (2):  425a-  b. 
gehihtan :  see  gehyhtan. 

gehyhtan  [-i-],  hope  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXIII  B.  557. 
gehyran :  see  gehieran. 
gelefan :  see  geliefan. 

geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  207.25  =  253  B. 
gelyfan :  see  geliefan. 

gemetan,  meet,  find  (26):  Bede  (2):  386.3  =  282.5;  398.19  =  289.12.  —  Boeth.  (1):  61.18  = 
58.7.—  Greg.  (1):  415.23  =  336.22.  —  Chron.  (1):  124b,  982  C.  — Wcerf.  (6):  99.23  = 
B.  130  B;  124.11  =  B.  154  C4;  156.10  =  B.  182  B2;  206.6  =  252  A4;  330.3a>  b  =  397 
B1, 2.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  237.18;  239.23.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  XX.  49.  —  Mart.  (1):  112.5.— 
Mlf.  Rom.  (2):  I.  502m;  II.  180b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXX.  164;  XXXIII.  185.— 
iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Napier1  s  Ad.  to  Th.  (2) :  102.31*,  31m.  —  Minor  Prose  (2) : 
Apol.  (1):  22.28;  Nic.  (1):  494.18.  —  And.  (3):  145;  247;  1062. 
gemittan,  meet,  find  (2):  Gen.  (1):  2426.  — Spirit  of  Men  (1):  46. 

gemunan,  remember,  recall  (4):  Bede  (1):  322.19  =  246.9.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  281.9  =  341  B2; 
283.1  =  344  B.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  48ra. 

geseon,  see  (319):  Bede  (25):  102.32  =  84.7;  112.8a- b  =  91.10,  11;  128.16  =  108.22;  144.4 
=  117.13;  174.7  =  143.14;  174.18  =  143.26;  184.33  =  149.30;  214.14  =  166.7;  270.24  =  211.32; 
270.25  =  211.33;  296.6  =  226.21;  340.9  =  257.12;  342.23  =  259.16;  354.2  =  264.28;  418.11 
=  301.7;  426.8a  =  305.22b;  426.33a*b  =  306.15;  430.31  =  308.11;  432.24a- b  =  308.19a’b;  434.2 
=  309.14;  474. 19a>  b  =  348.10a>  b.  —  Boeth.  (4):  97.18  =  0;  105.27  =  90.30;  106.16  =  91.17; 
111.13  =  95.1.  —  Greg.  (3):  101.19  =  70.7;  255.24,  25  =  194.5.  —  Oros.  (11):  3.24  =  0;  3.26a’b 
=  0;  42.33  =  43.33;  44.2  =  43.33;  142.15  =  143.15;  154.5  =  155.2;  162.6,  7  =  163.5;  188.25 
=  189.23;  262.27  =  263.27.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  48.8  =  48.11.  —  Wcerf.  (30):  26.25  =  165  C1;  95.15 
=  B.  126  A;  101.13  =  B.  132  B4;  116.15  =  B.  146  C;  119.6a’ b  =  B.  148  C2;  122.11  =  B.  152  C1; 
156.28  =  B.  182  C3;  171.2,  4  =  B.  198  B1, 2;  181.22a-b  =  220  B1- 2;  217.1  =  264  C4;  225.21, 
22  =  276  B;  250.27  =  308  A1;  267.27a  =  328  A1;  271.24  =  332  B1;  273.10  =  333  A1;  273.15 
=  333  A2;  275.16  =  336  A1;  280.5  =  340  D;  286.21  =  248  B1;  288.10  =  349  A1;  289.15a  =  349 
C3;  298.6  =  360  B;  304.7  =  368  A3;  322.18  =  388  C2;  325.28  =  392  C1;  347.8  =  424  C.  — 
Bened.  (1):  25.20  =  50.18.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (19):  129.5,  7,  22;  177.15a’b’  c,  16  a-  b,  17a*  b;  187.34; 
191.23;  199. 19b,  26;  217.21;  227.24;  237.23;  239.21;  245.17.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (11):  II.  55,  56,  57; 
V.  181,  196,  198,  273;  VIII.  4;  IX.  8;  XI.  17;  XXI.  23.  —  Mart.  (18):  2.13,  15;  8.1;  16.25; 
24.16,  18;  38.21a- b;  56.9,  10,  19;  70.15;  82.11;  84.11;  96.9;  158.21;  168.20;  172.5.  —  Mlf.  Horn. 
(29) :  I.  42b,  48* 3,  48b  2,  68*,  72*  2,  72b,  74b  3,  238m,  310*  2,  330m,  422m,  562*  2, 578b,  584bl- 2-3-4; 
II.  28b,  150b,  272m,  304*,  468*,  468m,  514*,  516* 1>2,  518*.  —Mlf.  L.  S.  (20):  64.242;  80.503; 
184.250;  394.164;  518.508;  XXIII  B.  174,  180,  401,  773;  XXVI.  156;  XXVII.  92;  XXXI.  357, 
682,  1091,  1184,  1314,  1315,  1364;  XXXIII.  303;  XXXIV.  272 .—Mlf.  Hept.  (10);  Gen. 
28.12a;  37.25;  41.2,  3,  5;  —  Ex.  2.13;  20.18;  23 .5; —  Jos.  5.13;  8.20.  —  vElfric’s  Minor  Prose 
(2) :  Mlf.  Gr.  (1) :  150.16;  Napier1  s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1) :  102.34b.  —  Gosp.  (16) :  Mat.  (1) :  20.3;  —  Mk. 
(5):  5.15;  7.2;  13.14;  14.62a;  16.14;.—  L.  (3):  21.1,  2;  24.39;  —  J.  (7):  5.6,  19;  6.19;  20.5, 
6,  12;  21.9.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (3):  2.115;  3.476;  5.134.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (7): 
10.228;  13.127;  15.129, 130  =  211.116, 117;  15.207;  18.361,  376.  —  Wulf.  (4):  140.12;  187.11a*b; 
199.14.  —  Minor  Prose  (7):  Alex.  (2):  255,  642;  —  Apol.  (3):  18.19;  24.15,  36;  —  Chad  (1): 
214;  —  Nic.  (1):  504.30.  —  Beow.  (18):  222;  729;  1348;  1426;  1427;  1517;  1586;  1662;  2545; 
2546;  2605;  2758;  2760;  2767;  2824;  3040;  3128;  3129.  —  Gen.  (13):  109;  134;  548;  669;  773; 
1321;  1822;  2088;  2403;  2578;  2778;  2877;  2927 .  —  Ex.  (7):  104;  156;  157a’b;  160a*b;  571. 
—  Dan.  (8):  22;  23;  24;  545;  553;  602;  603;  727.  —  Chr.  (10):  498;  507;  513;  522;  741;  925; 
1129;  1249;  1253;  1291  .  —  El.  (5):  244a-b;  245;  246;  1111.— Gw.  (2):  28a*b.  —  And.  (9): 
495;  849;  882;  993;  1006;  1448;  1494;  1502;  1691.  —  Rid.  (6):  30.2;  37.1;  57.2;  69.1;  75.1; 
76.1.  —  Jud.  (1):  137.  —  Ps.  (1):  127.7.  —  D.  R.  (6):  5;  15;  22;  34;  36;  52.  —  Fates  of  Men 
(1):  47.  —  Hoi.  (2):  51;  53.  —S.  &  S.  (2):  235a-b.  —  Versuchung  (1):  51.  —  Wald.  A.  (3): 
15a>  b;  16.  —  Wand.  (3) :  47a* b;  48. 

getreowan:  see  getriewan. 


306 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


getriewan,  trust ,  hope  (1):  Bede  (1):  190.30  =  153.14. 

geftafian,  allow  (4):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  45.19.  — AElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  92 \  —  Mlj.  L.  S.  (2): 
108.323,  324. 

geSolian  [gi-],  allow  (1) :  Laws  (1) :  412,  Judicium  Dei  V,  c.  2,  §  4b. 

geunnan,  grant  (1):  JElfrie’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  JEthelw .  (1):  53. 

gewitan,  perceive ,  observe  (1):  And.  (1):  802a. 

giSolian :  see  getSolian. 

habban,  have  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  440m. 

hatan,  command,  order  (448):  Bede  (26):  34.25s- b  =  18.25;  58.9  =  45.17;  58.20  =  45.29; 
58.28  =46.5;  118.8,  9  =  94.22;  138.11a-b  =  113.19a-b;  186.4a-b  =  150.6,  7;  232.8  =  176.1;  260.32 
=  206.27;  266.2  =  209.5;  320.3,  4  =  244.31;  340.23  =  257.28;  350.30  =  263.27;  366.17  =  271.24; 
388.24  =  283.31;  388.28  =  284.3;  388.31  =  0;  392.28  =  286.8;  398.8  =  288.27b;  438.2  =  311.15; 

462.19  =  329.5.  —  Boeth.  (2):  36.21  =  41.26;  136.26  =  116.39.  —Greg.  (1):  279.19  =  210.26. 

—  Oros.  (9):  3.13  =  0;  68.23  =  0;  80.30  =  0;  202.2a- b  =  201.32,  33;  202.8  =  203.1;  212.6 
=  213.10;  222.3  =  0;  280.12  =  281.13.  —  Solil.  (1):  49.1  =  0.  —  Chron.  (9):  12*,  449  Aa;  22m, 
616  Aa-  b;  104*,  923  Ad-  e- f;  121b,  975  D;  130m,  995  Ff;  130b,  995  Fg.  —  Wcerf.  (12):  2.7  =  0; 
10.4  =  0;  34.22  =  172  B1;  58.13  =  189  C1;  58.17  =  189  C2;  59.3  =  189  D;  80.13  =  205  C1; 

144.20  =  B.  172  A5;  175.18  =  B.  202  A2;  297.9a-b  =  360  A1, 2;  337.37  =  408  A.  —  Bened.  (1): 

70.18  =  134.7.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (10):  21.30;  41.34;  139.13;  173.11;  181.5;  217.26;  219.16a-b; 
229.15;  247.26.  —  Mart.  (25):  24.29;  32.5;  58.14, 15;  S0.1a*b;  82.6a;  94.3;  96.14;  108.19, 20,  25; 
114.20a,b;  118.9;  120.4;  132.8a;  136.16;  166.15b;  170.13;  184.23a*b;  214.10;  216.23,  24.— 
Mlf.  Horn.  (61) :  I.  28*,  58*,  234m,  450b  2,  460b,  466m,  526b  *• 2;  II.  32*  2,  32b,  36*,  66*  2, 106m, 
136*1.2.3,  462*,  168b3,  170bs,  178* 2,  178m,  178b  2,  180b  2- 3,  190b,  196*,  196m,  198b, 

234b  2,  242b  i* 2,  244* 2,  246b  *• 2,  248m,  304b  3,  310b  4,  330*,  338*,  346*  *• 2,  384m  2,  388b  2, 
390b,  398b,  416*,  440*,  470b,  474b  2,  476b,  486*  2,  500b  2,  510b,  516m  2,  548b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S. 
(94):  38.215;  46.361;  64.235;  78.465,  474;  84.577;  94.66;  96.112;  98.142;  104.230;  108.329; 
114.409;  116.14;  146.464a-b,  467;  148.13;  190.357a’b,  360;  194.411;  234.241,  242,  245s- b; 
236.258;  240.15;  302.277;  308.24;  310.56;  314.104a- b-  c;  320.12,  13,  16,  17;  344.127a,  128; 
354.262;  388.72;  390.96;  392.145;  394.163a’b;  406.375s- b;  462.342;  506.308;  XXIV.  16,  62a-b, 
170b,  174;  XXV.  21,  23,  135,  217,  218a-b,  689,  792,  848;  XXVIII.  41,  55s- b,  65,  105;  XXIX. 
79;  XXX.  410;  XXXI.  214,  538,  541,  554,  632,  914,  931,  1044,  1110,  1133,  1156s'  b;  XXXII. 
52;  XXXIV.  59,  86,  222,  223,  352;  XXXV.  172a,  277,  308,  309;  XXXVI.  229;  XXXVII.  122. 

—  Mlj.  Hept.  (21):  De  V.  T.  8.30,  38;  Gen.  15.5;  22.6 ;  —  Ex.  7.25;  14.5a;  32.5a-b;  —  Num. 
13.28;  25.4;  31.17;  —  Jos.  1.11s;  4.3;  8.4a* b;  23.2;  —  Judges  4.22b;  7.16a*b;  16.21,  25.— 
^lfric's  Minor  Prose  (11):  Mlj.  Gr.  (3) :  125.3a’ b;  227.8;  —  Mlj.  Int.  (3) :  493,  494s- b;  —  Na¬ 
pier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (5):  101.321* 2  (or  objective?),  321b;  102.36,  37bl  (?),  38* 2.  —  Gosp.  (9): 
Mat.  (8):  8.18;  14.19,  22s- b,  28;  20.28c- d;  22.34;  —  Mh.  (1):  8.6.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I 
(13):  1.123,  124,  241,  253a,  257;  2.84;  8.129;  9.19,  266,  267,  268,  291,  303.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L. 
S.  II  (5):  10.217;  15.49;  16.274,  280;  18.101.  —  Wulf.  (3):  2.19;  235.16;  287.24.  —  Lcece.  (3): 
55.25a’b;  126.9.  —  Minor  Prose  (22):  Alex.  (13):  186;  187;  212a-b;  237;  253;  276;  388;  485; 
495b;  496a>  b(?);  558;  —  Apol.  (3):  18.14  =  37m;  26.2b  =  43b;  33.13  =  50m;  —  Nic.  (6):  472.1, 
13;  476.22;  478.21;  480.3;  510.32.  —  Beow.  (8):  69;  71;  296;  1045;  1869s-  b;  2802;  2812. — 
Gen.  (28):  39;  45;  122;  145;  158;  346a’b;  517;  525;  537s-  b;  538;  830;  832;  865;  942;  943;  1047; 
2040;  2228;  2234;  2370;  2506s- b;  2508;  2783;  2785;  2799.  —  Ex.  (3):  65;  177;  254.  —  Dan. 
(4):  79;  431;  515;  516.  —  Az.  (1):  183.  —  Chr.  (8):  295;  297;  888;  1024;  1026;  1227;  1342; 
1343.  —  El.  (4) :  215;  216;  999;  1006.  —  Ju.  (6) :  60;  76s-  b;  77s-  b;  523.  —  Gu.  (1) :  676.  —  And. 
(16):  330;  365;  366;  367;  792;  795;  796;  809;  810;  822;  824;  931;  1467;  1576s- b;  1623.  —  Rid. 
(4):  7.5;  41.8,  39;  91.11.  —  Jud.  (5):  54;  149;  150;  173;  174.  —  Met.  (1):  1.71.  —  Ps.  (7): 
77.25s-  b,  68;  80.12;  104.34,  36;  118.4.  —  Har.  (3):  156;  158;  237.  —  Creed  (1):  32.  —  D.  R. 
(1):  31. — Gnomic  Sayings  (1):  165  (Ex.).  —  Maldon  (7):  2;  3s- b;  4;  62a-  b;  74.  —  IF.  C. 
(1):27. 

heran :  see  hieran. 

hieran  [-e-,  -y-J,  hear  (13):  Bede  (1):  190.1  =  152.15.  —  Chron.  (1):  258m,  1127  Eh.  —  Beow. 
(3):  1346;  1843;  2023 .  —  El.  (2):  241;  540 .  —  Ju.  (1):  1  .  —  Met.  (1):  8.32.  —  Cal  (1): 
102.  —  Panther  (3):  9;  11s-  b. 
hyran:  see  hieran. 

laeran,  teach  (4):  Bede  (1):  460.3  =  326.27.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (2):  14.108s- b.  —  L. 
(1):  11.1. 

laetan,  allow,  permit  (occasionally  cause)  (414):  Bede  (2):  156.30  =  130.28;  256.29  =  204.4. 

—  Boeth.  (14):  6.10  =  0;  8.23  =  5.39;  23.7  =  33.31;  23.9  =  0;  26.7  =  34.83;  49.27  =  0;  49.30 


THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUBJECT.  307 


=  0;  72.19  =  65.17;  8S.32b’ c  =  0;  104.2  =  88.11;  117.6  =  100.4;  123.27  =  104.137;  136.9  =  0. 

—  Greg.  (17):  65.14  =  0;  139.8  =  100.4;  139.13  =  100.9;  139.25  =  100.20;  141.1  =  100.25; 
171.1  =  124.24;  193.25  =  144.29;  279.14  =  210.22;  283.14  =  214.11;  287.12  =  216.26;  289.2 
=  218.9;  306.9  =  234.6;  321.13  =  248.6;  327.6  =  252.12;  457.13  =  390.3;  457.23  =  390.15; 
469.5  =  0.  —  Oros.  (3):  126.15  =  0;  168.24  =  0;  290.23  =  0 .  —  Solil.  (5):  14.2;  48.19;  53.16; 
59.23;  67.10.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (8) :  15.10a’ b;  29.1  =  29.2;  30.21  =  30.20;  35.11  =  35.12;  37.  Intr.  =  0; 
41.11  =  41.10;  42.2.  —  Chron.  (9):  133*,  999  E;  139*,  1009  Ea;  161b,  1038  D;  163b,  1043  D; 
164%  1046  Cb;  199m,  1066  D;  216m,  1085  Ec;  241m,  1106  E;  256b,  1127  Eb.  —  Laws  (4):  160, 
II  ^Ethelstan,  c.  20,  §  6;  236,  V  ^Ethelred,  c.  1,  §  1;  270,  X  iEthelred,  c.  2;  454,  Gerefa,  c.  7.  — 
Wcerf.  (10):  24.13  =  164  C;  132.29  =  B.  162  B;  188.21  =  229  B1;  206.1  =  252  A1;  234.3a’b 
=  285  B;  239.20a*b  =  292  C1;  276.3  =  336  C1;  289.26  =  349  D.  —  Bened.  (1):  120.8  =  186.13. 

—  Bl.  Horn.  (10):  23.15;  51.3;  67.31;  69.11,  17;  75.31;  159.17a*b;  181.33,  34.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (2): 
V.  153a>  b.  —  Mart.  (2) :  8.3;  10.25.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (17) :  1. 10ra,  12** 2,  20m,  276*,  292b  3,  406b  2, 
522b;  II.  208b,  358b  2,  408*,  416b  2,  426b,  466*,  486m,  508b,  594*.  — L.  S.  (34):  18.147; 
20.173;  70.353,  354;  120.80;  130.231,  232a-%  233,  234;  176.113,  114;  250.187;  348.167,  168, 
176,  177;  402.290;  530.681;  XXVII.  72;  XXVIII.  112;  XXX.  134,  433,  442;  XXXI.  387,  1004, 
1452;  XXXIII.  120,  293;  XXXIV.  70;  XXXV.  265,  275;  XXXVI.  192;  XXXVII.  48.  — 
JElf.Hept.  (24):  De  N.  T.  17.10 ;  —  Gen.  30.25;  38.16;  44.33;  45.24;  —  Ex.  5.17a’b;  6.10,  27; 
7.13;  8.15;  9.24;  14.5e;  22.18;  23.11;  —  Lev.  1.15;  19.29;  23.10;  —  Num.  11.24;  —  Deut.  15.13; 
Jos.  2.18;  7.3;  Judges  4.18a;  7.2. — iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1): 
102.39.  —  Gosp.  (13):  Mat.  (2):  8.22;  13.30a;  —  Mk.  (4):  1.34;  5.37;  7.12;  10.14;  —  L.  (5): 
8.51;  9.60,  61;  10.40;  18.16;  —  /.  (2):  11.44;  18.8.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  8.233.— 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (5):  15.67a- b,  68  =  209.56,  57;  15.97  =  0;  15.176  =  213.172.  —  Wulf. 
(12):  10.7,  8;  14.3a-%  12;84.11a-b;  185.14;  213.30;  224.16;  272.24a* b.  —  Lcece.  (96):  6.31,  36; 
7.5;  8.26,  36;  11.1,  4,  16,  23;  12.2,  6,  16;  13.2a-b;  14.20;  16.31;  21.3,  9;  23.20;  24.14;  27.21; 
31.7;  32.18,  22;  33.28,  29;  35.36;  36.18,  31;  37.1;  38.8;  41. la,  37;  43.27;  54.16;  57.31;  61.15; 
61.20a;  62.20;  65.36;  72.19;  79.42;  81.6,  16,  18,  30;  82.10;  86.19;  87.26;  94.29;  95.7;  95.25; 
97.22;  99.23a,  30;  100.2;  101.18;  102.27,  34a;  104.1;  105.7,  34;  106.1,  3;  108.3,  11,  13;  121.7, 
13;  122.1;  127.19,  20,  34;  128.12,  19;  129.9,  22%  27%  29;  130.5;  131.8,  19;  135.22;  136.8,  15, 
26;  138.5;  140.5;  141.21;  142.7;  144.30;  145.5,  21;  146.26;  150.15;  151.22.  —  Minor  Prose  (6): 
Apol.  (1):  25.13;  —  Cato  (2):  38,  69;  —  Chad  (Anhang)  (1):  21;  Nic.  (2):  480.18,  490.27. 

—  Beow.  (16):  48;  397;  864;  865;  1490;  1728;  1996;  2389;  2390;  2551;  2980;  3082;  3083;  3084; 
3132;  3133.  —  Gen.  (19) :  239;  253;  258;  438a;  955;  1198;  1349;  1373;  1375%  1441;  2111;  21 12a>  b; 
2130;  2167;  2231;  2471;  2664;  2796 .—-Dan.  (2):  683;  722.  —  Chr.  (3):  159;  344;  1596.— 
El.  (3):  237;  253;  820.  —Ju.  (3):  200;  275;  622 .  —  Gu.  (7):  336;  491;  749;  921;  924;  1029; 
1030.  —  And.  (9):  832;  833;  957;  1099;  1181;  1293;  1295;  1331;  1503.  —  Rid.  (10):  4.39; 
4.46%  56;  14.11a;  21.14;  35.8,  9a’b*c;  51.10.  —  Jud.  (1):  221.  —  Met.  (4):  1.67;  4.50;  5.31; 
11.80.  —  Ps.  (6):  65.8;  77.21,  46;  104.12;  118.126;  140.4.  —  Brun.  (2):  60;  63 .  —  Fates  of 
Apostles  (1):  95.  —  Fates  of  Men  (1):  83.  —  F.  I.  (3):  72;  83;  85.  —  Har.  (2):  42;  78. —  Hoi. 
(1):  125. — H.  L.  (2):  23;  24.  —  L.  P.  (5):  I.  9;  III.  104,  105a-b;  112.  —  Maldon  (3):  7; 
109;  140.  —  Prayers  (5):  III.  56,  57,  58;  IV.  44,  52.  —  Ruin  (1):  43.-5.  &  S.  (2):  100; 
130.  —  Song  of  Runes  (1) :  33.  —  Spirit  of  Men  (4) :  11 ;  38;  41 ;  42.  —  Wald.  A.  (2) :  7a’ b. 

niedan  [-y-],  compel,  force  (1):  Mk.  (1):  6.45. 
nydan :  see  niedan. 

ofseon,  see  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  508m. 
ondettan,  confess,  declare  (1):  Bede  (1):  84.17  =  59.16. 
onfindan,  find  (1):  Beow.  (1):  2842. 

ongietan,  understand,  perceive  (7):  Bede  (2):  178.32  =  146.12;  266.27  =  209.30.  —  Wcerf.  (4): 
74.20  =  201  B5;  130.6  =  B.  160  A3;  139.14  =  B.  139  C;  285.1  =  345  B.  —  Beow.  (1): 
1432. 

sceawian,  see  (2) :  Wcerf.  (2) :  206.27a>  b  =  252  Cl. 

secgan,  say,  relate  (3) :  Bede  (2) :  340.20,  22  =  257.24,  27.  —  L.  (1) :  24.23. 
seon,  see  (U):  Mart.  (3):  2.18, 19;  144.4.  —  Rid.  (11):  20.3;  32.3;  33.3,  4a-b;  43.2;  52.2;  54.1; 
60.2;  65.1,  2. 

tali(g)an,  consider,  account  (2):  Minor  Prose  (2):  Alex.  (2):  39a*  b. 
tellan,  tell,  consider  (1):  Bede  (1):  82.4  =  57.29. 

todaelan,  distribute  (2):  Oros.  (2):  46.16, 17  =  47.16,  17  (but  the  infinitive  phrase  is  probably 
used  absolutely;  hence  I  have  put  these,  also,  in  Chap.  XII). 
wenan,  hope, expect  (3):  Bede  (1):  430.24  =  308.4.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  181.25  =  220  B3.  —  Mlf.  Horn. 
(1):  I.  590b. 


308  STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

witan,  know  (10):  Bede  (2):  36.17  =  19.19;  408.21  =  296.13.  Lcece.  (1):  105.32.  Ju.  (1): 
92.  —  Gu.  (1):  1312.  —  And.  (1):  183.  —  Rid.  (3):  50.1;  55.2;  59.1.  —  Wids.  (1):  102. 

2.  Inflected. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  118-119. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

bebeodan,  command  (2):  Bede  (2):  14.13  =  0;  172.9  =  142. 8b. 
biddan,  request  (1):  Bede  (1):  38.31  =  21.1. 
cwetSan,  say ,  maintain  (1):  Bede  (1):  64.24  =  49.1. 
don,  make,  cause  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  196.2. 

forlaetan,  allow  (2):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  33.11.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  18.237. 

gefelan,  feel,  perceive  (1):  Bede  (1):  378.24  =  278.14. 

gefeon  [and  blissian],  rejoice  (2):  Bede  (2):  470.24,  25  =  346.12a>  b. 

gehieran  [-i-,  -y-],  hear  (2):  Bede  (1):  310.4  =  238.28.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  —  Chad  (1):  112. 
geleomian,  learn  (1):  Bede  (1):  90.16  =  70.13. 
geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe  (1):  Bede  (1):  208.1  =  162.10. 

gemetan,  meet,  find  (2):  Bede  (1):  354.17  =  265.10.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  68.24  =  197  B1. 
gemunan,  remember  (3):  Bede  (3):  440.24,  25,  26  =  313.11,  12,  13. 
geomrian,  lament  (1):  Bede  (1):  88.15  =  61.23. 

geseon,  see  (16 ):Bede  (9):  24.4  =  311.1.;  34.17  =  18.16;  80.33  =  57.23;  340.12  =  257.16;  386.9 
=  282.11;  440.21  =  313.9;  444.2  =  314.17;  444.3  =  314.19;  444.8  =  314.24.  —  Wcerf.  (6): 
171.22  =  B.  198  B3;  204.24,  25  =  249.B1’ 2;  272.15  =  332  C1;  319.17  =  385  A;  335.23  = 
404  g2  -  Mart .  (1):  186.9. 

hatan,  command  (2):  Bede  (1):  18.2  =  204.11.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  194.18  =  237  B1. 

laetan,  allow  (7):  Wcerf.  (1):  294.6  =  356  A2.  —  AZlf.  L.  S.  (2):  250.215;  XXX.  443.  —  Mk. 

(1):  7.27a.  —  Lcece.  (1):  101.12. —Gen.  (1):  2194.  —Gu.  (1):  1235. 
ongietan,  understand  (3):  Bede  (2):  330.16  =  252.3;  340.15  =  257.19.  —  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII 
B.  485. 

secgan,  say,  relate  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  398.15  =  289.7. 

tweog(e)an  [twyg(e)an],  doubt  (2):  Bede  (2):  190.22a*  b  =  153.5,  6. 

twyg(e)an:  see  tweog(e)an. 

willan,  wish,  desire  (1):  Bede  (1):  322.21  =  246.10. 

AS  SUBJECT. 

Given  in  full,  both  active  and  passive,  in  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  124-125. 


IX.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject. 

See  Chapter  IX,  pp.  127  ff. 


X.  The  Final  Infinitive.1 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb. 

The  infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  inflected. 

abiddan,  request:  U.  (1):  —  ondrincan,  drink  (1):  —  Bede  (1):  392.32  =  286.13.  —  I.  (0). 
aecan :  see  iecan. 
eeteawan :  see  ceteowan. 

seteowan  [-ea-],  show,  appear:  U.  (0). — I.  (4):  Bede  (1):  270.4  =  211.10.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2): 

235.4,  24.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  230b. 
setwindan,  escape,  fly  away:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1) :  JElf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  84b  3. 


1  In  this  section,  besides  the  finite  verb  (the  initial  word)  I  give  the  infinitive  when  uninflected,  but  not  when 

inflected. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


309 


afaran,  travel ,  go:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  385.9  =  300.15. 
agi(e)fan  [-y-J,  give:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Jud.  (1):  131. 
agyfan:  see  agi(e)fan. 

alaedan,  lead  away:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  De  N.  T.  21.20. 
alefan:  see  aliefan. 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  254.9  =  309  C3  (or  objective?), 
aliesan  [-e-,  -y-],  release:  U.  (1):  —  gemunan,  remember  (1) :  L.  (1):  1.72b.  —  I.  (1):  L.  (1): 
1.72a. 

alyfan:  see  aliefan. 
alysan :  see  aliesan. 

araecan,  reach,  hand:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  88t3. 
araeran,  disseminate:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXV.  111. 

arisan,  arise:  U.  (2):  — neosan  [-io-],  visit  (1):  And.  (1):  830. - sitSi(ge)an,  go  (1):  And. 

(1) :  829.  —  I.  (6) :  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  26.4  =  26.3.  —  Wcerf.  (3) :  201.23  =  245  B3;  227.4  =  277 

B;  240.3  =  293  A1.  —  Bened.  (1):  40.11  =  74.19.  —Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  456.233. 
asendan,  send:  U.  (1):  — drincan,  drink  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Judges  15.18.  —  I.  (13):  Mlf. 
Horn.  (6) :  I.  388m,  402b;  II.  74* 2,  74b  2,  372* 2,  452*.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (2) :  De  N.  T.  19.36;  — 
Job  VIP.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (4):  104.236;  400.266;  XXXVI.  20,  35.  —  Mk.  (1):  3.14. 
astigan,  ascend:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  388*.  — Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  284.13. 
aweccan,  bring  to  life:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  443.10  =  370.14. 
awendan,  translate:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  2*. 
beciepan  [-y-],  sell:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  21.7. 

becuman,  come:  U.  (2):  — fremman,  perform  (1):  Ermahnung  (1):  53. - neos(i)an 

[nios(i)an],  visit:  (1  ):Beow.  (1):  2366.  — I.  (3) :  Bede  (3):  22.26  =  296.3;  486.8a-  b  =  8.10a-b. 
becypan :  see  beciepan. 

befaestan,  entrust,  commit:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (9):  Chron.  (1):  80m,  886  A.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  111.3b,  4a  = 
B.  140  C4;  254.1  =  309  C2.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  554* 4.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXVI.  76.  — 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  II  (2):  10.453;  15.16  =  0. — 'Minor Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  32.4  =  49b 
belaefan,  leave:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  90* 2. 

beodan,  commit,  entrust,  offer:  U.  (1): — drincan,  drink  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  254m.  — 
I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  114.19  =  92.22. 

beran,  bear:  U.  (2):  — drincan,  drink  (2):  Bede  (1):  396.8  =  287.26.  — Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 
180*.  —  I.  (8):  Bede  (1):  440.2b  =  312.16a.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  128.11  =  B.  158  C;  186.24  =  228 
A.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  189.8.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (4):  I.  60*,  66m,  512b;  II.  60b. 
betaecan,  entrust,  commit:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (16):  Oros.  (2):  292. 28a  =  293.28;  296.2  =  297.4. — 
Chron.  (4):  127*,  992  E;  157b,  1023  Ca;  253*,  1123  Ed-  e.  —  Bened.  (1):  90.2  =  158.2.  — 
Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  380b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (5):  118.33;  152.67;  484.222;  XXXVI.  50,  105. 
—  Mlf.  Hept.  (1  ):Gen.  39.4.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (2):  8.294;  9.383. 
beSurfan,  need:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  97.1  =  83.30. 

biddan,  request:  U.  (2) :  —  drincan,  drink  (2) :  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  Judges  4.19.  —  J.  (1) :  4.9.  — 
L  (0). 

bi(e)gan,  bend,  turn:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Wcerf.  (2):  218.4a-b  =  265  B. 
bindan,  bind:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  13.30b. 

brecan  hine,  retch:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Chron.  (1):  135ra,  1003  E.  —  Lcece.  (3):  51.22;  53.2; 
81  8 

bringan,  bring:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (6):  Bede  (3):  108.16  =  0;  294.21  =  226.4;  366.24  =  0.  —  Warf. 
(1):  11.16  =  153  C \  — Mlf.  Hept.  (2):  Gen.  43.21;  —  Lev.  1.3. 

cuman,  come:  U.  (35):  — acsian,  ask  (1)  :  Gen.  (1):  2453. - asyndrian,  separate  (1):  Mat. 

(1) :  10.35. - biddan,  ask,  request  (1) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  251.9  =  308  A2. - clypian,  call  (1) : 

L.  (1):  5.32. - don,  make  (1):  L.  (1):  19.10b. - geci(e)gan,  call  (1):  Minor  Prose 

(1) :  Chad  (1) :  148. - gefon,  seize  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXX.  49b. - gefyllan,  fulfill 

(1):  Mat.  (1):  5.17c. - gehuntian,  hunt  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  49a. - gretam, 

greet  (3) :  Beow.  (2) :  1646;  2010.  —  Gen.  (1) :  2104. - laedan,  lead,  bring  (2) :  Beow.  (1) : 

239  (or  predicative?).  — Gen.  (1):  1774  (or  predicative?). - metan,  measure,  lay  out 

(1) :  Ex.  (1) :  92.  — ■  —  neosan  [neos(i)an,  niosian],  visit  (7) :  Bede  (1) :  296.10  =  226.24.  — 
Beow.  (2):  2074;  2671.  —  Ex.  (1):  474.  —  Gu.  (1):  321.  —  El.  (1):  152.  —  And.  (1):  1389. 

- raeran,  raise  (1):  Gu.  (1):  157. - sceawian,  see,  examine  (1):  Gen.  (1):  1679. 

- scytSSan  [sceSSan],  injure  (1):  And.  (1):  1047. - sec(e)an,  seek  (3):  L.  (1): 

19.10s.  —  Beow.  (2):  268;  1597. - secgan,  say  (1):  Gen.  (1):  438b. - sendan,  send 

(1):  L.  (1):  12.51. - stenan  [staenan],  adorn  (1):  El.  (1):  151. - styran  [-ie-]. 


310 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


restrain  (1):  Ex.  (1):  416  (or  predicative?). - towurpan  [-weorpan],  destroy  (2):  Mat. 

(2):  5.17a,b. — •  — ymsniSan,  circumcise  (1):  L.  (1):  1.59.  —  I.  (80):  Bede  (8):  22.18  = 
292.9;  96.8  =  79.30;  158.28  =  132.19;  158.31  =  132.25;  208.21  =  163.4;  220.13  =  169.15; 
388.10  =  283.15;  422.14  =  303.17.  —Greg.  (4):  185.17  =  138.19;  187.7  =  140.1;  307.17a’b 
=  236.6,  7.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  41. 9b.  —  Chron.  (4):  12b,  448Fa*b;  18*,  565  A;  238m,  1103 
E.  —  Laws  (3):  42,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49b|  c>  d.  —  Wcerf.  (5):  46.2  =  180  B2;  113.16  =  B. 
144  B;  235.2  =  285  C2;  236.24  =  288  C;  343.30  =  418  C1.  —  Bl.  Horn.,  (3):  11.3;  71.26; 
113.19.  —  Mart.  (1):  72.19.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (15):  I.  142b  2,  320* 1>2,  548b,  582*  *•*;  II. 
12m,  236b,  388m,  454m,  470b  2,  578*,  586*,  596b,  598 K  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (3):  XXIII  B.  625; 
XXIV.  182;  XXIX.  U.  —  Mf.  Hept.  (5):  De  N.  T.  13.43;—  Gen.  42.12;  —  Ex.  2.16; 
—  Num.  22.6;  —  Job  XI.  —  AjUfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’ s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102.45. 
—  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (4):  1.78;  4.11,  92,  156.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1): 
18.222.  —Gosp.  (16):  Mat.  (9):  2.2;  8.29;  9.13;  10.341’ 2;  12.42;  18.11;  20.13;  26.55;  — 
Mlc.  (3):  1.24;  14.8;  15.36b;  —  L.  (2):  4.34;  11.31;  —  /.  (2):  9.39;  12.47.  —  Wulf.  (4): 
201.26;  219.26;  222.22;  294.11. —Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  30.34  =  47b.  —  Ps.  (1): 
97. 8b. 

cySan,  make  known  (1):  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  205.32. 

don,  do,  make,  put:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (6):  Bede  (1):  330.30  =  252.19.  —  Chron.  (2):  256b,  1127 
E°-  d.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  450b  K  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXVI.  202.  —  Mf.  Hept.  (1) :  Job 
VIP. 

efstan,  hasten:  U.  (2): — sec(e)an,  seek  (1):  Beow.  (1):  3103b. - seon,  see  (1):  Beow. 

(1):  3103a.  —  I.  (6):  Bede  (2):  376.6a> b  =  276.25.  —  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  130m  3.  —  Mf. 
L.  S.  (3):  312.91  =  312.90;  XXIII.  B.  784;  XXXV.  221. 
eowian,  show,  expose:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Greg.  (1) :  277.17  =  210.2.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1) :  522.568. 
faran,  go:  U.  (5):  —  cunnian,  try,  test  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1): 

102.35bs. - fandian,  try  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  372b  2. - huntian,  hunt  (1): 

iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1) :  /Elf.  Gr.  (1) :  134.12b. - lufian,  love  (1) :  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose 

(1) :  /Elf.  Gr.  (1):  134. 12a  (or  futurity?). - sec(e)an,  seek  (1):  Met.  (1):  26.14.  —  I. 

(15):  Greg.  (1):  89.21  =  60.13.  —  Oros.  (1):  46.17°  =  47.16.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  237.11  =  289 
B.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  229.4;  233.17.—^/.  Horn.  (1):  II.  372b.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (3): 
330.138;  398.237;  XXV.  402.  —  ^/.  Hept.  (4):  Gen.  38.13;  —  Deut.  11.29;  28.63; 
32.47.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  15.91.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Apol.  (1):  31.37. 

feran,  go,  depart:  U.  (7): — gebiddan,  pray  (1):  L.  (1):  6.12. - gefon,  seize,  take  (1): 

Mk.  (1):  14.48. - geseon,  see  (2):  L.  (2):  7.24,  26. - sceawi(g)an,  see  (2):  Beow. 

(2) :  840;  1391. - streonan,  beget  (1):  And.  (1):  331.  — I.  (19):  Bede  (4):  372.11a’b 

=  274.30;  410.19  =  297.14;  410.29  =  297.24.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  28.18  =  168  A;  63.29  =  193 
B5.  —  Mart.  (1):  216.17 .—/Elf.  Horn.  (2):  II.  88m,  90* 3.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (5):  404.327; 
XXVIII.  58;  XXXI.  645,  965;  XXXV.  329.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (2):  Ex.  3 A;  Jos.  7.4.— 
iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (2):  /Elf.  Int.  (2):  155a,b.  —  L.  (1):  7.25. 

findan ,  find:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXV.  52. 
flegan:  s eefleogan. 

fleogan  [flegan ],fly:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Bede  (3):  116.32a’b’  c  =  94.10,  lla’b. 
forestihtian,  predestinate:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  III.  67. 

forgi(e)fan  [-y-],  give:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (6) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (2') :  II.  190*,  364*  2.  —  Mf.  Hept.  (3) :  Gen. 

15.7;  23.6;  —  Deut.  32.49.  — iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102. 35m. 
forgyfan:  see  forgi(e)fan. 

fori se tan,  leave:  U.  (2):  — neosan,  visit  (1):  Ju.  (1):  554. - weardian,  guard,  protect  (1): 

Beow.  (1):  971.  — I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  138.28  =  114.16. 
forsendan,  send:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  188m,  1057  D. 

fundian,  set  out:  U.  (4): — dreogan,  perform  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2270. - secan ,  seek  (2): 

Beow.  (1):  1820.  —  D.  R.  (1):  104. - witan,  know  (1):  Spirit  of  Men  (1):  16. — I. 

(9):  Boeth.  (1):  98.4  =  83.49.  —Greg.  (2):  93.24  =  64.10;  127.21  =  90.8.  —  Solil.  (1): 
63.20.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  93.4a* b. —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  6.10.  —  Lcece.  (2):  6.15; 
46.17. 

gadrian,  gather:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  474b  2. 

gan  [gangan,  gongan],  go:  U.  (40): — ahyrian,  hire  (1):  Mat.  (1):  20.1. - cyftan,  make 

known  (2):  Jud.  (2):  56;  243. - don,  do  (1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  917b. - 

drincan,  drink  (1):  AClfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mf.  Gr.  (1):  134.14. - feccan ,  fetch 

(1):  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  176.  —  — gearwian,  prepare  (1):  L.  (1):  1.76. - gegear- 

wian,  prepare  (1):  L.  (1):  1.17. - geseon,  see  (4):  Mat.  (3):  11.7b,  8,  9.  —  Beow.  (1): 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


311 


396. - gesittan,  sit  (1):  Bede  (1):  186.30  =  151.8. - gretan,  greet  (2):  Gen.  (1): 

2430.  —  Rid.  (1):  5.6.  —  —  hladan,  load  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  115.7  =  B.  146  A2. - leor- 

nian,  learn  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.Gr.  (1):  134.13a. - neosan,  visit  (2): 

Beow.  (1):  1786.  —  Jud.  (1):  63. - onlihtan,  illumine  (1):  L.  (1):  1.79a. - ple- 

gean,  play  (1):  Greg.  (1):  309.14  =  238. 10s - raedan,  read  (1):  JSlfric's  Minor  Prose 

(1) :  /Elf.  Gr.  (1):  134. 13b. - reccan,  narrate  (1):  Dan.  (1):  159. —  — sceawian, 

see,  examine  (4):  Greg.  (2):  415.14  =  336.13;  415.19  =  336.18.  —  Beow.  (2):  2744;  3032. 
- secan,  seek  (1) :  Minor  Prose  (1) :  Apol.  (1) :  28.18  =  45b. - seon,  see  (2) :  Beow. 

(2) :  387;  920. - sittan,  sit  (6):  Bede  (1):  198.2  =  157.3.  —  ^/.  Horn.  (1):  II. 

242b  3.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  404.348.  —  Beow.  (2):  493;  641.  —  Jud.  (1):  15. - slapan, 

sleep  (2):  Lcece.  (2):  58.5;  68.29. - taecan,  teach  (2) :  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlj. 

Gr.  (2):  150.18  (?);  151.14  (?).  —  I.  (20):  Bede  (3):  76  12  =  54.24;  162.7  =  136.17;  362.18 
=  269.22.—  Greg.  (1):  165.25  =  122.1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  165.3,  15.  —  Mlj.  Horn.  (4): 
II.  428t,  428m,  444* 1(  2.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXXI.  917a;  XXXVI.  327 .  —  Mlj.  Hept. 
(2):  Gen.  2.10;  22.5.— Gosp.  (4):  Mat.  (1):  13.3;  —  Mk.  (1):  4.3;  —  L.  (2):  1.77,  79b. 
—  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  9.276.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  15.50  =  209.40. 

gangan  [-o-] :  see  gan. 

gearcian,  prepare:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  570*. — /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  126.151. — 
/Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Jos.  1.1  lb. 

gearwian,  make  ready,  prepare:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  296.17  =  226.32. 
gebindan,  bind:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Wcerf.  (3):  316.2,  4,  11  =  381  A1- 2- 3. 
gebredan,  draw,  hence,  to  feign  (reflexive):  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  134m,  1003  F. 
gebugan,  turn,  go:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Oros.  (1):  54.1  =  53.34. 
gebycgan,  buy:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (1):  274.9  =  213.25.  —  Mat.  (1):  27.7. 
geceosan,  choose:  U.  (0).  — I.  (3):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  157.1.  —  ^/.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIV.  127.—' 
A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  2.87. 

gecierran  [-y-],  turn,  go:  U.  (2):  —  benemnan,  declare,  certify  (1):  H.  L.  (1):  49. - be- 

ran,  bear,  carry  (1):  And.  (1):  1079  (or  predicative?).  — I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  12.8  =  92.12. 
gecuman,  come:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIV.  179. 
gedon,  commit  (?):  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Cato  (1):  10  (?). 
geemtigian  [-aemtigian],  keep  oneself  free:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  52.9  =  185  B1. 
gefreogan  [-freon],  free:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  236.25  =  178.26. 
gefultumian,  help:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  124.30,  31  =  107.3a’ b. 
gegripan,  seize:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  167.1. 
gehwi(e)rfan,  turn:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Greg.  (2):  373.8,  9  =  290.2. 
gelsecan,  seize:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  4.39. 

gelaedan,  lead:  U.  (0).  — I.  (3):  Wcerf.  (1):  301.27  =  364  C  K—Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  46b  3.  — 
/Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  80. 
gelefan :  see  geliefan. 

geliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  believe:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  64b  (or  objective?), 
gelogian,  arrange:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  /Elf.  Int.  (1):  286. 
gemearcian,  mark,  plan:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Gen.  (1):  364. 

genaegan,  approach:  U.  (1):  —  betan,  improve,  revive:  (1):  Ex.  (1):  131.  — I.  (0). 
genealaecan,  approach:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  26.3  =  26.2.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):I.  82  . 
gengan,  go:  U.  (1):  —  sceawian,  see,  examine  (1):  Beow.  (1):  1413.  — I.  (0). 
geniman,  take,  accept:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Wcerf.  (1):  98.29  =  B.  130  A.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II. 
420*. 

gesamnian  [-0-],  assemble:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  132.6  =  110.14;  362.25  =  269.29. 
gescieppan,  create,  make:  U.  (0). — I.  (3):  Greg.  (1):  319.1  =  246.1.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  18. 

Intr.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  ( l):Gen .  2.3. 
gesecan,  seek:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  110m. 

gesellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  give,  offer:  U.  (1):  —  drincan,  drink  (1):  Oros.  (1):  136.16  =  137.10.  I. 
(5):  Bede  (2):  124.3  =  99.30;  306.26  =  237.9.  —  Oros.  (2):  54.11  =  55.3;  108.28  =  0. 
—  Laws  (1):  10,  Hlothgere  and  Eadric,  c.  6. 

gesettan,  set,  establish:  JJ.  (0).  — I.  (6):  Bede  (2):  66.23  =  49.28;  114.15  =  92.18. —Gre^.  (1): 
131.15  =  92.22a.  —  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXV.  403.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  3.24.  —  Chr. 
(1):  1390. 

gesiellan :  see  gesellan. 

gesittan,  sit:  U.  (1):  —  eahti(g)an,  consider  (1):  (or  predicative?):  And.  (1):  1162.  —  I.  (0). 
gesomnian :  see  gesamnian. 


312 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


gestandan,  stand,  stand  up:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  109.12  =  B.  138  C2. 
gesyllan :  see  gesellan. 

geteon  [-tion],  draw,  attract:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  28.28  =  36.21. 
getion:  see  geteon. 

geSafian,  grant,  give:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  43.13  =  43.12. 
geunnan,  grant,  give:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Oros.  (1):  64.26  =  0. 
gewendan,  wend,  go:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  424b. 

gewitan,  depart,  go:  U.  (54): — beran,  bear,  carry  (1):  Beow.  (1):  291  (or  predicative?). — 

—  feran,  go,  journey  (1):  Gen.  (1):  1746a  (or  predicative?). - fleon,  flee  (2):  Beow. 

(1)  :  1264.  —  Gen.  (1) :  2262. - geseon,  see  (2) :  Beow.  (2) :  1126;  1275. - geSafian, 

endure  (1):  Dan.  (1):  633. - lsedan,  lead,  carry  (7):  Gen.  (6):  1357;  1649;  1746b; 

1767;  2621;  2870  (or  all  predicative?).  —  And.  (1):  1044. - neos(i)an  [niosianl,  visit 

(6):  Beow.  (6):  115;  125;  1125;  1339;  2388;  3045. - nerg(e)an ,  save,  rescue  (2):  Gen. 

(2) :  2000;  2509. — •  —  niosian:  s ee  neos(i)an. - sceawian,  see ,  examine  (4):  Beow. 

(1):  2402. — Gen.  (3):  1780;  1920;  2593. - seccan:  see  secean. - sec(e)an,  seek 

(22):  Beow.  (2) :  2820;  2950.  —Gen.  (8):  1461;  1818;  1966;  2006;  2020;  2099;  2266; 
2293.  — ■  Dan.  (1):  441  .—And.  (4):  226;  698;  977;  1677.  —  Ph.  (1):  320 .  —  Rid.  (3): 

3.2;  17.2;  93.9.  —  Brun.  (1) :  55.  —  S.  &  S.  (1) :  204.  —  Wife’s  Compl.  (1) :  9b. - seon, 

see  (2) :  Gen.  (2) :  1743;  2084. - sigan,  descend  (1) :  Gen.  (1) :  1461b  (or  predicative?).  — 

—  tredan,  traverse  (2) :  Beow.  (1) :  1964  (or  predicative?).  —  Rid.  (1) :  14.11b. - wlitan, 

look  (1):  Gen.  (1):  1794.  — I.  (0). 

gewyrcan,  make:  U.  (1):  — gefegan,  join  (1):  Gifts  of  Men  (1):  66  (?).  —  I.  (0). 
gi(e)fan,  give:  U.  (1):  —  drincan ,  drink  (1):  Ps.  (1):  79.5.  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (A):  236.1  =177.30; 

242.7  =  192.17  (or  with  noun?);  262.8  =  207.4.  —  Chron.  (1):  117m,  963  Ee. 
habban  [nabban],  have  [not]:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (19):  Bede  (1):  420.2  =  301.28.* — Greg.  (2):  121.18 
=  84.24;  127.19  =  90.6.  —  Laws  (5):  38,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  36a’ b  (or  with  noun?);  116,  Inc, 
c.  60;  366,  II  Cnut,  c.  79a-b.  —  Bened.  (1):  88.12  =  156.14.  —  mf.  Horn.  (2):  II.  430b, 
534m.  —Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXIII  B.  354;  XXXI.  655  (or  both  with  noun?).  —  Mlf.  Kept. 

Gen.  1.30.  —  TElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  mf.  Gr.  (1):  215.14  (or  with  noun?)  — 
A.S.  Horn.  &L.S.  I  (1) :  3.520.  —  L.  (1) :  14.28.  —  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Apol.  (2) :  24.21,  24 

=  42b  i.  2, 

healdan,  hold,  keep:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  10.56.  —  ^/.  L.  S.  (1): 
60.163. 


hladan,  load:  U.  (2):  — drincan,  drink  (2):  Greg.  (1):  469.7  =  0.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  220.22  = 
269  A2.  —  I.  (0). 

iecan  [aecan],  increase:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Ps.  (2):  50.90,  91  (Cot.). 

iernan,  run:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  vEIfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Int.  (1):  217. 

ingan  [-gangan,  -gongan],  go  in:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  438.14,  15  =  311.25,  26. 

ingangan  \  .  .#■ 

ingongan  /  *  see  inQan- 

1  sedan,  lead:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (1):  356.31  =  266.27.  —  Mart.  (1):  64.24b.  —  Mlf.  L.  S. 
(1):  418.85.  —  Mat.  (1):  27.31. 

laefan,  leave,  entrust:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  II.  90*,  450b  2.  — Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Job 
VIIb. 

Isenan,  lend:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  358.328.  —  ^Elfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr. 
(1):  135.8. 

laetan,  leave:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  24.11  =  33.46.  —  Oros.  (1):  46.22  =  47.20. 

lecgean,  lay:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  143.14  =  102.21. 
libban,  live:  U.  (0).  —I.  (3):  Bede  (3):  66.5a’ b  =  49.10a-b;  408.17  =  296.9. 
began,  lie,  recline:  U.  (1):  — setlutian,  hide  from  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Judges  4.18b  (or 
predicative?).  —  I.  (0). 

li(e)htan,  light:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  266m,  1140  Ea. 

logian ,  arrange,  frame:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  454b.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Job  XII 

(=  6.26). 


lufian,  love:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  340”. 
nabban :  see  habban. 

niman,  take:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  381.24  =  296.25. 
nitSerastigan,  descend:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  105.11  =  72.16. 
ondfon,  receive:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  98.18  =  81.17. 
onfindan(?),  receive:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  16.9  =  0. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


313 


onion,  receive ,  undertake:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  265.11  =  324  A. 
onginnan,  begin:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  10.448. 
onlaenan,  lend ,  grant:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  Boeth.  (2):  19.22,  23  =  0. 

onsendan,  send:  U.  (1):  —  ondrincan,  drink  (1):  Bede  (1);  398.1  =  288.20.  —  I.  (2):  Bede  (1): 

150.8  =  126.4.  —  Dan.  (1):  76. 
ontynan,  open:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  349.19  =  270.11. 
raecan,  reach,  seize:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Chr.  (3):  1621s’ %  1622. 
reccan,  care:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  De  V.  T.  6.27. 
sceawian,  grant:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Chron.  (1):  176*,  1048  Ed. 

scieppan,  create ,  make:  U.  (1): — healdan,  hold,  preserve  (1):  Gnomic  Sayings  (1):  129. — 

v  '  I.  (0). 

scyndan,  hasten:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  62.14°  =  47.23a. 

secan,  seek:  U.  (0).  — I.  (5):  Bede  (2):  50.11a-b  =  30.17a’b.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  73.15a.  —  Mlf. 
L.  S.  (1):  368.78.  —  Mat.  (1):  2.13. 


sellan  [-ie-,  -y-],  give:  U.  (257):  — cyssan,  kiss  (1):  Laws  (1):  387,  Ordal,  c.  4,  §  1. — 

—  drincan,  drink:  (203):  Bede  (5):  30.7  =  13.4;  156.7  =  129.18;  178.8  =  145.20;  192.14 
=  153.32;  204.33  =  161.8.  —  Greg.  (2):  329.3b  =  254.4;  459.18a  =  392.16.  —  Oros.  (1):  136.1 
=  135.35.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  161.5  =  B.  188  A1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2):  229.9,  14.  —  Mart.  (2):  44.8; 
94.20.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  574* 3,  582b;  II.  108m.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  312.70,  77 .—Mlf.  Hept. 

(2) :  Gen.  21.19;  —  Ex.  2.19.  —  ADlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  111.6.  —  A.  S.  Horn. 
&  L.  S.  II  (2):  16.55,  224b.  —  Gosp.  (7):  Mat.  (4):  25.35b,  42b;  27.34,  48;  —  Mk.  (1):  15.36a; 

—  J.  (2):  4.7,  10.  —  Wulf.  (1):  288.32.  —  Lcece.  (170):  8.21;  9.6;  18.24,  26,  29,  30,  31;  19.15, 
17,  18,  32,  33,  36;  20.1,  4,  15,  26,  33,  34;  21.10;  24.21;  28.5,  7,  10,  13,  18,  23,  25,  27;  30.20, 
23,  26;  31.24;  33.17,  39;  34.3,  5,  8,  15,  16;  35.27;  37.23,  29,  31,  33,  37,  39;  38.22,  29;  41. lb; 
42.28;  56.9,  10,  33,  36,  37,  41;  57.4,  7,  11,  22,  39;  61.8,  20b;  62.24;  64.13,  19,  25,  28,  30,  33, 
38;  65.1,  4,  6;  66.3;  68.40;  69.3,  10,  16,  22,  24;  70.30;  71.19,  25,  27,  31,  36,  40;  72.1,  14,  22, 
32;  75.6,  7,  9a’%  22,  36;  76.5;  77.15;  80.2, 17,  30,  31;  81.33;  82.19;  83.10,  18,  20,  21;  86.22; 
87.2,  7;  96.14;  97.27,  31;  98.2a,  5,  10,  38;  99.10,  23b,  26;  100.9,  19,  35,  36;  101.6;  102.10,  29, 
34b;  103.1;  104.11,  31;  108.23;  109.3,  11;  123.17;  125.25;  127.37;  128.13;  129.14,  22b,  27b; 
130.6,  25b,  32;  131.7,  9;  135.14, 18;  136.3, 16, 19;  140.33;  141.10;  142.16,  26;  143.12,  23;  144.14; 

146.5,  8,  18;  151.17,  33;  152.3,  20,  22.  —  Rid.  (2):  13.5;  72.7. - etan,  eat  (40 ):Greg.  (2): 

329. 3a  =  254.3;  459.18b  =  392.16.  —  Mart.  (1):  82.6b.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (1):  16.224a. 

—  Gosp.  (9):  Mat.  (3):  14.16b;  25.35%  42a;  —  Mk.  (3) :  5.43a;  6.37a*  °;  —  L.  (2) :  8.55%  9.13; — 
J.  (1):  6.31.  —  Lcece.  (27):  21.39;  28.6;  39.26;  54.27;  79.37;  80.22;  95.38;  96.16,  20,  30;  97.29; 
98. 2b;  99.5;  100.28a;  101.4a;  103.7;  109.9;  128.28,  31;  130.25%  27;  131.3,  15;  141.12;  143.26; 

145.18;  149.30. - gewundigean,  wound  (1):  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Jos.  11.6.  —  — supan,  sup , 

drink:  Lcece.  (8):  37.19;  81.11;  82.26;  100.28b;  101.4b;  103.3;  143.15,  27, - Sicgan, 

take  {food ,  medicine ),  drink ,  eat  (4):  Lcece.  (4):  55.34;  69.21a’ %  150.6.  —  I.  (76):  Bede  (15): 
16.14  =  0;  76.30b  =  55.10;  76.34  =  55.13;  104.29  =  85.29;  158.29  =  132.21;  232.25  =  176.18; 
272.9  =  212.21;  396.4  =  287.21;  438.24  =  312.5;  454.9a’ b  =  324.9;  456.19  =  325.15;  464.5 
=  329.23;  480.29,  30  =  357.11.  —Greg.  (1):  369.14  =  286.17.  —  Oros.  (1):  42.29  =  43.29.  — 
Pr.  Ps.  (1):  38.10  =  38.9.  —  Chron.  (2):  34*,  669  A;  72b,  874  A.  —  Laws  (3):  14,  Wihtraed, 
c.  22,  23;  48,  Alfred,  c.  1,  §  2b.  —  Wcerf.  (6):  201.1  =  245  A3;  206.5b  =  252  A3;  253.13  =  309 
B1;  253.14  =  309  B2;  253.28  =  309  C1;  336.3  =  404  C K  —  Mart.  (1):  54.22.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1): 
II.  244* 3.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (2):  330.149;  XXVI.  264.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (6):  Gen.  28.20a’b  (or  with 
noun?);  —  Ex.  6.8;  16.15;  Num.  11.4  (or  with  noun?);  Deut.  1.27.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose 
(1):  Napier1  s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102.42*.  —  Gosp.  (5):  Mat.  (1):  27.26 h;  —  L.  (1):  20.20;  — J. 

(3) :  6.52b;  17.4;  19.16.  — A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  II  (2):  10.547;  18.238.  —  Lcece.  (25):  8.24 
8.27;  9.2;  17.11;  54.36a;  56.39;  57.14;  65.8;  65.26,  29;  66.11;  69.13;  71.13,  30;  72.12;  75.1,  35 
79.15;  80.25;  85.7,  21;  86.20,  26;  87.8,  10.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Chad  (1):  235.  —  Beow.  (1) 
1731  (or  with  noun?).  —  Ps.  (1):  54.6.  —  Wids.  (1):  134  (or  with  noun?). 


sendan,  send:  U.  (8): — bodian,  preach  (4):  Bede  (2):  54.31  =  42.22;  226.11  =  172.26. — 

L.  (2):  4.18%  19. — ■  — gecegan  [-ie-],  call  (1):  Bede  (1):  250.21  =  199.26. - gehselan, 

heal  (2):  L.  (2):  4.18b;  9.2b. - gretan,  greet  (1):  Bede  (1):  2.1  =  5  (heading).  —  I.  (47): 

Bede  (13):  2.3a’%  4a-b  =  5.3a-b,  4a’%  10.2  =  42.10;  10.14  =  63.1;  104.14  =  85.6;  142.23 
=  116.28;  172.17a>b  =  142.19,  20;  244.30  =  194.20;  250.20  =  199.25;  468.30  =  333.12.  — 
Greg.  (3):  49.3  =  26.9;  49.17  =  26.22;  405.34  =  326.4.  —  Oros.  (4):  96.12  =  0;  138.8  =  139.5; 
188.10,  11  =  189.7.— Chron.  (5):  20%  604  A;  32%  656  Ee;  222%  1086  Eg;  227m,  1092  Ea-b.— 
Laws  (1):  42,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  1%  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (8):  I.  206%  372%  380*,  520*,  578*;  II. 
74b  %  202%  372*  K  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  436.76;  XXV.  470;  XXIX.  163.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (2) :  Gen. 


314 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


46.5;  Num.  13.17. — iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (3):  Mlf.  Int.  (2):  377,  473; — Napier's  Ad.  to 
Th.  (1):  101.319m.  —  Gosp.  (3):  L.  (1):  9.2a;  —  J.  (2):  1.33a;  4.38.  —  Wulf.  (2): 
295.32a>  b. 

settan,  set ,  place:  U.  (0). — I.  (3):  Chron.  (1):  115b,  963  Eb.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  404*. — 
Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  16.33°. 
siellan :  see  sellan. 

sittan,  sit:  U.  (1):  —  bidan,  await  (1):  Gen.  (1):  842  (or  predicative?).  — I.  (1):  Mlf.  Horn. 
(1):  I.  542m. 

si?Sian,  travel,  go:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  222.39. 
snitSan,  cut  open:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  367.15  =  284.22. 

standan  [-o-],  U.  (1): — healdan,  hold,  keep  (1):  Gen.  (1):  526.  —  I.  (3):  JElf.  Horn.  (1): 

I.  48m  2.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  27.13.  —  Mk.  (1):  11.25. 
stician,  stick:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  171.7  =  126.3. 
stondan :  see  standan. 
syllan :  see  sellan. 

teon,  make,  create:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Ps.  (1):  143.1. 
tocuman,  come,  come  to:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  59.11. 

[todaelan,  distribute:  U.  (2) :  Oros.  (2) :  46.15, 16b  =  47.16.  But  the  infinitives  more  probably  are 
absolute:  see  Chapter  XII,  p.  169.  —  I.  (0).] 
tofaran,  separate,  disperse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  42,  iElfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  la. 
toferan,  separate ,  disperse:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  21.6. 
tosendan,  send:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  232*. 

Srowian,  suffer,  endure:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  JElf.  L.  S.  (2):  XXIII  B.  418,  419. 

Surfan,  need:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Solil.  (1):  45.5. 

utgan  [-gangan,  -o-],  go  out:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  114.27  =  B.  146  A1, 
utgangan  [-o-j :  see  utgan. 

wegan,  carry,  manifest:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Gen.  (1):  2349. 

wendan,  wend,  go:  U.  (1):  — secan,  seek  (1):  S.  &  S.  (1):  20.  —  I.  (1):  JElf.  L.  S.  (1): 
XXVII.  13. 

weorpan,  throw,  cast:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  194.20  =  237  B2. 
wil(l)nian,  desire,  wish:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  40.25  =  43.3  (or  with  noun?), 
winnan,  struggle,  strive:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  Greg.  (1) :  77.21  =  50.22.  —  JElf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXVI.  23. 
wunian,  dwell,  remain:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  388.8  =  283.14. 

wyrcan,  make,  do:  U.  (0).  — I.  (5):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  4 \—JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXV.  351.— 
Wulf.  (1):  306.29.  —  Lcece.  (2):  8.25  (?);  56.35. 


2.  With  Passive  Verbs. 

The  infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  inflected. 

aliefan  [-e-,  -y-],  allow:  U.  (0).  — I.  (3):  Gosp.  (3):  Mat.  (1):  12.4;  —  Mk.  (1):  2.26.— 
L.  (1):  6.4. 

asendan,  send:  U.  (2):  — sprecan,  speak  (1)  and  bodian,  preach  (1):  L.  (2):  1.19a,b.  —  I. 
(6):  Chron.  (1):  llb,  430  E.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  194b  %  II.  488b5’6,  —  Mlf.  L.  S. 
(2):  XXIV.  170a,  XXXII.  146. 

befaestan,  entrust:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Wcerf.  (1):  275.26  =  336  B.  —  Mart.  (1):  114.15. — 

JElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  554* 6. 

beran,  bear,  give  birth:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2):  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  162.256.  —  Wulf.  (1):  293.23. 
betaecan,  commit ,  entrust:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Chron.  (1):  223m,  1087  Eb.  —  Bened.  (2): 
56.4  =  104.19;  84.21  =  152.24. 

bringan,  bring:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  183.26  =  224  B1. 

ceosan,  choose:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (2) :  JElf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXII.  223.  —  Mlf.  Hept.  (1) :  De  V.  T.  7.7. 
forgiefan,  give:  U.  (0).  — I.  (4):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (4):  16.100,  107,  108;  218.138. 

(ge)beodan,  offer:  U.  (0).  — I.  (1):  Greg.  (1):  43.23  =  22.21. 

(ge)bringan,  bring:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  104.34  =  B.  136  A4. 

(ge)gadrian,  gather  together:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (3):  Greg.  (1):  347.6  =  268.7.  —  Oros.  (2):  284.1a'  b 
=  285.3. 

(ge)  gearwian,  prepare:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  11.12  =  153  C. 

(ge)halsian  [-gi-,  -healsian],  request:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  409,  Judicium  Dei  IV,  c.  2a. 


THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE. 


315 


(ge)healdan,  keep ,  preserve:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  58.124. 

(ge)laedan,  lead:  U.  (0).  — I.  (2):  Wcerf.  (1):  301.25  =  364  C \  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (I):  II.  254b. 
(ge)laSian,  invite:  U.  (0).  —I.  (2):  Bede  (2):  394.19  =  287.6;  396.14  =  288.2. 

(ge)raedan,  advise:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  ASlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Mlf.  Gr.  (1):  182.4  (?). 
(ge)samnian  [-o-],  assemble:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1);  Wcerf.  (1):  315.6  =  380  C. 

(ge)sellan,  give:  U.  (0).  — I.  (6):  Wcerf.  (2):  324.24  =  392  A*;  325.1  =  392  A6.  —  Mlf.  Horn. 
(1) :  I.  534m.  —  Mat.  (3) :  20.19a- b*  c. 

(ge)settan,  set,  place,  appoint:  U.  (1):  — bodian,  preach  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  157.35.  —  I. 
(7):  Bede  (1):  396.28a  =  288.16a.  —  Greg.  (2):  321.7  =  248.1;  321.11  =  248.5.  —  Mlf. 
Horn.  (3):  I.  178m,  540*;  II.  198*.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  100. 

(ge)smyrian,  anoint:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  26.12. 

(ge)somnian:  see  gesamnian. 

(ge)tacnian,  signify,  mean:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  196.15  =  240  B. 

(ge)wealdan,  govern,  instruct:  U.  (1): — asettan,  arrange  (1):  Gifts  of  Men  (1):  47. — 

I.  (0). 

(ge)wyrcan,  make,  build:  U.  (0).  — I.  (3):  Bede  (2):  354.19a- b  =  265.13a- b.  —  ^lfric’s 
Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  101.314m. 
gierwan,  prepare:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  302.10  =  365  A1, 
iecan  [y-],  increase:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Az.  (1):  37. 
nacian,  make  naked:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  287.3  =  348  B4. 
onfon,  receive:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bede  (1):  232.5  =  175.32. 

onsendan,  send:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (4):  Bede  (2):  16.21  =  0;  16.30  =  201.1. — Greg.  (2):  429.15 
=  354.3;  441.30  =  368.27. 

ontendan,  kindle:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Laws  (1):  36,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  27. 

sellan,  give:  U.  (0).  — I.  (5):  Bede  (2):  480.26,  27  =  357.9.  —  Wcerf.  (3):  309.2a*b  =  372 
D1, 2‘  327  9  =  393  C1 

sendan,  send:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (9):  Bede  (7):  108.23  =  89.5;  160.7  =  135.18;  260.12  =  205.3; 
260.13  =  206.1;  272.25a- b  =  213.9;  420.15  =  302.14.  —  Chron.  (1):  55*,  785  E.  —  Bl. 
Horn.  (1):  137.25. 

todrifan,  drive:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Mlf.  Kept.  (1):  Ex.  5.12. 
yean :  see  iecan. 

ymbsellan,  surround:  U.  (0).  —  I.  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  11.25. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

No  clear  example  has  been  found. 


XI.  The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Normally  the  infinitive  is  inflected,  but  sporadically  it  is  uninflected. 


1.  Uninflected. 


fus,  ready,  prepared  (2):  Gu.  (2):  1051;  1053. 

gearo  [-u],  ready  (3):  Bede  (1):  56.21  =  43.21.  —  Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  534b  3;  II.  130* 2. 
wiertSe  [-U-,  — y— ],  worthy  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  138.353b. 
wur<5e 
wyr?Se 

2.  Inflected. 


see  wier&e. 


asmetig,  at  leisure,  free  (1):  Greg.  (1):  191.24  =  144.2. 
aetSele,  excellent ,  valuable  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  89.18. 
ana,  only  one  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  182.225. 
andrysnlic,  terrible  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  33.5. 
arwyrSlic,  venerable  (1):  Bede  (1):  144. 17a  =  117.29a. 
bealdra,  bolder  (1):  Greg.  (1):  361.14  =  280.6. 
behydigest,  most  solicitous  (1):  Bede  (1):  466.26  =  332.4. 

betere,  better  (4):  Greg.  (3) : 457.7  =  388.21;  459. 9a- b  =  392.7,  8.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.S.  II  (1): 
14.16. 


316 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


betst,  best  (3):  Wulf.  (1):  49.21  (or  predicative  with  beon ?).  —  Lcece.  (2):  5.33  (?);  44.29. 
biterre  [  —  and  grimre],  bitter  (and  distasteful )  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  189a. 
deaflic  [deflic],  suitable  (1):  JElf.  Hept.  (1):  De  V.  T.  7.  41. 
deflic :  see  deaflic. 

deop,  deep,  profound  (2):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  448* 2.  — JElf.  Hept.  (1):  Pref.  to  Gen.  23.3. 
digle,  mysterious  (1):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  188* 2. 
earfeS(e) :  see  earfo&(e). 

earfo 5(e)  [earfeS(e)],  difficult  (9):  Boeth.  (4):  81.3a-b  =  0;  92.24  =  79.77;  147.23  =  0.— 
Chron.  (2):  218m,  1086  Ea;  222m,  1086  Ef.  —  Bened.  (1):  138.27  =  0 .—Mf.  Horn. 
(2):  I.  188* 1 ;  II.  542b. 

earfotSest,  most  difficult  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  127.3  =  107.6. 
earfoSlic,  difficult  (1):  Chron.  (1):  186b,  1056  C. 

eatolice,  terribly  (1):  Bede  (1):  240.21  =  191.29  (or  predicative  with  beon?). 
eaSe :  see  ie&e. 
eatSelic :  see  ie&elic. 

egeful,  terrible  (1):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  182b  2. 
egeslic,  terrible  (1) :  Chr.  (1) :  919a. 
eSe:  see  ie<5e. 

faeger,  fair,  beautiful  (3):  Oros.  (2):  32.14a  =  0;  74.13  =  75.11.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  113.22. 
feald  [god  and — ],  suitable  (?)  (2):  Lcece.  (2):  87.15,  16. 
feorr,  far  (1):  And.  (1):  424. 

freora ,  freer  (2):  Greg.  (1):  131.16  =  92.22b.  —  Solil.  (1):  36.11. 

from,  energetic  (2) :  Bede  (2) :  410.4a’  5a  =  296.28. 

frymful,  beneficial  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  146.28. 

fus,  ready,  eager  (1) :  Beow.  (1) :  1805. 

gearo :  see  gearu. 

gearu  [-o],  ready  (34):  Bede  (2):  60.29  =  47.6;  98.4  =  80.28.  —  Boeth.  (1):  107.32  =  93.69.  — 
Greg.  (6):  45.9  =  22.28;  173.5,  81* 2  =  126.24,  26;  203.12  =  152.10;  423.28  =  346.21.  — 
Solil.  (1):  11.11.  —  Pr.  Ps.  (1) :  7.13 .  —  Chron.  (1):  139b,  1009  Ec.  —  Laws  (1):  166,  V 
iEthelstan,  Prol.,  1.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  80.27  =  205  C 2.  —  JElf.  Horn.  (8):  I.  128m,  128b, 
190* 2,  406b,  534b  2 ;  II.  32*,  122*,  130*.—^/.  L.S.  (7):  228.144;  XXIII B.  468;  XXV.  113a'b, 
605;  XXXVI.  171;  XXXVII.  110.  — ^Z/.  Hept.  (1):  Num.  15.40.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  II  (1):  15.104  =  210.90.  — L.  (1):  22.33 .  —  Dan.  (1):  129.  —  And.  (1):  73. 
gecoplic,  fit,  suitable  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  49.9  =  184  A. 
gecweme,  agreeable  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  280. 5a. 
gedyrstig,  daring,  audacious  (1):  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  XX.  73. 
gehendast,  most  convenient  (1):  Oros.  (1):  116.7  =  117.2. 
gehyS,  convenient  (1):  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  783. 
gemyndig,  mindful  (1):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  9.12  =9.13. 

geornful(l)  [giorn-],  eager,  desirous  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  51.9  =  50.14. — Greg.  (2):  281. 5b  = 
212. 9a;  381.19  =  296.21. 

geornost,  most  eager  (1):  Laws  (1):  280,  I  Cnut,  c.  2,  §  lb. 
geris(e)ne,  suitable  (1):  Bede  (1):  274.7  =  213.24. 
gesom,  agreed  (1):  Rid.  (1):  88.29. 
getrewe :  see  getriewe. 

getriewe  [-trewe],  true,  safe  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  16.13a  =  25.36. 
geSancol,  thankful  (1):  Ps.  (1):  50.7  (Cot.), 
gewuna,  accustomed  (1):  JElf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  614  (?). 
gifre,  eager  (2):  Boeth.  (2):  50.24a,b  =  50.8. 
giornfull :  see  geornfull. 

glaed,  bright ,  clear  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  14.14  =  23.12. 
glaeshlut(t)or,  clear  as  glass  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  14.13  =  23.8. 

god,  good  (7):  Bened.  (1):  127.7a  =  194.13.  —  ^E7/.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  3.6.  —  Lcece.  (5):  29.21; 
32.36;  34.10;  74.26;  88.3. 

grimlic  [  —  and  egeslic],  terrible  (1):  Chr.  (1):  919b. 

grimre  [bittere  and  —  ],  distasteful  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  189b. 

hal,  whole  (1):  Solil.  (1):  28.1. 

halwende,  beneficial  (1):  Bede  (1):  214.24  =  166.16. 

hraed  [  —  and  geornfull],  quick,  ready  (2):  Greg.  (1):  281. 5a  =  212.9.  —  Wulf.  (1):  148. 2b. 
hraeS,  quick  (1):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  13.6  =  13.3. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES. 


317 


ieffe  [ea?Se,  effe,  ytSe],  easy  (3):  Boeth.  (2):  16. 13b  =  25.38;  92.27  =  79.79 .  —  Beow.  (1): 
2416. 

ieSelic,  easy  (3):  Greg.  (1):  419.10  =  340.22.  —  Wcerf.  (2):  27.8,  9  =  165  C3. 
ieSre,  easier  (6):  Greg.  (3):  239.10,  11  =  180.21;  277.25  =  210.10.  —  Oros.  (3):  80.11,  12a*b  = 
81.8a*b. 

laene,  fleeting ,  deceptive  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  189.4. 

laet,  slow  (2):  Greg.  (1):  281.6  =  212.9b.  —  L.  (1):  24.25. 

lang  [-o-],  long,  tedious  (3):  Mart.  (1):  130.11.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  302m.  —  Wulf.  (1): 
298.22. 

langsum  [-0-],  long,  tedious  (6):  /Elf.  Horn.  (3):  II.  170b  u  2,  536b.  — /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  98.139. 

—  /Elf.  Kept.  (1):  De  V.  T.  10.4.  —  A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  I  (1):  7.243. 
latheort,  slow  of  heart  (1):  ^Elfric’s  Minor  Prose:  Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102.34*. 
leof,  dear  (2) :  Bede  (2) :  450.3a* b  =  322.8,  9. 
leofost,  dearest  (3):  Bl.  Horn.  (3):  55.18;  111.26a’ b. 
leofra,  dearer  (3):  Oros.  (2):  286.8a,b  =  287.8a’ b.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  195.8. 
leoht,  light,  easy  (1):  Greg.  (1):  23.13  =  2.3. 
leohtest,  most  light,  most  active  (1):  Wids.  (1):  72. 
licwierSe  [-U-],  pleasing,  acceptable  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  280.5b. 
licwurSe :  see  licwier&e. 
listhendig,  skillful  (1):  Gifts  of  Men  (1):  96. 
litSe,  pleasant  (1):  Chr.  (1):  914. 

longsum  }  :  see  lang'  lan9sum- 

lustbaere,  pleasant,  desirous  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  50.10  =  50.1.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  130m.  — /Elf. 
L.  S.  (1):  96.117. 

lustbaerre,  more  pleasant  (1):  Greg.  (1):  303.9  =  0. 

lustfull,  desirous  (1):  Oros.  (1):  100.27  =  0. 

lustfullic,  pleasant  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  129.7  =  B.  158  D2. 

lustlic,  pleasant  (1):  Oros.  (1):  120.9. 

lustlicre,  more  pleasant  (1):  Bened.  (1):  3.3  =  6.7. 

lustsumlic  [  —  and  faeger],  pleasant  (1):  Oros.  (1):  32.14b  =  0. 

lytel,  little,  insignificant  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  140b.  —  Doomsday  (1):  9. 

maere,  glorious,  famous  (1):  Dan.  (1):  321. 

manigfeald  [menig-,  monig-],  manifold  (2):  Oros.  (1):  102.23  =  0. — /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I. 
448* !. 

manigfealdlicor,  more  manifoldly  (1):  Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  66  (?). 
menigf  eald :  see  manigfeald. 

micel,  wonderful  (2):  Oros.  (1):  82.3  =  81.24.  — /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  De  N.  T.  14.10. 
mi(e)htig,  mighty,  powerful  (2):  Greg.  (2):  91.15a,b  =  62.3,  4. 
monigf eald :  see  manigfeald. 

myrige,  pleasant  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  182*,  182bl. 
nedtSearf:  see  niedSearf. 
nedSearflic :  see  niedS  ear  flic. 

niedbetSearfost,  most  necessary  (1):  Greg.  (1):  7.7  =  0. 

niedSearf  [ned-],  necessary ,  useful  (2):  Greg.  (1):  283.25  =  214.20  (or  subjective?).  —  Laws 
(1):  44,  Alfred,  Intr.,  c.  49,  §  5  (or  subjective?). 
niedSearflic  [ned-],  necessary,  useful  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  225.26. 
nyt(t)wierSe  [-y-],  useful  (2):  Greg.  (2):  275.14,  15  =  208.8. 
nyt(t)wierSlic  [-y-],  useful  (1):  Greg.  (1):  255.12  =  192.23. 
nyt(t)wyrSe:  see  nyt(t)wier<Se. 
nyt(t)wyrblic :  see  nyt(t)wier<5lic. 
onderslic,  terrible  (1):  Bede  (1):  144. 18b  =  117.29. 
open,  open  (1):  Greg.  (1):  431.9  =  356. 2b. 

raedlicost,  most  advisable  (1):  Widf.  (1):  305.34  (or  predicative  with  beonl). 

reow  [reoh ],  fierce  (1):  Gu.  (1):  377. 

rihtlic,  just,  proper  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  345.14  =  421  A1. 

scearp,  sharp,  eager  (2) :  Bede  (2) :  410.4b,  5b  =  296.28. 

scir,  white  (1) :  J.  (1) :  4.35. 

selast  1  .  7  . 

,  ,  >  :  see  selost. 

selest  J 


318 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


selost  [-ost,  -est],  best  (3):  Laws  (2):  280, 1  Cnut,  c.  2,  §  la;  470,  GritS,  Inscr.,  c.  1.  — Beow. 
(1):  257. 

selra,  better  (2):  Beow.  (1):  1851.  —  S.  &  S.  (1):  406. 
softlic,  true  (1  L.  S.  (1):  182.226. 

strang  [-0-],  strong ,  given  to  (1):  JElf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  322m. 
strengra,  stronger  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  207.24. 

swete,  sweety  pleasing  (2):  Boeth.  (1):  51.5  =  0.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  59.10. 
swift  [  —  and  hraed],  swift  (2) :  JElf.  Horn.  (1) :  I.  296b  2.  —  Wulf.  (1) :  148. 2a. 
til,  excellent  (1):  Gifts  of  Men  (1):  76. 

toweard,  toward,  coming  (6):  Bede  (2):  224.21  =  172.5;  270.2  =  211.7.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2): 

81.35,  36.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  190b.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Chad  (1):  188. 
trum,  firm,  strong  (1  ):Greg.  (1):  249.6  =  188.10. 
ftearlic,  painful  (1):  And.  (1):  1136. 

fturhwaeccendlic,  very  vigilant  (1):  JZlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXIII  B.  44. 
unaberendlicre,  more  intolerable  (1):  Greg.  (1):  343.11  =  264.23. 
uneafte:  see  unietSe. 

ungearu  [-o],  unready  (1):  Greg.  (1):  173.11  =  126.28. 
ungeliefedlic,  incredible  (1):  Oros.  (1):  74.14  =  75.12. 
ungewunelic,  unusual  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  17.28  =  160  B2. 

uniefte  [-eaSe],  difficult  (5):  Greg.  (3):  385.10,  11  =  300.16;  409.20  =  230.1.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (1): 

59.15. — -Minor  Prose  (1):  Alex.  (1):  30. 
unrihtlic,  wrong,  wicked  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  209.23s  =  256  C1. 
unscende,  honorable  (1):  Wald.  B.  (1):  21. 
unwerodre,  more  unsweet  (1):  Greg.  (1):  447.19  =  376.9. 
unwynsum,  unwinsome  (1):  HUlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  1841. 
weorfte :  see  wierSe. 

wered  [— od],  sweet  (1) :  Mlf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  15.25b. 

wierfte  [-u-,  -y-],  worthy  (8):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  163.14.  —  ^/.  L.  S.  (3):  138.353a;  180.196; 

XXVII.  119.  —  Mat.  (1):  3.11.  —  Minor  Prose  (2):  Alex.  (2):  22,  75.  —Gen.  (1):  622. 
wierftelic  [-y-],  worthy  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  230.16  =  281  B. 
wierftost  [-u-,  -y-],  most  worthy  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1)  :  XXXI.  637. 
win  sum  I 
winsumre  /  y 

wraetlic,  wonderful  { 1):  Rid.  (1):  40.25. 
wundorlic,  wonderful  (1):  Wulf.  (1):  15.14. 
wurfte 

wurftelic  r  :  see  wiertS-. 
wurftost  . 

wynsum  [-i-],  winsome,  pleasant  (6):  Bede  (1):  346.4  =  260.32. — Solil.  (1):  51.11.  —  AElf. 
L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  315.  —  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Gen.  2.9.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Neot  (1):  48.  — 
Met.  (1):  21.19. 

wynsumre  [-i-],  more  winsome,  more  pleasant  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  52.8  =  0. 

wyrSelic  }  ;  see  wierS- 
yfte:  see  ieSe. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 


Given  in  full  in  Chapter  XI,  p.  158. 


XII.  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive. 

Given  in  full  in  Chapter  XII,  pp.  160  ff. 


XIII.  The  Infinitive  with  Nouns. 

A.  THE  ACTIVE  INFINITIVE. 

Normally  the  infinitive  is  inflected,  but  sporadically  it  is  uninflected. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


319 


1.  Uninflected. 

anweald,  power,  authority  (1):  L.  (1):  12.5. 
myne,  purpose ,  intention  (1):  And.  (1):  1538. 

neod,  need  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  372m  2. —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to 
Th.  (1):  102.35b4. 

2.  Inflected. 

aecer,  field  (1):  ASlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  /Elf.  Gr.  (1):  135.7  (or  final?), 
aeht,  property,  possessions  (3):  Bened.  (2):  55.7  =  102.19;  104.8  =  170.17.  — /Elf.  Horn .. 
(1):  I.  580* 2. 

seSelo,  habit  (?)  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  91.20  =  79.56. 
andefn :  see  ondefn. 

andgit,  intellect  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  344m. 

anweald,  authority,  power  (12) :  /Elf.  Horn.  (4) :  XXXIV.  322a*  b,  328,  329.  —  Gosp.  (8) : 

Mat.  (1):  9.6;  —  Mk.  (3):  2.10;  3.15a’ b;  —  L.  (2):  5.24;  10.19;  —  /.  (2):  10.18a’b. 
atS,  oath  (1):  Chron.  (1):  242111,  1109  E. 
auht,  aught  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  13.14  =  22.35. 
bewerenis,  prohibition  (2):  Bede  (2):  86.13a,b  =  60.12a,b. 
bieldo  [-y-],  boldness  (2):  Wcerf.  (2):  243.10  =  296  A2;  295.3  =  356  C2. 
bisn  [bysn],  example  (1):  Greg.  (1):  307.9  =  234.27. 
bliss,  bliss,  joy  (1):  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  368m. 

cild,  child  (1):  ASlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  /Elf.  Gr.  (1):  151.13  (or  final?) 

eyre,  free-will  (2):  /Elf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  212*;  II.  490m. 

drenc,  drink  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  42.1. 

drinc  [-y-],  drink  (1):  And.  (1):  23. 

drync :  see  drinc. 

eage,  eye  (1):  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  29. 4a. 
ealdorlicnes,  authority  (1):  Bede  (1):  206.13  =  161.22. 

eare,  ear  (8):  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Deut.  29.4b.  —  ^Elfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to 
Th.  (1):  102.32*.  — Gosp.  (6):  Mat.  (3):  11.15;  13.9,  43 .  —  Mk.  (2):  4.9,  23;  —  L. 
(1):  14.35. 

fsec,  period  of  time,  interval  (1):  Bede  (1):  190.26  =  153.10. 

fela,  much  (A):  Greg.  (1):  237.13  =  178.28.  —  J.  (3):  8.26a-b;  16.12. 

feoh,  money  (2):  Oros.  (1):  116.15  =  0.  —  /Elf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  178*. 

fierst  [-y-],  period  of  time  (3):  Wcerf.  (1):  53.16  =  185  D.  —  Wulf.  (2):  202. la>  b. 

flaesc,  flesh  (1):  /Elf.  Hept.  (1):  Ex.  16.12. 

forebeacen,  portent  (1):  Mk.  (1):  13.22. 

fultum,  assistance  (2):  Solil.  (2):  39.15,  16. 

fyrst:  see  fierst. 

gast,  spirit  (1  ):Greg.  (1):  263.21  =  198.22. 
gealdor,  charm  (1):  Lcece.  (1):  93.22. 
gelaerednes,  learning,  skill  (1):  Bede  (1):  362. 28b  =  269.32. 
genog  [onoh],  sufficiency  (1):  Chron.  (1):  264m,  1137a. 
genoh :  see  genog. 

geomfulnes,  eagerness,  desire  (2):  Bede  (2):  206.11,  12  =  161.21a’ b. 
gesceadwisnes,  intelligence,  discernment  (1):  Solil.  (1):  16.21. 
getydnes,  skill  (1):  Bede  (1):  362.28  =  269.32. 
getSoht,  thought ,  intention  (1):  Greg.  (1):  71.22  =  46.1. 
geSyld,  patience  (1):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  135. 

geweald,  power,  authority  (3) :  Pr.  Gu.  (1) :  V.  227.  —  Gen.  (1) :  281.  —  Ermahnung  (1) :  36* 

giefu,  gift  (1):  Bede  (1):  20.22  =  258.25. 

giemen  [gimen],  care  (1):  Bede  (1):  482.1  =  357.13. 

gierd  [-y-],  rod  (2):  Greg.  (1):  127.1  =  88.14.  —  Wcerf.  (1):  20.27  =  161  C. 

gimen :  see  giemen. 

gleawnes,  intelligence  (2):  Bede  (2):  206. 10a* b  =  161. 20a* b. 

God,  God  (2):  /Elf.  L.  S.  (2):  478.93;  XXXV.  117. 
god,  good  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  94.24  =  80.107. 
gryre,  horror  (1):  Bede  (1):  364.5  =  270.6. 
gyrd :  see  gierd. 


320 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


heafod  [hasfed],  head  (2):  Chron.  258,  1127  Ef>  g. 

hiht:  see  hyht. 

hlaf,  bread  (1):  Mk.  (1):  3.20. 

hoi,  hole ,  cave  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  19.8  =  29.14. 

hwaet,  anything  (1):  Oros.  (1):  142.25  =  0. 

hyht  [-i-],  hope  (1):  Bede  (1):  366.32  =  272.7b. 

ielden  [ylden],  respite  (1):  Bede  (1):  190.30a  =  153.13. 

intinga,  cause,  sake  (5):  Bede  (3):  82.19,  21a  =  58.22,  24;  120.7  =  97.21.  —  Mart.  (2): 
86. 5a>  b. 

lac,  offering  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  I.  584m. 

laecedom,  remedy,  medicine  (3):  Lcece.  (3):  4.41;  48.8;  52.37. 

lacnung,  medicine  (2):  Lcece.  (2):  49.32;  70.33. 

lamb  [-o-],  lamb  (1):  Bl.  Horn.  (1):  23.26. 

land  [-o-],  land  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  40.21  =  0. 

lar,  instruction,  advice  (1):  Bede  (1):  160.8  =  135.21. 

leaf,  leave,  permission  (16):  Boeth.  (1):  120.28  =  102.76. — Greg.  (1):  397.26  =  316.8. — 
Chron.  (1):  260*,  1129  E.  —  Laws  (1):  483,  Wilhelm  I,  c.  lb.  —  Wcerf.  (7):  10.2  =  0; 
31.27  =  169  B1;  19S.17  =  241  C4;  200.4  =  244  C1;  211.20a  b  =  257  C2;  295.4  =  356  C3.  — 
Bened.  (1) :  21.17  =  42.17.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXIII B.  442;  XXXI. 384,  385.  —Mlf.  Hept. 
(1):  Gen.  42.34. 

leafnes  [-nis],  leave,  permission  (7):  Bede  (7):  62.8a>  b,  9  =  47.16,  17a,b;  112.6  =  91.9; 

256. 10b  =  203.15;  400.8a’b  =  289.29. 
lomb :  see  lamb. 
lond :  see  land. 

lufu,  love  (1):  Bede  (1):  82.25  =  58.29. 
lustbaernes,  desire  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  74.7  =  66.16. 

maeg(e)n,  power,  strength  (4):  Greg.  (1):  399.21  =  318.6.  —  Oros.  (1):  174.12  =  0.  —  Wcerf.  (2): 

178.4  =  B.  204  C3;  244.1  =  297  C1. 
mael,  time  (1):  Beow.  (1):  316. 
maeS,  power  (1):  Mlf.  Horn.  (1):  II.  456b. 
mare  [more],  more  (1):  Chron.  (1):  264b,  1137  Eb. 
meaht :  see  miht. 
mete,  meat  (1):  J.  (1):  4.32. 

miht  [meaht],  might,  power  (11):  Bede  (1):  146.22  =  120.20.  —  Pr.  Gu.  (1):  V.  212.  —  Mlf. 
Horn.  (6) :  I.  322b,  560*  2,  588b  2;  II.  244*.  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXXI.  484.  —  J.  (2) : 
19.10a-  b. 

mildheortnes,  mercy  (1):  Bede  (1):  206.14  =  161.24. 
mod,  mind,  mood  (1) :  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1) :  XXIII  B.  540. 
more :  see  mare. 

naht,  naught  (1) :  Wcerf.  (1) :  290.21  =  352  A3. 

nanwiht  [-wuht],  naught  (3):  Boeth.  (1):  24.16  =  33.49.  —  Solil.  (2):  12.12;  46.6. 
nanwuht :  see  nanwiht. 

neod,  need  (9) :  Laws  (1) :  256,  VI  ^Ethelred,  c.  42.  —  Bened.  (2)  *  94.16  =  0;  127.7b  =  194.14.  — 
Mlf.  Horn.  (1) :  II.  372m  L  —  Mlf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXIII  B.  70,  220,  222.  —  .Elfric’s  Minor 
Prose  (1):  Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102. 35b  3.  —  Mat.  (1):  14.16a. 
niedSearf  [nyd-],  need  (1):  Pr.  Ps.  (1):  15.1. 
nydSearf :  see  nied&earf. 

ondefn  [an-],  capacity  (1):  Greg.  (1):  95.1  =  64.12. 
onlegen,  medicinal  application  (2) :  Lcece.  (2) :  54.36b,  37. 
onoh :  see  genoh. 

pening,  penny  (1):  Greg.  (1):  327.18  =  252.22. 
petraoleum,  petroleum  (2):  Lcece.  (2):  52.30,  31. 
riht,  right,  reason  (1):  Bede  (1):  470.11  =  345.31. 
rod,  rood  (1):  Mlf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXVII.  118. 
rum,  space  of  time,  opportunity  (1) :  Jud.  (1) :  314. 
son,  musical  sound  (1):  Bede  (1):  258.24  =  205.11. 
sorg,  sorrow,  grief  (1):  Greg,  (1):  431.8  =  356.2a. 
sped,  opportunity  (1):  Bede  (1):  256.10a  =  203.15. 
spell,  matter,  material  (1):  Oros.  (1):  94.16  =  95.16. 
spraec,  speech  (1) :  Greg.  (1) :  197.2  =  146.24. 


THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS. 


321 


staef,  stick  (1):  Greg.  (1):  127.2  =  88.15. 

stow,  place  (7):  Bede  (4):  230.17  =  175.13;  238.24  =  180.1;  436.7,  8  =  310.23s- b.  —  Wcerf.  (2): 

226.23  =  277  A;  231.14  =  281  C.  —  Minor  Prose  (1):  Neot  (1):  43. 
strengtS(o),  strength  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  214.28  =  261  C. 

tid,  time  (10) :  Bede  (4) :  262.21s*  b  =  207.19,  20;  366.31  =  272.7a;  444.7  =  314.23.  —  Mart.  (1) : 

42.13.  —  AElf.  L.  S.  (3) :  XXIII  B.  403b,  478s* b.  —  Minor  Prose  (2) :  Chad  (2) :  71,  72. 
tima,  time  (9) :  JElf.  Horn.  (7) :  I.  602*  *;  II.  340t,  360b  *> 2* 3* 4.  —  iElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (2) : 

Mlf.  Gr.  (2):  135.3,  151.11. 
tol,  tool  (1):  Boeth.  (1):  40.16  =■  0. 

Saet,  which  (1):  vElfric’s  Minor  Prose  (1):  Napier’s  Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  102. 40b. 
tSearf  [Serf],  need  (13):  Greg.  (1):  67.4b  =  40.26. — Solil.  (1):  14.17.  —  Laws  (2):  68, 
iElfred,  c.  34;  256,  VI  ^thelred,  c.  42,  §  2.  —  Wcerf.  (1) :  79.6  -  205  A.  —  Bl.  Horn.  (2) : 
63.5;  97.17.  —  Wulf.  (5):  52.3s* b;  78.9;  179.19;  308.22.  —  Gen.  (1):  279. 

Searfa,  poor  man  (1):  Jftf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXXI.  924. 

Seaw,  custom  (3):  Bede  (2):  258.31  =  205.18;  472.27  =  347.18.  —  Beow.  (1):  1941. 

Segnung  [Senung],  service,  office  (3):  Bede  (3):  300.30  =  230.7a;  402.30s* b  =  291.18s* b. 
Senung:  see  Segnung. 

Serf:  see  Searf. 

Sing ,  thing  (11):  JElf.  Horn.  (3):  I.  222*;  II.  178b,  500b.  —  Mf.  L.  S.  (1):  XXX.  167.  —  JElf. 
Hept.  (1):  Num.  11.6.  —  JSlfric’s  Minor  Prose  (3 ):*JElf.  Gr.  (2):  119.10s* b;  Napier’s 
Ad.  to  Th.  (1):  101. 3 16b.  —  Gosp.  (3):  L.  (2):  7.40;  24.41;  —  /.  (1):  4.11. 
wegnest,  provisions  for  a  journey  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  338.1s  =  408  A2, 
wela,  wealth ,  riches  (1):  And.  (1):  1160. 
wen,  hope,  expectation  (1):  Wcerf.  (1):  114.1  =  B.  144  C2. 
weorc,  work  (1):  Bede  (1):  418.27  =  301.23. 

willa,  will,  desire  (4):  Boeth.  (2):  107.13  =  0;  111.7  =  0.  — Mlf.  Horn.  (2):  I.  394*,  580*. 
wundor,  wonder  (1) :  Bede  (1) :  164.27  =  138.9. 
ylden :  see  ielden. 

B.  THE  PASSIVE  INFINITIVE. 

No  example  has  been  found. 

Note.  —  Less  Regular  Examples  of  the  Inflected  Infinitive  Modifying  a  Noun  are  given  in 
Chapter  XIII,  pp.  180-181. 

Note:  Doubtful  Passages.  —  Owing  to  the  corruptness  of  the  text,  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  classify  the  infinitive  in  the  following:  —  (1)  in  the  prose:  Pr.  Ps.  26.5s* b:  geseon  and  on - 
gitan;  Chron.  128b,  995  Fb*  c:  sprytan  and  wyrcan;  Bl.  Horn.  179.31:  sellan  [ syllan ];  —  (2)  in 
the  poetry:  Gen.  2038 ifeallan  (or  should  b efeollon,  as  Grein  gives  it?) ;  Ju.  289:  sellan  [syllan]; 
Chr.  24:  sprecan;  And.  1025:  neosan.  —  The  context  shows  that  we  probably  have  a  finite 
verb,  not  an  infinitive,  in  the  following  passages :  Solil.  14.2:  gecyrran;  Lcece.  128.7 :  teon  (should 
be  teo  ?);  Pr.  Ps.  16.14b:  healdan  (though  it  is  possible  that  healdan  may  be  an  infinitive  of 
purpose). 


Appendix  B. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

I.  Texts  Read. 

a.  ANGLO-SAXON. 

JElf.  JEthelw.  =  Breck,  E. :  Fragment  of  JElfric’s  Translation  of  JEthelw  old’s  De  Consue- 
tudine  Monachorum,  Leipsic  Dis.,  1887. 

JElf.  de  V.  et  N.  Test.  =  Grein,  C.  W.  M.:  JElfric  de  Veteri  et  de  Novo  Testamento,  Pentateuch, 
Josua,  Buck  der  Richter,  und  Hiob,  vol.  I  of  Grein’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsis- 
chen  Prosa,  Cassel,  1872. 

JElf.  Gr.  =  Zupitza,  J. :  JElfrics  Grammatik  und  Glossar,  Berlin,  1880. 

JElf.  Hept.1  =  JElf.  de  V.  et  N.  T. 

JElf.  Horn.  =  Thorpe,  B.:  The  Homilies  of  JElfric,  2  vols.,  London,  1844,  1846. 

JElf.  Int.  =  MacLean,  G.  E.:  “  iElfric’s  Version  of  Alcuini  Interrogationes  Sigeuulfi  in  Gene- 
sin”  in  Anglia,  VI,  1883,  pp.  425-473;  VII,  1884,  pp.  1-59;  also  as  Leipzig  Dis., 
Halle,  1883. 

JElf.  L.  S.  =  Skeat,  W.  W. :  JElfric’ s  Lives  of  Saints  (=  Early  English  Text  Society’s  Publi¬ 
cations,  nos.  76,  82,  94,  114),  London,  1881,  1885,  1890,  1900.  [Vols.  I  and  II 
are  cited  simply  by  page  and  line;  vols.  Ill  and  IV,  by  number  of  homily  and  of 
lined 

Alex.  =  Baskervill,  W.  M.:  “  The  Anglo-Saxon  Version  of  the  Epistola  Alexandri  ad  Aristote- 
lem,”  in  Anglia,  IV,  1881,  pp.  139-167;  also  as  Leipzig  Dis.,  Halle,  1881. 

And.  =  Krapp,  G.  P. :  Andreas  and  the  Fates  of  the  Apostles,  Boston,  1906. 

Apol.1  -  Zupitza,  J.,  and  Napier,  A.  S.:  “Apollonius  of  Tyre/’  in  Herrig’s  Archiv  fur  das 
Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen  und  Literaturen,  XCVII,  1896,  pp.  17-34. 

A.  S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  -  Assman,  B.:  Angelsachsische  Homilien  und  Heiligenleben,  vol.  Ill  of 
Grein-Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Prosa,  Kassel,  1889.  [Subdivided 
into  I  =  nos.  1-9,  by  JElfric;  and  II  =  nos.  10-19,  not  by  iElfric.] 

Bede 1  =  Miller,  T. :  The  Old  English  Version  of  Bede’s  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  English 
People  (=  Early  English  Text  Society’s  Publications,  nos.  95-96,  110-111),  Lon¬ 
don,  1890,  1891,  1898. 

Bened.1  =  Schroer,  A. :  Die  Angelsachsischen  Prosabearbeitungen  der  Benedidinerregel,  vol. 
II  of  Grein-Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Prosa,  Kassel,  1885,  1888. 

Bened.  Of.  =  Feiler,  E.:  Das  Benediktiner-Offizium,  Ein  AUenglisches  Brevier  aus  dem  11. 
Jahrhundert  (=  Anglistische  Forschungen,  no.  4),  Heidelberg,  1901. 

Bl.  Horn.  =  Morris,  R. :  The  Blickling  Homilies  of  the  Tenth  Century  (=  Early  English 
Text  Society’s  Publications,  nos.  58,  63,  73),  London,  1874,  1876,  1880. 

Boeth.1  =  Sedgefield,  W.  J. :  King  Alfred’s  Old  English  Version  of  Boethius  De  Consolatione 
Philosophiae,  Oxford,  1899.  [For  the  prose  only;  the  Metres  are  taken  from  Grein- 
Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Poesie.] 

Cato  =  Nehab,  J. :  Der  Altenglische  Cato,  Eine  Uebertragung  und  Bearbeitung  der  Disticha 
Catonis ,  Goettingen  Dis.,  Berlin,  1879. 

Chad  =  Napier,  A.  S. :  “  Ein  Altenglisches  Leben  des  Heiligen  Chad,”  in  Anglia,  X,  1888, 
pp.  131-156  (with  an  Anhang,  pp.  154-156). 

Chr.  =  Cook,  A.  S. :  The  Christ  of  Cynewulf,  Boston,  1900. 

Chron.  =  Plummer,  C.,  and  Earle,  J. :  Two  of  the  Saxon  Chronicles  Parallel,  2  vols.,  Ox¬ 
ford,  1892,  1899. 

Gosp.1  =  Bright,  J.  W. :  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew  in  West-Saxon,  The  Gospel  of  Saint 
Mark  in  West-Saxon,  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke  in  West-Saxon,  The  Gospel  of  Saint 
John  in  West-Saxon,  Boston,  1904-1906. 

Greg.1  ~  Sweet,  H.:  King  Alfred’s  West-Saxon  Version  of  Gregory’s  Pastoral  Care  (=  Early 
English  Text  Society’s  Publications,  nos.  45,  50),  London,  1871,  1872. 

Jud.  =  Cook,  A.  S.:  Judith,  Boston,  1904. 


322 


WORKS  CONSULTED. 


323 


Jul.  =  Strunk,  W.,  Jr.:  Juliana ,  Boston,  1904. 

Lcece.  =  Leonhardi,  G.:  Kleinere  Angelsachsische  Denkmaler :  (1)  “  Das  Lseceboc,”  (2)  “Die 
Lacnunga,”  vol.  VI  of  Grein-Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Prosa,  Ham¬ 
burg,  1905.  [(1)  and  (2)  are  not  cited  separately.] 

Laws  =  Liebermann,  F. :  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  2  vols.,  Halle,  1898-1912. 

Mart .  =  Herzfeld,  G. :  An  Old  English  Martyrology  (=  Early  English  Text  Society's  Publi¬ 
cations ,  no.  116),  London,  1900. 

Napier's  Ad.  to  Th.  =  Napier’s  Additions  to  Thorpe’s  edition  of  The  Homilies  of  JElfric, 
in  Napier,  A.  S. :  “  Nachtrage  zu  Cook’s  Biblical  Quotations  in  Old  English  Prose 
W riters,"  in  Herrig’s  Archiv  fiir  das  Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen  und  Literaturen, 
Cl,  1898,  pp.  309-324;  CII,  1899,  pp.  29-42. 

Neot  =  Wuelcker,  R.  P.:  “  Ein  Angelsachsisches  Leben  des  Neot,”  in  Anglia,  III,  1880, 
pp.  102-114. 

Nic.  =  Hulme,  W.  H.:  “The  Old  English  Version  of  the  Gospel  of  Nicodemus,”  in  Pub¬ 
lications  of  Modern  Language  Association  of  America ,  XIII,  1898,  pp.  457-542. 

Oros.1  =  Sweet,  H.:  King  Alfred's  Orosius  ( Old  English  Text  and  Latin  Original)  (=  Early 
English  Text  Society's  Publications ,  no.  79),  London,  1883. 

Poems  =  Grein-Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Poesie,  3  vols.,  Kassel,  1883-1898. 

[For  all  the  poems  except  Andreas,  Judith,  Juliana,  Riddles,  and  Cynewulf’s 
Christ,  which  see.] 

Pr.  Gu.  =  Gonser,  P.:  Das  Angelsachsische  Prosa-Leben  des  Heiligen  Guthlac  (=  Anglistische 
Forschungen,  no.  27),  Heidelberg,  1909. 

Pr.  Ps.1  =  Bright,  J.  W.,  and  Ramsay,  R.  L. :  The  West-Saxon  Psalms,  Boston,  1907. 

Rid.  =  Tupper,  F.,  Jr.:  The  Riddles  of  the  Exeter  Book,  Boston,  1910. 

50111.1  =  Hargrove,  H.  L.:  King  Alfred's  Old  English  Version  of  St.  Augustine's  Soliloquies 

(=  Yale  Studies  in  English,  no.  13),  New  York,  1902. 

W (erf.1  =  Hecht,  H. :  Bischofs  Wcerferth  von  Worcester  Uebersetzung  der  Dialoge  Gregors  des 
Grossen,  vol.  V  of  Grein-Wulker’s  Bibliothek  der  Angelsachsischen  Prosa,  Leipzig, 
1900,  1907  (Einleitung) . 

Wulf.  =  Napier,  A.  S.:  W ulfstan:  Sammlung  der  Ihm  Zugeschriebenen  Homilien,  Berlin,  1883. 

b.  LATIN. 

JZlf.  Hept.2  =  Latin  in  JElf.  Hept.1 

Apol.2  =  Markisch,  R.:  Die  Altenglische  Bearbeitung  der  Erzahlung  von  Apollonius  von  Tyrus 
(=  Palaestra,  no.  6),  Berlin,  1899. 

Bede  2  =  Plummer,  C. :  Baedae  Opera  Historica,  2  vols.,  Oxford,  1896. 

BenedJ  =  The  Rule  of  Our  Most  Holy  Father  St.  Benedict,  ed.  with  an  English  Translation 
and  Explanatory  Notes  by  a  Monk  of  St.  Benedict’s  Abbey,  Fort- Augustus,  London, 
1886  (?). 

BoethJ  =  Peiper,  R. :  Boetii  Philosophiae  Consolationis  Libri  Quinque,  Leipzig,  1871. 

Gosp.2  =  Jager,  J.  N.,  and  Tischendorf,  C.:  Novum  Testamentum,  Graece  et  Latine,  Paris, 
1861. 

Greg.2  =  Bramley,  H.  R.:  Saint  Gregory  on  the  Pastoral  Charge,  Oxford,  1874. 

Oros  2  =  Latin  in  Oros.1 

Pr.  Ps.2  =  Jager,  J.  N.:  Vetus  Testamentum,  Graece  et  Latine,  Paris,  1878. 

50111.2  =  Latin  in  Solil.1 

Wcerf.2  =  Migne,  J.  P.:  Sancti  Gregorii  Papce  Dialogorum  Libri  IV,  in  Patrologice  Latin w,  vol. 

77,  pp.  150-442,  Paris,  1896  (for  Books  I  and  III-IV;  but  Book  II  is  in  vol.  66,  pp. 
125-204,  of  the  Patrologice  Latince,  Paris,  1859). 


II.  Works  Consulted. 

Abel,  C.:  Die  Englischen  Verba  des  Befehls ,  Berlin,  1878. 

Adams,  A.:  The  Syntax  of  the  Temporal  Clause  in  Old  English  Prose  (=  Yale  Studies  in 
English,  no.  32),  New  York,  1907. 

Ahlen,  K.:  Om  Verbets  Syntax  i  den  Aldre  Fornsvenskan,  Orebro  Prog.,  1883. 

Ahrens,  J.:  Darstellung  der  Syntax  im  Angelsachsischen  Gedicht  Phoenix,  Rostock  Dis.,  1904. 
Akerltjnd,  A.:  On  the  History  of  the  Definite  Tenses  in  English,  Cambridge,  1911. 


324 


BIBLIOGRAPHY, 


Albrecht,  C.:  De  Accusaiivi  cum  Infinitivo  Coniuncti  Origine  et  Usu  Homerico,  Leipzig 
Dis.,  1871;  also  in  Studien  zur  Griechischen  und  Lateinischen  Grammatik,  ed.  by 
G.  Curtius,  vol.  IV,  pp.  1-58,  Leipzig,  1871. 

Allen,  H.  F.:  The  Infinitive  in  Polybius  Compared  with  the  Infinitive  in  Biblical  Greek , 
Chicago,  1907. 

Allen,  J.  H. :  see  Greenough. 

Apelt,1  O.:  “Ueber  den  Accusativus  cum  Infinitivo  im  Gothischen,”  mGermania,  XIX,  1874, 
pp.  280-297. 

Apelt,2  O.:  “  Bemerkungen  fiber  den  Accusativus  cum  Infinitivo  im  Althochdeutschen  und 
Mittelhochdeutschen,”  in  Weimar  Jahresbericht,  1875,  pp.  1-23. 

Armstrong,  J.  L.:  “  The  Gerund  in  Nineteenth-Century  English,”  in  Publications  of  Modern 
Language  Association  of  America,  VII,  1892,  pp.  200-211. 

Baldwin,  C.  S.:  The  Inflections  and  Syntax  of  the  Morte  d} Arthur  of  Sir  Thomas  Malory , 
Boston,  1894. 

Bartlett,  Helen:  The  Metrical  Division  of  the  Paris  Psalter,  Bryn  Mawr  Dis.,  Baltimore, 
1896. 

Barz,  R. :  Das  Participium  im  Iwein  und  Nibelungenliede,  Riga  Prog.,  1880. 

Bech,  F. :  Beispiele  von  der  Abschleifung  des  Deutschen  Participium  Prdsentis  und  von  Seinem 
Ersatz  durch  den  Infinitiv,  Zeitz  Prog.,  1882. 

Becker,  K.  F.:  Ausfiihrliche  Deutsche  Grammatik,  3  vols.,  Frankfurt,  1836,  1837,  1839. 

Beer,  A.:  Kleine  Beitrdge  zur  Gotischen  Syntax,  Prag,  1904. 

Behaghel,1  O.:  Die  Modi  im  Heliand,  Paderborn,  1876. 

Behaghel,2  O. :  Die  Deutsche  Sprache,  Leipzig,  1887. 

Behaghel,3  O. :  Die  Syntax  des  Heliand,  Wien,  1897. 

Belden,  H.  M. :  The  Prepositions  In,  On,  To,  For,  Fore,  and  JEt  in  Anglo-Saxon  Prose,  Johns 
Hopkins  Dis.,  Baltimore,  1897. 

Benham,  A.  R. :  “  The  Clause  of  Result  in  Old  English  Prose,”  in  Anglia,  XXXI,  1908,  pp. 
197-255. 

Bennett,  C.  E.:  Syntax  of  Early  Latin,  Vol.  I,  “  The  Verb,”  Boston,  1910. 

Bernhardt,1  E.:  “  Zur  Gotischen  Syntax,”  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Deutsche  Philologie,  IX,  1878, 
pp.  383-384. 

Bernhardt,2  E. :  Kurzgefasste  Gotische  Grammatik,  Halle,  1885. 

Blackburn,1  F.  A. :  The  English  Future:  Its  Origin  and  Development,  Leipzig  Dis.,  1892. 

Blackburn,2  F.  A.:  Exodus  and  Daniel,  Boston,  1907. 

Blain,  H.  M.:  Syntax  of  the  Verb  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  University  of  Virginia  Dis., 
New  York,  1901. 

Blatz,  F. :  N euhochdeutsche  Grammatik,  2  Bde.,  3.  Aufl.,  Karlsruhe,  1895-1896. 

Blume,1  R. :  Ueber  den  Ursprung  und  die  Entwickelung  des  Gerundiums  im  Englischen,  Jena 
Dis.,  Bremen,  1880. 

Blume,2  R.:  Die  Sprache  der  Paston  Letters,  Bremen  Prog.,  1882. 

Bodtker,  A.  T.:  “The  Split  Infinitive,” in  Modern  Language  Notes,  XXVII,  1912,  pp.  229- 
230. 

Bohme,  W. :  Die  Temporalsatze  in  der  Uebergangszeit  vom  Angelsdchsischen  zum  Alien- 
glischen,  Leipzig  Dis.,  Halle,  1903. 

Borst,1  E.:  “  Split-Infinitive,”  in  Englische  Studien,  XXXVII,  1906,  pp.  386-393. 

Borst,2  E.:  “Pro-Infinitive,”  in  Englische  Studien,  XXXIX,  1908,  pp.  413-418. 

Bradhering,  H.:  Das  Englische  Gerundium,  Emden  Prog.,  1895. 

Bradley,  C.  B.:  “ Shall  and  Will:  An  Historical  Study,”  in  Transactions  of  the  American 
Philological  Association,  XLII,  1911,  pp.  5-32. 

Bradley,  H.:  “Must  as  a  Past  Tense,”  in  Englische  Studien,  XXVI,  1899,  pp.  151-152. 

Brandt,  H.  C.  G. :  German  Grammar,  4th  ed.,  Boston,  1888. 

Branhofer,  I.:  Gebrauch  des  Genetivs  im  Nibelungenliede,  Weisskirchen  Prog.,  1886. 

Bright,1  J.  W. :  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Oxford,  1893. 

Bright,2  J.  W. :  “  An  Idiom  of  the  Comparative  in  Anglo-Saxon,”  in  Modern  Language  Notes, 
XXVII,  1912,  June,  pp.  181-183. 

Bright,  J.  W.,  and  Ramsay,  R.  L. :  “Notes  on  the  ‘Introductions’  of  The  West-Saxon 
Psalms,”  in  The  Journal  of  Theological  Studies,  XIII,  1912,  July,  pp.  520-558. 

Brinkmann,  F. :  Syntax  des  Franzosischen  und  Englischen,  2  vols.,  Braunschweig,  1884- 
1885. 

Brodfuhrer,  E.:  Beitrdge  zur  Syntax  Wi'llirams,  Halle  Dis.,  1906. 


WORKS  CONSULTED. 


325 


Bruce,  J.  D.:  “The  Paris  Psalter,”  in  Publications  of  Modern  Language  Association  of 
America,  IX,  1894,  pp.  43-164;  also  in  a  deprint  as  Johns  Hopkins  Dis,,  Baltimore, 
1894. 

Bruhl,  C. :  Die  Flexion  des  Verbums  inJElfrics  Heptateuch  undBuch  Hiob,  Marburg  Dis.,  1892. 

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Appendix  C. 

ADDENDA. 


Just  as  the  preceding  pages  were  about  to  go  to  press,  two  articles  appeared 
that  call  for  an  additional  note. 

In  the  latest  issue  of  Englische  Studien  (vol.  XL VI,  p.  8),  Mr.  Olaf  John- 
sen  has  the  following  note  concerning  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon: 

“In  Anglo-Saxon  I  have  come  across  one  instance  of  the  infinitive  mark  to  being  used 
elliptically,  that  is  with  the  infinitive  understood  from  the  foregoing:  7  gif  us  hwa  abylg<5, 
Sonne  beo  we  sona  yrre,  7  willaS  cFaet  gewrecan  gif  we  magon,  Seah  we  beotiaS  to,  ‘though 
we  threaten  to’  ( Blick .  33).” 

Possibly,  as  claimed  by  Mr.  Johnsen,  we  have  here  an  elliptical  infinitive;  if 
so,  it  stands  alone  in  Anglo-Saxon  literature  so  far  as  my  observation  goes. 
As  the  editor  of  the  Blickling  Homilies ,  Dr.  Richard  Morris,  indicates,  the 
text  of  the  passage  in  question  is  defective.  The  earliest  examples  hitherto 
cited  of  the  elliptical  infinitive  are  centuries  later:  see  Borst,2 1.  c.,  pp.  413-418; 
Jespersen,2 1.  c.,  §  211;  and  the  New  English  Dictionary ,  as  cited  below.  With 
Professor  Toller,  in  his  “ Supplement”  to  Bosworth-Toller’s  Anglo-Saxon 
Dictionary ,  sub  v.  beotian,  I  consider  that  to  belongs  to  beotiad ,  not  to  an  infini¬ 
tive  to  be  supplied  from  the  preceding  part  of  the  sentence. 

The  second  article  is  that  on  to  in  the  most  recently  published  fascicle  of 
the  New  English  Dictionary  ( Ti-Tombac ),  “B.  To  before  an  infinitive  (or 
gerund),”  pp.  87-90. 

Concerning  the  differentiation  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive  and  the  subsequent  confusion  of  the  two  forms,  there  is  given  this 
interesting  statement,  under  “History,”  p.  87: 

“Originally,  to  before  the  dative  infinitive  had  the  same  meaning  and  use  as  before 
ordinary  substantives,  i.  e.  it  expressed  motion,  direction,  inclination,  purpose,  etc.,  toward 
the  act  or  condition  expressed  by  the  infinitive;  as  in  ‘he  came  to  help  (i.  e.  to  the  help  of) 
his  friends/  ‘he  went  to  stay  there/  ‘he  prepared  to  depart  (i.  e.  for  departure)/  ‘it  tends  to 
melt /  ‘he  proceeded  to  speak /  ‘looking  to  receive  something.'  But  in  process  of  time  this 
obvious  sense  of  the  preposition  became  weakened  and  generalized,  so  that  to  became  at 
last  the  ordinary  link  expressing  any  prepositional  relation  in  which  an  infinitive  stands  to 
a  preceding  verb,  adjective,  or  substantive.  Sometimes  the  relation  was  so  vague  as  scarcely 
to  differ  from  that  between  a  transitive  verb  and  its  object.  This  was  especially  so  when 
the  verb  was  construed  both  transitively  and  intransitively.  There  were  several  verbs  in 
Old  English  in  this  position,  such  as  onginnan  to  begin,  ondroedan  to  dread,  bebeodan  to  bid, 
order,  bewerian  to  forbid,  prevent,  geliefan  to  believe,  Sencean  to  think,  etc.;  these  are  found 
construed  either  with  the  simple  (accusative)  infinitive,  or  with  to  and  the  dative  infinitive. 
There  was  also  a  special  idiomatic  use  (sense  13a)  of  the  infinitive  with  to  as  an  indirect 
nominative,  where  logically  the  simple  infinitive  might  be  expected.  From  these  beginnings, 
the  use  of  the  infinitive  with  to  in  place  of  the  simple  infinitive,  helped  by  the  phonetic  decay 
and  loss  of  the  inflexions  and  the  need  of  some  mark  to  distinguish  the  infinitive  from  other 
parts  of  the  verb  and  from  the  cognate  substantive,  increased  rapidly  during  the  late  Old 
English  and  early  Middle  English  period,  with  the  result  that  in  modem  English  the  infini¬ 
tive  with  to  is  the  ordinary  form,  the  simple  infinitive  surviving  only  in  particular  connexions, 
where  it  is  very  intimately  connected  with  the  preceding  verb  (see  below).  To  a  certain 
extent,  therefore,  i.  e.  when  the  infinitive  is  the  subject  or  direct  object,  to  has  lost  all  its 
meaning,  and  become  a  mere  ‘sign'  or  prefix  of  the  infinitive.  But  after  an  intransitive 
verb,  or  the  passive  voice,  to  is  still  the  preposition.  In  appearance,  there  is  no  difference 
between  the  infinitive  in  ‘he  proceeds  to  speak /  and  ‘he  chooses  to  speak;1  but  in  the  latter 
to  speak  is  the  equivalent  of  speaking  or  speech,  and  in  the  former  of  to  speaking  or  to  speech. 
In  form,  to  speak  is  the  descendant  of  Old  English  to  specanne;  in  sense,  it  is  partly  the  rep¬ 
resentative  of  this  and  largely  of  Old  English  specan .” 

335 


336 


ADDENDA. 


With  this  general  statement  should  be  compared  the  sectioh  on  “the  Differ¬ 
entiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives”  in  my  several  chapters,  especially  that  in 
Chapter  II  on  the  Objective  Infinitive,  pp.  60  ff. 

I  am  glad  to  see  that  the  explanation  of  the  differentiation  of  the  two  in¬ 
finitives  as  subject  is  substantially  identical  with  that  offered  by  me,  pp.  20  ff. 
above.  Under  13a,  p.  89,  “with  infinitive  as  subject,  or  as  object  with 
complement,  introduced  by  it  or  an  impersonal  verb,  in  quotations  c.  1205 
without  it,”  we  read: 

“Here  the  infinitive  apparently  originally  depended  on  the  adjective  or  substantive  in 
the  it  clause  (as  in  sense  9),  or  on  the  impersonal  verb,  and  was  therefore  put  in  the  form 
with  to.  Thus  hwilum  3a  leohtan  scylda  bio3  beteran  to  forlcetenne,  ‘sometimes  the  slight 
sins  are  better  to  let  alone’  (K.  JElf.  Pa.  C.  457),  might  also  be  expressed  hwilum  hit  is  betre 
3a  leohtan  scylda  to  forlcetenne  (cf.  hit  is  god  godne  to  herianne ,  quotation  c.  890),  ‘sometimes 
it  is  better  to  let  alone  the  slight  sins;’  and  this  easily  passed  into  the  later  ‘to  let  alone  the 
slight  sins  is  sometimes  better,’  where  the  infinitive  clause  becomes  the  subject  as  in  6.” 

Under  14,  p.  89,  “with  infinitive  as  direct  object  of  a  transitive  verb,”  we 
read: 

“Old  English  normally  had  the  simple  infinitive,  like  modern  German.  .  .  .  Many  of 
the  verbs  which  in  Old  English  took  the  simple  infinitive  could  also  be  followed  by  to  with 
the  dative  infinitive.  But  the  auxiliary  verbs  (see  History  above)  have  always  been  followed 
by  the  simple  infinitive;  e.  g.  Hwcet  can  ic  sprecan?  ‘What  can  I  speak?’  We  magon 
gehyran,  ‘We  may  hear.’” 

But  see  Chapter  IV,  pp.  79  ff.,  where  I  have  tried  to  demonstrate  that  the 
inflected  infinitive  is  occasionally  found  with  auxiliary  verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

In  15a,  p.  89,  two  examples  are  given  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  the  pred¬ 
icate  of  a  subject  accusative  in  Anglo-Saxon,  one  after  tcecan ,  1  teach/  and 
another  after  Iceran,  ‘teach.’  See  section  IV,  p.  338,  below. 

As  to  the  syntactical  uses  of  the  infinitive,  the  classification,  given  at  the 
end  of  “History,”  p.  87,  tallies  in  the  main  with  that  given  by  me: 

“The  infinitive  with  to  may  be  dependent  on  an  adjective,  a  substantive,  or  a  verb,  or  it 
may  stand  independently.  To  an  adjective  it  stands  in  adverbial  relation:  ready  to  fight  — 
ready  for  fighting;  to  a  substantive  it  stands  in  adjectival  or  sometimes  adverbial  relation: 
a  day  to  remember  =  a  memorable  day;  to  a  verb  it  may  stand  in  an  adverbial  or  substantival 
relation:  to  proceed  to  work  =  to  proceed  to  working;  to  like  to  work  —  to  like  working.” 

It  is  clear  that,  in  the  large,  these  groups  correspond  respectively  to  the  adverbial, 
the  adjectival,  and  the  substantival  uses  as  given  in  my  “Introduction,”  pp. 
2  ff.  Later,  on  p.  89,  the  Dictionary  gives  a  fourth  use,  “with  infinitive  equiv¬ 
alent  to  a  finite  verb  or  clause,”  which  in  part  corresponds  to  my  predicative 
(or  more  verbal)  use  of  the  infinitive. 

But  several  noteworthy  differences  appear  when  we  come  to  the  delimita¬ 
tion  of  the  several  groups.  Under  “I.  With  infinitive  in  adverbial  relation,” 
the  differences  are  fewer  and  less  significant  than  under  the  remaining  three 
groups.  The  subdivisions  given  under  I  in  the  Dictionary  are  as  follows:  — 

“  *  Indicating  purpose  or  intention,”  in  which  we  have  the  inflected  infini¬ 
tive  occasionally  modifying  a  noun,  though  regularly  modifying  a  verb  or  an 
adjective.  Here,  too,  the  Dictionary  puts  the  “absolute  or  independent  con¬ 
struction,  usually  introductory  or  parenthetic,”  of  which  the  earliest  example 
given  is  c.  1305,  from  St.  Kenelm,  266:  “&  to  telle  hit  wiboute  rym  buse  wordes 
rigt  hit  were.”  See  Chapter  XII,  pp.  169  ff.,  where  I  have  given  several 
examples  of  the  absolute  use  of  the  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 


ADDENDA. 


337 


“  **  Indicating  objectivity,”  in  which  the  inflected  infinitive  is  “ dependent 
on  various  verbs,  chiefly  transitive,  passive,  or  reflexive,  with  weakened  sense 
of  purpose/’  on  various  adjectives,  and  on  various  abstract  substantives  (as 
nouns  of  action). 

“***  Indicating  appointment  or  destination/’  in  which  the  infinitive  is 
dependent  on  verb,  adjective,  or  substantive.  No  example  is  given  from 
Anglo-Saxon,  the  earliest  in  the  Dictionary  dating  from  1380. 

“  ****  Indicating  result  or  consequence,”  especially  after  so,  such ,  enough , 
too.  No  example  is  given  from  Anglo-Saxon; 1  but  see  Chapter  XII,  pp.  162  ff. 
above,  where  numerous  examples  are  given  of  the  consecutive  infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon. 

“*****  Indicating  occasion  or  condition,”  which  corresponds  to  my  in¬ 
finitive  of  cause  and  my  infinitive  of  specification:  see  Chapters  XII  and  XI, 
pp.  160  f.  and  149  ff.  The  Dictionary’s  earliest  example  of  the  causal  infinitive 
is  from  the  fourteenth  century  {The  Seven  Sages  and  Chaucer).  Under  this 
heading,  the  Dictionary  includes,  also,  the  conditional  use  of  the  infinitive,  of 
which,  however,  no  example  has  been  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  by  the  author 
of  the  article  on  to  or  by  myself:  see  p.  171  above. 

Clearly  the  chief  difference  between  the  classification  of  the  Dictionary 
and  of  the  present  monograph,  in  group  I,  arises  from  the  inclusion  by  the 
former  of  certain  infinitives  modifying  substantives,  concerning  which  this 
explanation  is  offered  on  p.  88  (lc):  “The  adverbial  use  may  be  explained  as 
qualifying  the  adjective  1  intended,  adapted’  before  to .”  While  not  denying 
the  permissibility,  perhaps  even  the  desirability,  of  this  subdivision,  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that,  in  some  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  examples  quoted,  the 
infinitive  is  adjectival  rather  than  adverbial  in  use. 

But,  under  “II.  With  infinitive  in  adjectival  relation”  (pp.  88-89),  the 
Dictionary  includes  not  only  the  infinitive  immediately  modifying  a  noun,  as 
in  Greg.  127.1,  2  (gif  bser  bonne  sie  gierd  mid  to  Sreageanne,  sie  baer  eac  stcef  mid 
to  wreSianne),  but  also  the  infinitive  used  “as  predicate  after  the  verb  to  he  ” 
and  “expressing  duty,  obligation,  or  necessity,”  as  in  Chron.  215/  1083  E  (ba 
munecas  .  .  .  nyston  hwet  heom  to  donne  wcere).  As  was  stated  on  p.  5 
above,  the  infinitive  of  necessity  is  by  most  scholars2  put  under  the  predicative 
(or  more  verbal)  use;  nor  does  the  Dictionary  seem  to  me  to  justify  its  de¬ 
parture  here  from  the  general  custom.  The  subdivisions  of  group  II,  as  given 
by  the  Dictionary ,  are :  — 

“a.  Expressing  intention  or  appointment  (cf.  I,  6),  and  hence  simple 
futurity  (thus  equivalent  to  a  future  participle),”  as  in  Greg.  127.1,  2  above. 
See,  too,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  173  ff.,  above. 

“b.  Expressing  duty,  obligation,  or  necessity,”  as  in  Chron.  215/  1083  E 
above. 

“c.  Expressing  possibility  or  potential  action,”  of  which  the  following  is 
given  as  an  example  in  Anglo-Saxon:  —  Mlj.  Hept.:  Gen.  28.20:  Gif  Drihten 
.  .  .  sylb  me  hlaf  to  etenne  and  reaf  to  werigenne. 

“d.  Expressing  quality  or  character,”  of  which  no  example  is  given  from 
Anglo-Saxon,  the  earliest  in  the  Dictionary  belonging  to  the  fifteenth  century. 

“12.  With  infinitive  equivalent  to  a  relative  clause  with  indicative;  chiefly 


3  The  earliest  example  in  the  Dictionary  is  from  1300  (A  Sarmun). 

2  Mr.  Onions,  however,  l.  c.,  §  169,  puts  this  infinitive  under  the  adverbial  use. 


338 


ADDENDA. 


after  first,  last,  or  the  like  (in  this  case  =  in  with  gerund) :  as  the  first  to  come  = 
‘the  first  in  coming/  ‘the  first  who  comes  or  came.’”  The  earliest  example 
given  is  from  Coverdale  (1535):  2  Sam .  19.11:  “Why  wyl  ye  be  the  last  to 
fetch  the  kynge  agayne  unto  his  house?” 

Under  “III.  With  infinitive  in  substantival  relation,”  the  Dictionary 
gives  two  larger  subdivisions :  — 

“13a.  With  infinitive  as  subject,  or  as  object  with  complement,  intro¬ 
duced  by  it  or  an  impersonal  verb;  in  quotations  c.  1205  without  it:”  see 
the  paragraph  on  the  differentiation  of  the  two  infinitives  as  subject,  in  the 
present  note. 

“6.  With  infinitive  as  direct  subject  or  predicate,  or  in  apposition  with  a 
substantive  or  pronoun,  or  after  than :  often  replaceable  by  the  gerund  or 
verbal  substantive  in  -ing.”  Of  this  use  no  example  is  given  from  Anglo- 
Saxon,  but  see  Chapter  I,  pp.  7  ff.,  and  Chapter  III,  pp.  73  ff.,  above,  where 
examples  are  given  from  Anglo-Saxon. 

“14a.  With  infinitive  as  direct  object  of  a  transitive  verb,”  of  which  ex¬ 
amples  are  unnecessary  here.  See  the  paragraph  on  the  differentiation  of  the 
two  infinitives  as  object,  in  the  present  note,  and  Chapter  II,  pp.  28  ff.,  above. 
The  Dictionary  puts  here,  allowably,  the  infinitive  with  auxiliary  verbs,  while 
I  have  put  this  under  the  predicative  use:  see  p.  79  above. 

“6.  Rarely  as  object  of  another  preposition,  instead  of  the  verbal  substan¬ 
tive  or  gerund.  (Probably  imitating  French  use.)  ”  No  example  is  given 
from  Anglo-Saxon;  nor  have  I  found  any  clear  example.  But  see  Chapter  III, 
p.  78,  above. 

Under  “IV.  With  infinitive  equivalent  to  a  finite  verb  or  clause,”  we  have 
these  subdivisions  in  the  Dictionary:  — 

“15.  With  infinitive  as  complement  to  a  substantive  or  pronoun,  forming  a  compound 
object  or  substantive  phrase,  corresponding  to  the  ‘accusative  and  infinitive >  construction 
in  Latin  and  Greek.” 

The  Dictionary  states  that  the  prepositional  infinitive  is  found  in  this  construc¬ 
tion  (a)  “after  verbs  of  commanding,  teaching,  desiring,  causing,  allowing, 
or  the  like;  equivalent  to  a  that- clause  with  the  substantive  or  pronoun 
governing  a  verb  in  the  subjunctive;”  also  “after  the  passive  of  such  verbs, 
the  substantive  or  pronoun  then  becoming  the  subject;”  (5)  “after  verbs  of 
saying,  thinking,  knowing,  perceiving,  or  the  like;  equivalent  to  a  ^a^-clause 
with  verb  in  the  indicative;”  also  “after  the  passive  of  such  verbs,  and  after 
intransitive  verbs  of  like  meaning,  as  seem,  happen,  etc.”  The  Dictionary 
gives  only  two  examples  from  Anglo-Saxon,  one  after  Iceran,  ‘teach/  and  one 
after  tcecan,  ‘teach.’  But  see  Chapter  VIII,  pp.  118-119,  above,  where  these 
and  other  examples  are  given.  The  Dictionary  states,  also,  that  more  com¬ 
monly,  after  each  of  these  groups  of  verbs,  the  simple  infinitive  occurs  in  this 
construction  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

“16.  With  infinitive  after  a  dependent  interrogative  or  relative;  equivalent  to  a  clause 
with  may,  should,  etc.  (Sometimes  with  ellipsis  of  whether  before  or  in  an  alternative  de¬ 
pendent  question.)  ” 

No  example  is  given  from  Anglo-Saxon,  but  the  following  is  given  from  Chau¬ 
cer’s  Man  of  Law’s  Tale,  358:  “She  hath  no  wight  to  whom  to  make  hir  mone.” 


ADDENDA. 


339 


“17.  In  absolute  or  independent  construction,  with  subject  expressed  (in  nominative)  or 
omitted:  in  exclamations  expressing  astonishment,  indignation,  sorrow,  or  (after  0  or  other 
interjections)  longing.” 

Again,  no  example  is  given  from  Anglo-Saxon,  but  compare  my  comment  on 
Oros.  45.15-16,  p.  169  above.  The  earliest  example  given  by  the  Dictionary 
is  dated  1450,  and  is  from  the  Coventry  Mysteries,  viii.  77:  “I  to  bere  a  childe 
that  xal  bere  alle  mannys  blyss  ...  ho  my  the  have  joys  more?” 

“18.  With  infinitive  immediately  following  the  subject,  in  vivid  narrative,  equivalent 
to  a  past  tense  indicative;  almost  always  with  go  and  verbs  of  like  meaning.” 

No  example  is  given  from  Anglo-Saxon,  but  the  following  is  from  Layamon’s 
Brut,  21655:  “  Ah  Arbur  com  sone  mid  selere  strengbe,  And  Scottes  to  fleonne 
feor  of  ban  aerde.”  See  my  note  concerning  supposed  examples  of  the  his¬ 
torical  infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  6,  above. 

As  implicitly  stated  already,  I  should  put  under  group  IV  the  infinitive 
with  auxiliary  verbs  and  the  infinitive  of  necessity  with  beon  ( wesan ),  although 
the  Dictionary  puts  the  former  under  the  substantival  (objective)  use  and  the 
latter  under  the  adjectival  use. 

Besides  these  four  chief  groups,  the  Dictionary  has  another  group,  “ V . 
Peculiar  constructions,”  subdivided  as  follows:  — 

“19.  To  was  formerly  often  used  with  the  second  of  two  infinitives  when  the  first  was 
without  it,  especially  after  an  auxiliary,  with  words  intervening  between  the  infinitives. 
(See  also  note  s.  v.  than,  conj.1)” 

The  earliest  example  given  is  from  Layamon’s  Brut,  1220:  “Swa  he  gon 
slomnen  &  ber  sefter  to  slepen.”  For  a  somewhat  similar  phenomenon  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  see  pp.  77  and  147  above. 

“20.  Occasionally  an  adverb  or  adverbial  phrase  (formerly  sometimes  an  object  or  predi¬ 
cate)  is  inserted  between  to  and  the  infinitive,  forming  the  construction  now  usually  (but 
loosely)  called  ‘split  infinitive.’  (See  Onions,  Advanced  English  Syntax,  177.)” 

The  earliest  example  given  is  from  the  Cursor  Mundi,  8318  (Cott.  &  Fairf.): 
“To  temple  make  he  sal  be  best.”  See  p.  148  above,  where  I  have  given  a 
brief  note  on  this  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

“21.  Used  absolutely  at  the  end  of  a  clause,  with  ellipsis  of  the  infinitive,  which  is  to  be 
supplied  from  the  preceding  clause.  Rare  before  19th  century;  now  a  frequent  colloquialism.” 

The  earliest  example  given  is  from  the  fourteenth-century  Minor  Poems  from 
Vernon  Manuscript,  xxxiii.  74:  “Be  soules  of  synners,  .  .  .  be r  to  take  and 
resseyue  so  As  tSei  on  eorbe  deserueden  to.”  See,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  note,  the  quotation  from  Mr.  Olaf  Johnsen  and  my  comment  thereon. 

“22.  Instead  of  the  dative  infinitive,  the  gerund  in  -ing  was  sometimes  used  after  to: 
probably  originating  in  a  phonetic  confusion  of  -en  and  -in(g),  but  later  perhaps  with  the 
notion  of  a  future  action  (cf.  11a);  as  to  coming  =  ‘to  come/  or  ‘coming:’  see  also  come,  v., 
32  P  (after  c).  Obsolete.” 

The  earliest  example  given  is  from  Wyclif,  Num.  32.7:  “Thei  doren  not  passe 
into  the  place  that  the  Lord  is  to  gyuynge  to  hem.” 


M.  C.,  Jr. 


' 


. 


"  '  •• 


... 


•• 


- 


.  '  ' 


. 


.  ■  1 


1.  IN  PROSE. 

1 

Use: 

Total  in 
Prose  and 
in  Poetry. 

Total  in 
Prose. 

Total  in 
Poetry. 

Bede. 

Boeth. 

a 

Gi- 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

U. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

Subjective . 

104 

252 

96 

226 

8 

26 

9 

8 

8 

11 

2 

Objective . 

2709 

529 

2218 

512 

491 

17 

262 

26 

110 

42 

39 

Other  Substantival  Uses: 

(1)  As  an  Appositive  . . 

44 

15 

41 

15 

3 

6 

1 

2 

1 

(2)  As  a  Predicate  Nominative  .... 

9 

13 

9 

11 

2 

1 

Predicative  with  Auxiliary  Verbs*  .... 

38 

36 

2 

Predicative  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  Rest 

129 

20 

109 

1 

1 

Predicative  with  (TP) uton . 

614 

572 

42 

6 

8 

1 

Predicative  with  Beon  ( Wesan ):  ** 

(1)  Of  Necessity,  Passive  in  Sense  .  .  . 

654 

240 

646 

238 

8 

2 

62 

19 

30 

10 

291 

(2)  Of  Necessity,  Active  in  Sense  .  .  . 

,  . 

23 

,  t 

23 

2 

1 

(3)  Of  Futurity . 

17 

.  . 

17 

1 

(4)  Of  Purpose . 

11 

1 

10 

1 

1 

1 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Object . 

1512 

15 

1037 

15 

475 

88 

4 

21 

1 

23 

(2)  As  Subject . 

7 

.  , 

7 

Final . 

442 

541 

323 

526 

119 

15 

15 

88 

7 

8 

Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 

6 

241 

4 

217 

2 

24 

1 

17 

17 

Other  Adverbial  Uses: 

(1)  Absolute  Use . 

2 

17 

2 

16 

1 

9 

(2)  Of  Cause . 

6 

7 

4 

6 

2 

1 

3 

(3)  Of  Result,  with  Adjectives  .... 

29 

,  , 

27 

2 

1 

1 

(4)  Of  Result,  with  Verbs . 

46 

#  m 

45 

1 

5 

1 

(5)  Of  Specification,  with  Verbs  .... 

4 

,  , 

4 

,  , 

,  , 

1 

.  , 

Infinitive  with  Nouns . 

4 

242 

3 

234 

1 

8 

47 

11 

*  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  with  Auxi]l 

3 

Subjective . . 

9 

39 

9 

38 

1 

7 

1 

4 

Objective . 

19 

6 

18 

6 

1 

6 

2 

Predicative  with  Quasi-Auxiliary  .... 

3 

3 

,  , 

,  , 

.  , 

.  . 

.  , 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Subject . 

i 

,  , 

1 

Final  . 

4 

81 

3 

80 

1 

1 

,  , 

17 

Other  Adverbial  Uses: 

(1)  Of  Result . 

17 

,  , 

15 

#  , 

2 

.  , 

3 

(2)  Of  Specification . 

2 

2 

mm  |  i 

Subjective . 

8 

8 

1 

Objective . 

24 

24 

7 

1 

Predicative  with  Auxiliary  Verbs: 

(1)  With  Beon . 

641 

640 

1 

89 

9 

36 

(2)  With  Weor^San . 

40 

23 

17 

2 

1 

3 

(3)  With  Wesan . 

10 

3 

7 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Object . 

52 

50 

2 

31 

(2)  As  Subject . 

7 

7 

3 

Predicative  with  (W)uton . 

3 

3 

.  . 

.  . 

.  . 

.  • 

Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 

1 

1 

•  • 

•  * 

•  • 

1 

Objective . 

5 

.  , 

5 

t  f 

4 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Subject . 

1 

•  • 

1 

1 

Appendix  D. 

SYNOPTIC  TABLES  OF  THE  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 


1.  IN  PROSE, 


The  Active  Infinitive  with  Active  Verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon:  Synoptic  Table  of  the  Uses  of. 


2.  IN  POETRY. 


Use: 

Total  in 
Prose  and 
In  Poetry. 

Total  In 
Prose. 

Total  In 
Poetry. 

Bede. 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

Oros. 

Solll. 

Summary 
of  Alfred. 

Pr.  Ps. 

Chron. 

Laws. 

Waerf. 

Bened. 

Bl.  Horn. 

Pr. 

Gu. 

Mart. 

-Elf. 

Horn. 

/Elf. 

Hept. 

.Elf. 

L.  S. 

A.  S.  Horn, 
and 

L.  S.,  I. 

.Elfrlc's 

Minor 

Prose. 

Summary 
of  .Elfrlc. 

A.S.  Horn, 
and  L.  S., 
II. 

G 

Mat. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

U. 

I. 

u 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

U. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

U. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

Subjective . 

104 

252 

96 

226 

8 

26 

9 

8 

8 

11 

2 

22 

1 

17 

11 

18 

31 

76 

2 

10 

7 

12 

9 

2 

6 

2 

1 

3 

1 

1 

4 

28 

5 

5 

23 

6 

11 

2 

20 

64 

1 

1 

6 

Objective . 

2709 

529 

2218 

512 

491 

17 

262 

26 

110 

42 

39 

59 

134 

9 

4 

26 

549 

163 

7 

12 

137 

26 

12 

22 

276 

19 

5 

11 

71 

6 

14 

2 

168 

1 

217 

71 

51 

42 

374 

60 

20 

9 

11 

9 

673 

191 

62 

7 

21 

9 

Other  Substantival  Uses: 

(1)  As  an  Appositive . 

44 

15 

41 

15 

3 

6 

1 

2 

1 

2 

7 

1 

4 

15 

6 

1 

3 

2 

12 

2 

2 

4 

4 

2 

(2)  As  a  Predicate  Nominative  . 

9 

13 

9 

11 

2 

1 

1 

1 

6 

5 

2 

1 

8 

6 

1 

Predicative  with  Auxiliary  Verbs*  . 

38 

36 

2 

4 

14 

1 

1 

1 

Predicative  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  Rest 

129 

20 

109 

1 

1 

2 

3 

5 

4 

2 

2 

3 

Predicative  with  ( IF)  uton  .  . 

614 

572 

42 

6 

8 

1 

2 

9 

26 

2 

33 

7 

44 

1 

100 

36 

25 

2 

5 

168 

26 

6 

Predicative  with  Beon  {Wesan):  ** 

(1)  Of  Necessity,  Passive  in  Sense  .  .  . 

654 

240 

646 

238 

8 

2 

62 

19 

30 

10 

291 

56 

3 

2 

1 

387 

86 

1 

2 

2 

16 

4 

37 

41 

41 

8 

17 

13 

2 

2 

40 

25 

1 

11 

12 

2 

6 

18 

59 

56 

7 

11 

2 

(2)  Of  Necessity,  Active  in  Sense  .  . 

23 

23 

2 

1 

2 

5 

1 

2 

1 

5 

1 

4 

1 

11 

(3)  Of  Futurity . 

17 

1 

1 

1 

1 

4 

4 

(4)  Of  Purpose . 

11 

1 

10 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

3 

1 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Object . 

1512 

15 

1037 

15 

475 

88 

4 

21 

1 

23 

i 

27 

1 

9 

16S 

7 

11 

22 

2 

6 

77 

2 

3 

55 

1 

15 

50 

133 

56 

1 

166 

2 

19 

IS 

392 

3 

22 

12 

(2)  As  Subject . 

7 

7 

Final . 

442 

541 

323 

526 

119 

15 

15 

88 

7 

8 

28 

2 

13 

2 

25 

138 

7 

24 

1 

14 

4 

36 

3 

2 

17 

1 

3 

4 

6 

72 

7 

41 

7 

55 

10 

9 

12 

29 

190 

3 

8 

15 

15 

Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 

6 

241 

4 

217 

2 

24 

1 

17 

17 

37 

14 

4 

1 

89 

3 

4 

5 

9 

3 

12 

1 

1 

2 

26 

8 

1 

19 

1 

1 

3 

55 

1 

Other  Adverbial  Uses: 

(1)  Absolute  Use . 

2 

17 

2 

16 

1 

9 

2 

2 

9 

(2)  Of  Cause . 

6 

7 

4 

6 

o 

1 

3 

3 

1 

2 

1 

1 

2 

(3)  Of  Result,  with  Adjectives 

29 

27 

2 

1 

1 

2 

1 

3 

8 

3 

5 

1 

2 

1 

1 

2 

6 

(4)  Of  Result,  with  Verbs . 

46 

45 

1 

5 

1 

3 

9 

1 

4 

1 

2 

9 

1 

5 

1 

2 

IS 

(5)  Of  Specification,  with  Verbs  .... 

4 

4 

1 

1 

1 

2 

3 

Infinitive  with  Nouns . 

4 

242 

3 

234 

1 

8 

47 

11 

13 

4 

6 

81 

1 

6 

4 

20 

5 

3 

2 

3 

1 

31 

5 

17 

1 

10 

63 

5 

U. 


u. 


u. 


Summary 
of  Gospels. 


u. 


26 


U. 


230 

24 


15 


10 


U. 


100 

211 


44 


U. 


The  Uninflected  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs  has  not  been  tabulated. 


In  this  block  the  first  column  gives  the  total  of  Personal  Subject;  the  second,  of  the  Impersonal  Subject;  — each  witli  the  infinitive  inflected.  For  the  few  instances  of  Beon  ( Wesan )  followed  by  the  uninflected  infinitive,  see  Chapter  VII. 


The  Active  Infinitive  with  Passive  Verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon 


Subjective . . 

Objective . 

Predicative  with  Quasi-Auxiliary 
Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Subject . 

Final  . 

Other  Adverbial  Uses: 

(1)  Of  Result . 

(2)  Of  Specification . 


14 


10 


The  Passive  Infinitive  with  Active  Verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon 


Subjective . 

Objective . 

Predicative  with  Auxiliary  Verbs: 

(1)  With  Beon . 

(2)  With  WeorlSan . 

(3)  With  Wesan . 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 

(1)  As  Object  .  - . 

(2)  As  Subject . 

Predicative  with  (W)uton . 

Infinitive  with  Adjectives . 


8 

24 

641 

40 

10 

52 

7 

3 

1 


24 

640 

23 

3 

50 

7 

3 

1 


89 


139 

8 


18 


106 


34 


29 


Synoptic  Table  of  the  Uses  of. 


Synoptic  Table  of  the  Uses  of. 


16 


The  Passive  Infinitive  with  Passive  Verbs  in  Anglo-Saxon:  Synoptic  Table  of  the  Uses  of. 


Objective . 

Predicative  with  Accusative  Subject: 
(1)  As  Subject . 


Dan. 

Az. 

Chr. 

El. 

Jul. 

Gu. 

And. 

Rid. 

Ph. 

Jud. 

P 

s. 

Met. 

Minor 

Poems. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

u. 

i. 

u. 

I. 

1 

3 

2 

1 

3 

1 

6 

6 

1 

1 

18 

1 

6 

1 

52 

40 

1 

24 

1 

43 

1 

9 

3 

10 

52 

1 

23 

1 

76 

7 

2 

1 

1 

5 

1 

2 

17 

7 

4 

2 

3 

1 

14 

4 

1 

14 

16 

2 

1 

3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

23 

1 

24 

20 

15 

13 

50 

41 

12 

18 

8 

94 

3 

1 

4 

2 

1 

2 

12 

7 

1 

4 

1 

1 

5 

1 

10 

1 

2 

3 

2 

1 

3 

2 

1 

1 

6 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

